ii 


iiiiiiiilliiipiiiiliiiiliill^ 


:i:i-i: 
!•*!:!; 


M:m^. 


Henry  Clay  as  a  }oun<2;  man 

Fr'jtn  a  miniature  now  in  possession  of  Mrs.  John  Clay,  of  Lexington,  Kentucky. 


KENTUCKY 


IN 


THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 


BY 


ROBERT  McNUTT  McELROY,  Ph.D. 

ASSISTANT    PROFESSOR    OF    AMERICAN     HISTORY 
PRINCETON    UNIVERSITY 


ILLUSTRATED,  WITH     MAP     AND    HISTORICAL   PORTRAITS 


NEW    YORK 
MOFFAT,  YARD   AND    COMPANY 

1909 


Copyright,  ipog,  by 
MOFFAT,   YARD   AND    COMPANY 


All  rights  reserved 
Published,  November,   iqoq 


M  1  ^"^ 


TO   MY   FATHER 


186S34 


PREFACE 

As  this  volume  represents  a  conscious  departure  from 
the  customary  method  of  deahng  with   State  history,   a 
word  of  explanation,  as  to  my  object,  is  necessary.     The 
real  aim  of  the  study  of  State  history,  as  I  conceive  it, 
should  be  to  add  to  our  knowledge  of  the  nation,  as  the 
day  for  the  cultivation  of  a  purely  local  patriotism— if,  in- 
deed, that  day  ever  existed— has  passed  forever.    To  write 
of  the  history  of  a  State  as  though  it  were  something  apart 
from  the  nation  is  not  only  to  violate  the  "unity  of  his- 
tory," but  also  to  deprive  the  nation  of  a  valuable  source 
of  information   concerning  national   events.      In   making 
historical  investigations,  from  time  to  time,  I  have  been 
impressed  by  the  fact  that  much  material,  bearing  upon 
the  nation's  history,  lies  buried  in  local  archives  and  pri- 
vate collections.     For  the  student  of  purely  local  history, 
most  of  this  material  is  of  little  value,  relating,  as  it  does' 
to   distinctly   national    questions,   while,    to   the   national 
historian,  it  is  inaccessible,  it  being  obviously  impossible 
for  the  investigator,  in  such  broad  fields,  to  delve  very 
deeply  into  local  treasuries. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  present  volume,  I  have  studied 
the  local  collections  from  the  point  of  view  of  one  primarily 
interested  in  the  nation.  Such  local  events  as  have  had  a 
distinctly  national  influence,  as  well  as  such  national  events 
as  have  particularly  afl^ected  local  conditions,  have  been 
my  concern.    A  typical  example  of  the  first  is  presented  in 


PREFACE 

the  Kcntuck)-  Resolutions  of  1798,  and,  of  the  second,  in 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana. 

I  have  been  priniariK  aided,  in  my  work,  by  the  fact 
that,  for  over  half  a  century.  Colonel  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  | 
the  father  and  president  of  the  Filson  Club,  has  devoted  i 
himself  to  the  task  of  collecting  and  preserving  all  avail- 
able material,  bearing  upon  Kentucky.  His  priceless  col- 
lection has  been  placed  at  my  disposal,  and  I  have,  also, 
frech'  drawn  upon  his  unexcelled  knowledge  of  Kentucky 
histor\',  in  all  of  its  phases;  while  a  large  portion  of  my 
manuscript,  when  completed,  was  carefully  examined  and 
criticised  b\  him. 

For   information,   given   in   personal   interviews,    I   am   \ 
particularh'  indebted  to  General  Simon  Bolivar  Buckner,    ' 
Colonel  J.  Stoddard  Johnston,  and  Mr.  Justice  Harlan  of 
the   United    States   Supreme   Court,   of  whom   the   latter 
rendered  me  the  great  service  of  reading  the  major  part  of 
the  proof  sheets  of  the  book. 

"  w'odoneyo," 
North  New  Castle,  Maine, 
September  23,  1909. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 


Author's  Preface 
I.  The  Vanguard  of  the  Westward  Movement    . 
II.   Transylvania,   the  Last  Experiment   in    Proprietary 
Government     ..... 

III.  Kentucky's  Part  in  the  American  Revolution 

IV.  Kentucky  Enters  the  Union  . 
V.   Harmar,  Wilkinson  and  St.  Clair  . 

VI.   One  Phase  of  the  Genet  Mission   . 
VII.   Conflicts  over  the  Commercial  Highway  of  the  West 
VIII.   The  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  I  798  and  1799 
IX.   Kentucky  and  the  Purchase  of  Louisiana 
X.  The  Burr  Conspiracy    .... 
XI.   Kentucky  in  the  War  of  18 1 2 
XII.  A  Chapter  in  Financial  History 

XIII.  Kentucky  in  the  War  with  Mexico 

XIV.  Last  Days  of  the  "  Great  Commoner."    . 
XV.   Atchison,  Dixon  and  the  Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 

promise   ...... 

XVI.   Loyal  to  the  Union        .... 

A  Critical  Bibliography  of  Kentucky  History 
Index  ...... 


33 
62 

114 

147 
163 

185 
21 1 
265 
277 
31S 

377 
408 

455 

483 

500 

547 
579 


KENTUCKY    IN    THE    NATION'S 
HISTORY 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT 

For  almost  two  hundred  years  after  the  first  voyage 
of  Columbus  the  interior  of  the  North  American  conti- 
nent remained  a  trackless  wilderness.  The  adventurous 
Spaniards  in  the  South,  in  their  mad  search  for  gold, 
had  indeed  discovered  the  Mississippi  River,  and  had 
buried  within  its  mysterious  waters  the  body  of  their 
heroic  leader,  De  Soto,  but  of  the  sources  of  that  river, 
and  of  the  great  valley  drained  by  it,  the  world  was  al- 
most as  ignorant  in  1692  as  it  had  been  two  hundred  years 
earlier.  Those  two  centuries  had  been  centuries  of  such 
rapid  progress  in  geographical  discovery  that  it  had  been 
quite  impossible  for  even  the  educated  classes  to  assimi- 
late the  geographical  knowledge  laid  before  them,  and  it 
is  in  no  wise  remarkable  that,  even  after  the  permanent 
colonization  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard  was  well  under  way, 
men  should  have  followed  with  eagerness  every  strip  of 
water  extending  westward,  in  the  hope  that  it  would  lead 
them  into  the  great  South  Sea  which  Balboa  had  discov- 
ered and  Magellan  had  been  the  first  to  cross.  It  is  quite 
natural  also  that  among  the  instructions  sent  by  the  Vir- 
ginia Company  (1608)  to  Captain  John  Smith  and  his 
fellow  colonists  at  Jamestown,  was  the  command  to  dis- 

Kentucky — i  i 


2  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

cover  a  passage  to  the  South  Sea,^  and  that  Henry  Hudson 
should  have  followed,  with  the  same  hope,  the  course  of 
the  mighty  river  which  bears  his  name.^ 

What  was  true  of  these  men  was  true  of  many  who 
followed  them.  It  took  an  enormous  amount  of  investi- 
gation to  convince  the  world  that  the  continent  of  North 
America  was  a  vast  mainland,  through  which  it  was  vain 
to  seek  a  passage  by  water  to  the  Pacific,  and  it  should 
not  astonish  us,  therefore,  to  find  that  the  two  mien  who, 
at  almost  the  same  time,  discovered  the  Kentucky  region 
were  engaged  in  this  search. 

Of  these  the  first  was  no  less  a  personage  than  the 
famous  explorer,  Robert  Cavelier  de  La  Salle,  a  na- 
tive of  Rouen  in  France,  who  at  the  age  of  twenty-three 
had  migrated  to  Canada  and  was  soon  deeply  involved 
in  studying  this  problem.  His  faith  in  the  existence  of 
such  a  stream  was  strengthened  from  time  to  time  by 
Indian  tales,  those  uncertain  guides  which  had  led  many 
a  gallant  explorer  to  his  death.  Entering  the  Alle- 
gheny near  its  source,  he  passed  down  the  Ohio,  until 
he  came  to  the  Falls  where  the  city  of  Louisville  now 
stands.^ 

"  In  making  this  long  journey,"  says  Colonel  Durrett,'* 
"he  was  the  discoverer  of  Kentucky  from  the  Big  Sandy 
to  the  Rapids  of  the  Ohio,  and  was  the  first  white  man 
whose  eyes  looked  Eastward  from  the  beautiful  river  to 

1  J.  A.  Doyle,  "The  English  in  America,"  p.  165;  J.  E.  Cooke,  "Virginia," 

P-  45- 

'  Fiske,  "Discovery  of  America,"  II,  p.  546. 

3  I  purposely  omit  the  somewhat  doubtful  claim  that  Louis  de  Moscoso  in 
1543  passed  along  the  southern  boundary  line  of  Kentucky  with  his  forlorn 
band  of  Spanish  adventurers.  Collins,  I,  14  and  509.  Durrett's  "Filson," 
p.  32,  accepts  the  story.     " Encyclopa;dia  Britannica,"  La  Salle. 

*  Durrett's  "Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  p.  15. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT       3 

the  Bluegrass  Land  which  forms  the  Garden  Spot  of  the 
State." 

Only  two  years  after  La  Salle's  visit,  there  came  into 
the  Kentucky  region  the  representative  of  the  race  which 
was  soon  to  dispute  with  France  the  possession  of  the 
district.  In  167 1,  General  Abraham  Wood,  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  testy  old  Tory  Governor  of  Virginia,  Sir  Wil- 
liam Berkeley,  sent  out  Captain  Thomas  Batts  with  a 
party  in  search  of  the  river  which  would  lead  to  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean. ^  Whether  or  not  Batts  actually  crossed  the 
Big  Sandy  and  entered  the  territory  now  comprised  in 
the  State  of  Kentucky,  it  is  quite  impossible  to  determine 
from  his  journal,  but  he  at  least  traced  the  pathway  from 
the  old  settlements  of  Virginia  to  the  trackless  wilderness 
beyond  the  mountains.^ 

For  almost  half  a  century  after  the  Batts  expedition,  we 
have  no  record  or  tradition  of  visits  of  white  men  to  the 
wilderness  of  Kentucky.  And  when  we  again  come,  with 
the  year  1730,^  to  brief  records  of  such  visits  they  tell  us 

1  Cf .  Durrett's  "Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  p.  13.  Colonel  Durrett  has  in 
his  collection  a  MS.  copy  of  Captain  Batts'  "  Journal."  It  is  published  in 
Vol.  Ill  of  the  "Documents  Relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  York," 
pp.  193-197. 

2  This  is  probably  the  journey  which  Daniel  Coxe  had  in  mind  when,  in  his 
"Description  of  the  English  Province  of  Carolana,"  he  tells  of  a  certain  Col- 
onel Wood  of  Virginia,  who  had  discovered  various  branches  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  Rivers.  Durrett's  "Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  p.  12;  Butler's  Ken- 
tucky, 2d  Ed.,  p.  499;  Collins,  I,  p.  14;  Long's  "Expedition,"  I,  p.  236; 
Albach's  "Western  Annals,"  p.  94,  repeat  the  story. 

3  In  1730,  however,  a  certain  John  Sailing  of  Williamsburg,  Va.,  was  cap- 
tured near  the  James  River  by  a  band  of  Cherokee  Indians  and  carried  as  far  as 
the  Salt  Licks  of  Kentucky.  Here  he  made  his  escape,  but  was  again  captured 
by  a  band  of  Illinois  Indians  and  taken  on  to  Kaskaskia,  whence,  having  es- 
caped a  second  time,  he  returned  to  Virginia,  probably  by  way  of  the  Cumber- 
land Gap.  "The  Annals  of  Kentucky"  (Collins,  I,  p.  15)  state  that  Sailing 
was  ransomed  at  Kaskaskia  and  returned  to  Virginia  by  way  of  Canada.  Cf. 
also  Wither's  "Border  Warfare,"  p.  43;  Butler's  "Kentucky,"  2d  Ed.,  p.  21. 


4  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

still  only  of  chance  wanderings  in  the  region,  and  give  very 
little  beyond  the  bare  statement  of  personal  hardships  and 
dangers.^ 

The  knowledge  of  the  western  wilderness  which  the 
reports  of  such  casual  visitors  gave  to  the  people  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  of  the  other  settlements  east  of  the  mountains, 
must  have  been  extremely  vague,  but  in  spite  of  their 
ignorance  concerning  the  district  lying  beyond  the  west- 
ern mountains  the  people  of  Virginia,  as  early  as  1749,  had 
begun  to  cast  wistful  glances  in  that  direction,  suspecting 
that  the  day  was  soon  to  come  when  this  country  would 
be  of  value,  and  questioning  how  they  could  best  secure 
those  lands,  whose  ownership  the  French  were  already 
preparing  to  dispute  with  them.  Following  the  precedent 
set  by  England  in  her  efforts  to  colonize  the  Atlantic 
seaboard,  some  of  her  leading  citizens  organized  land 
companies  with  a  view  to  buying  up  vast  tracts  of  this 
western  wilderness,  inducing  settlers  to  migrate  thither 
by  giving  them  grants  of  land,  and  thus  causing  the  rest 
to  rise  in  value  so  as  to  repay  the  expenses  of  the  venture. 

The  most  important  of  these  companies,  from  the  stand- 
point of  Kentucky  history,  were  the  so-called  "Loyal 
Company"  and  the  "Ohio  Company."  Of  these  the 
former  was  the  first  to  act,  and  Dr.  Thomas  Walker  of 
Albemarle  County,  Virginia,  was  selected  to  take  charge 
of  the  task  of  locating  lands  granted  it  by  Virginia.    Late 

1  In  1739  Longueil  descended  the  Ohio  from  Canada  and  discovered  the 
famous  Big  Bone  Lick  in  Kentucky,  and  the  same  year  the  hostile  attitude  of 
the  Chickasaw  Indians  caused  the  French  authorities  in  Canada  to  send  troops 
down  the  Ohio  to  punish  them.    "Annals,"  Collins,  I,  p.  15. 

Durrett's  "Filson,"  pp.  31-32;  De  Hass,  "Western  Virginia,"  p.  48,  note; 
for  description  of  visit  of  John  Howard,  in  1742,  which  served  as  one  of  the 
grounds  for  the  English  claim  to  the  Ohio  Valley.     Collins,  I,  p.  15,  note. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT       5 

in  the  summer  of  1749  he  prepared  his  expedition,  con- 
sisting of  himself  and  five  companions.^ 

On  March  6,  1750,  they  began  their  journey  toward 
the  west  and  shortly  reached  the  pass  in  the  mountains 
named  by  them  Cumberland  Gap.^  Crossing  through 
this  they  came  into  southeastern  Kentucky,  which  had 
never  before  been  visited  by  white  men,  and  proceeding 
to  the  Cumberland  River,  ascended  it  to  a  point  near  the 
present  town  of  Barboursville.^    On  the  northwest  side  of 

1  Colonel  Durrett,  in  his  "Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  which  I  follow  largely 
in  discussing  this  topic,  says  that  of  these  five  men  the  names  of  only  three, 
Ambrose  Powell,  Colby  Chew  and Tomlinson  are  preserved.    P.  21. 

Collins,  however,  gives  two  lists,  one  mentioning  only  Walker,  Powell  and 
Chew  (Vol.  II,  p.  415),  while  in  the  other  he  mentions  Walker,  Wood,  Paton, 
Buchanan  and  Captain  Charles  Campbell  by  name  and  adds  that  others  also 
were  with  him.  Vol.  I,  p.  510.  Walker's  own  journal,  however,  settles  the 
matter  at  the  very  beginning  thus:  "Having,  on  the  12th  of  December  last, 
been  employed  for  a  certain  consideration  to  go  Westward  in  order  to  discover 
a  proper  place  for  settlement,  I  left  my  house  on  the  sixth  day  of  March,  at 
ten  o'clock,  1749-50,  in  company  with  Ambrose  Powell,  William  Tomlinson, 
Colby  Chew,  Henry  Lawless  and  John  Hughes.  ..."  Journal  reproduced 
in  Johnson's  "First  Explorations  of  Kentucky"  (Filson  Club  Publications, 
No.  13).  This  opening  sentence  is  quoted  by  Hulbert —  "Boone's  Wilder- 
ness Road,"  p.  50. 

2  The  year  of  the  discoveiy,  says  Collins,  was  preserved  by  the  distinct  recol- 
lection of  Dr.  Walker  himself  and  by  the  fact  that  Powell  carved  his  name  and 
the  date  1750  upon  a  tree  near  the  gap.  This  inscription  was  pointed  out  to 
Isaac  Shelby  by  Dr.  Walker  in  1770.     Collins,  II,  p.  416. 

Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  6,  is  evidently  at  error  when  he  assigns  the  dis- 
covery of  Cumberland  Gap  to  an  e.xpedition  made  by  Walker  in  1758.  The 
"Journal"  of  this  expedition,  a  copy  of  which  is  among  the  Durrett  MSS., 
omits  ten  days,  and  they  happen  to  be  the  ten  days  which  should  contain  an 
account  of  the  passage  through  the  "Gap."  This  probably  accounts  for  the 
confusion  which  has  arisen  concerning  the  discovery  of  the  "Gap."  Walker's 
"Journal"  was  published  in  1888  by  Little,  Brown  &  Co. 

3  The  Barboursville  in  what  is  now  Knox  County,  Kentucky,  must  not  be 
confused  with  the  Barboursville  just  east  of  Huntington  in  West  Virginia. 
Pownall,  in  his  "North  America,"  p.  34,  says,  "As  for  the  branches  of  the 
Ohio  which  head  in  the  New  Virginia,  I  am  particularly  obliged  to  Dr.  Thomas 
Walker,  for  the  intelligence  of  what  names  they  bear,  and  what  Rivers  they 
fall  into.  ..." 


6  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  river  they  selected  the  site  for  the  erection  of  the  head- 
quarters of  the  proposed  settlements.  Land  was  cleared 
and  a  log  house  constructed.  It  was  completed  on  April  25, 
1750,  and  was  the  first  house  erected  by  white  men  within 
the  State. 1  But  the  builders,  terrified  by  wandering 
bands  of  savages,  deserted  their  "settlement"  only  a  few 
days  after  its  completion,  and  twenty  years  passed  before 
this  or  any  other  site  within  the  Kentucky  wilderness  served 
as  a  permanent  abode  for  the  hardy  adventurers  from  be- 
yond the  mountains. 

Meanwhile  the  Ohio  Company^  had  been  organized 
with  the  same  purpose,^  and  on  October  31,  1750,  its 
agent,  Christopher  Gist,  had  set  out  from  the  banks  of 
the  Potomac,  following  an  Indian  trail  which  led  from 
Wills'  Creek  to  the  Ohio."*  After  an  extended  tour  through^ 
the  country  north  of  the  Ohio,  Gist  returned  to  the  mouth'! 
of  the  Scioto,  and  prepared  to  descend  to  the  Great  Falls. 

This  he  was  cautioned  by  his  Indian  friends  not  to  do, 
as  a  large  party  of  Indians,  allies  of  the  French,  they  told 

1  Durrett's  "  Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  p.  22;  Hulbert's  "  Boone's  Wilder- 
ness Road,"  p.  64,  give  one  possible  exception,  12  cabins  by  French  at  mouth 
of  Scioto.  Durrett's  "Filson,"  p.  32,  says,  "A  French  Map,  published  by 
Robert  de  Vaugondy  in  1755,  shows  'Walker's  Etabliss  Anglois,'  on  a 
branch  of  the  Cumberland  River,  in  1750."  It,  however,  does  not  appear  on 
Filson's  Map. 

2  This  should  not  be  confused  with  the  Great  Ohio  Company  formed  in 
1787,  to  plant  colonies  in  the  Northwest  Territory,  whose  influence  caused  the 
old  Congress  of  the  Confederation  to  pass  the  famous  Ordinance  of  1787,, 
which  was  confirmed  by  Congress  under  the  Constitution  and  which  laid  the  : 
foundations  of  our  territorial  system.    Fiske's  "Critical  Period,"'  p.  203. 

3  It  had  received  royal  permission  to  select  and  settle  500,000  acres  in  the 
western  country.  For  stockholders,  regulations,  etc.,  see  Bancroft,  1890  Ed., 
II,  p.  343;  Wilson's  "History  of  the  American  People,"  II,  p.  77. 

<  Gist's  "  Journal"  contains  text  of  his  instructions,  "to  search  out  .  .  . 
lands  upon  the  river  Ohio  .  .  .  down  as  low  as  the  great  falls  thereof."  .  .  . 
Durrett  MSS. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT       7 

him,  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood.  Gist,  however, 
was  not  to  be  easily  deterred,  and,  attended  only  by  a  boy, 
he  proceeded  cautiously  down  the  Kentucky  side  of  the 
Ohio  until  within  fifteen  miles  of  the  Falls.  Here  he 
came  upon  unmistakable  signs  that  he  was  indeed  in  the 
midst  of  considerable  bands  of  hostile  savages.  Wisely 
abandoning  his  plan  of  visiting  the  Falls  he  turned  back 
to  the  Kentucky  River.  From  the  top  of  a  mountain 
in  this  region,  says  Irving,^  "he  had  a  view  to  the  south- 
west as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  over  a  vast  wooded 
country  in  the  fresh  garniture  of  Spring,  and  watered  by 
abundant  streams;  but  as  yet  only  the  hunting  ground  of 
savage  tribes,  and  the  scene  of  their  sanguinary  combats. 
In  a  word,  Kentucky  lay  spread  out  before  him  in  all 
its  wild  magnificence.  .  .  .  For  six  weeks  was  this  hardy 
pioneer  making  his  toilsome  way  up  the  valley  of  the 
Cuttawa,  or  Kentucky  River,  to  the  Banks  of  the  Blue 
Stone;  often  checked  by  precipices,  and  obliged  to  seek 
fords  at  the  heads  of  tributary  streams;  and  happy  when 
he  could  find  a  buffalo  path  broken  through  the  tangled 
forests,  or  worn  into  the  everlasting  rocks." 

On  the  first  of  May,  1 75 1 ,  from  a  tall  rock  on  the  top  of  a 
"mountain,  he  saw  the  great  Kanawha  forcing  its  passage 
through  the  enclosing  cliffs.  After  crossing  this  river  and 
traveling  many  weary  days,  he  reached  his  own  frontier 
abode  on  the  banks  of  the  Yadkin.  Upon  this  long 
journey  Gist  had  seen  some  of  the  best  parts  of  Kentucky, 
as  well  as  of  the  country  north  of  the  Ohio,^  and  his  re- 

1  Irving's  "Washington,"  1875  Ed.,  I,  p.  23. 

2  Copy  of  Gist's  "Journal,"  Durrett  MSS.,  in  Pownall's  "North  America," 
Appendix  VI.  It  indicates  that  Gist  traveled  by  the  aid  of  a  compass,  while 
Walker's  "Journal"  gives  nothing  to  indicate  that  he  had  a  compass  with  him. 
Durrett's  "Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  p.  34. 


8  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

port  must  have  impressed  the  stockholders  of  the  Ohio 
Company  with  the  value  of  their  grant.     He  also  doubt- 
less impressed  upon  their  minds  the  fact  that  the  French 
w^ere   encroaching   upon   that  grant  w4th    all   the   energy 
which  they  could  command.    It  is  quite  easy  to  see,  there- 
fore, why   Robert  Dinwiddie,  one  of  the  twenty  stock- 
holders of  the  Ohio  Company,  when    made    Lieutenant 
Governor  of  Virginia  in    1752,^  should  have  displayed  so 
keen  an  interest  in  what  the  French  were  doing  in  the  Ohio 
Valley.^    It  is   also  easy  to   see  why,  when   he  thought 
the  time  for  protest  had  arrived,  he  should  have  chosen 
as  his  official  herald,  George  Washington,  half-brother  to 
Augustine  Washington,  the  President  of  the  Ohio  Com- 
pany,^ and  to  Lawrence  Washington,  one  of  the  leading; 
stockholders.     The  story  of  how  that   young  Virginian,, 
piloted    by    Gist,    conveyed    the    message    of    Governor: 
Dinwiddie  to  the  French  Commander  in  the  Ohio  Val- 
ley and  returned  with  what  was  really  a  declaration  ofi 
war,  belongs  to  the  history  of  the  world,  marking  as   itil 
does  the  opening  of  one  of  the  greatest  wars  in  all  history.*] 
*'  The  Journals  "  of  Walker  and  Gist  ^  give  us  the  first  de- 
scriptions of  the  wilderness  of  Kentucky  "as  it  came  from 
the  hands  of  the  Creator."    They  tell  of  a  country  as  rich 
and  as  beautiful  as  any  on  earth,  yet  utterly  devoid  of  in- 
habitants, with  the  exception  of  a  few  Indians  gathered 
in  towns  along  the  northern    boundary  line  ^  and  a  few 

1  Wilson's  "History  of  the  American  People,"  II,  pp.  76  and  77. 

2  Irving's  "Washington,"  1875  Ed.,  I,  p.  27. 

3  Wilson's  "History  of  the  American  People,"  II,  p.  79. 

4  The  war  known  in  European  History  as  The  Seven  Years'  War. 

5  Pownall's  "North  America,"  Appendix  VI,  for  Gist's  "  Journal."      Durrett 
MSS.  contain  copies  of  both  "  Journals." 

8  Gist's  "Journal"  describes  a  Shawnee  town  located  near  the  site  of  theji 
present  city  of  Portsmouth,  Ohio,  containing  about  three  hundred  Indians  and  I 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT       9 

along  the  Mississippi  River.  This  was  due  to  the  fact 
that  Kentucky — ''the  Dark  and  Bloody  Ground,"  or  "The 
Middle  Ground,"  as  John  Filson,  following  the  practice 
of  the  Indians  themselves,  names  it  ^ — lay  just  between 
the  territory  north  of  the  Ohio,  occupied  by  the  Iroquois, 
and  the  home  of  the  less  powerful  Cherokees  who  dwelt 
to  the  south.  Each  of  these  savage  nations  laid  claim 
to  Kentucky,  and  each  used  every  art  known  to  savage 
warfare  to  make  good  its  claim.  Their  war  parties  often 
met  within  the  disputed  territory,  and  so  constant  was  the 
conflict  that  no  permanent  Indian  villages  could  be  estab- 
lished in  the  district.  Thus  it  happened  that  Gist  and 
Walker  found  it  a  solitary  wilderness,  containing  few  signs 
even  of  former  habitation,  with  the  exception  of  very 
ancient  mounds  and  fortifications  thickly  scattered  along 
the  eastern  borders  and  becoming  less  frequent  as  they 

having  "about  forty  houses  on  the  South  side  of  the  river  and  about  one  hundred 
on  the  North  side."  Under  date  of  Tuesday,  the  29th  of  January,  1751, 
George  Croghan,  in  his  "Journal  of  1765"  (reprint  Butler  Appendix),  ex- 
plains that  the  houses  on  the  south  side  had  been  built  after  a  great  flood, 
which  had  rendered  the  lower  banks  of  the  northern  side  uninhabitable. 

1  "The  Discovery,  Settlement,  and  Present  State  of  Kentucke,"  by  John 
Filson,  p.  7.  The  Delawares  and  Shawnees  called  the  vast  undefined  tract 
of  land  south  of  the  Ohio  by  the  name  "  Kuttaawa,"  meaning  "The  Great 
Wilderness."  This  name  was  long  used  interchangeably  with  the  Iroquois 
word  "Kentake,"  meaning  "The  Place  of  Meadows"  or  "The  Hunting 
Grounds." 

Another  origin  of  the  name  is  given  by  John  Johnson,  who  for  years  resided 
among  the  Shawnees.  He  declared  that  Kentucky  is  a  Shawnee  word  meaning 
"At  the  head  of  the  River"  ("Archceologia  Americana,"  I,  p.  299).  Marshall, 
however,  declares  that  the  name  was  derived  from  that  of  a  "deep  channeled 
and  cliffy  river,  called  by  the  Indians,  Kan-tuck-kee,  which  they  pronounced 
with  a  strong  emphasis."  Marshall's  "History  of  Kentucky,"  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  i. 
On  pages  8  and  9  of  the  same  volume,  however,  Marshall  adds  that  in  con- 
sequence of  frequent  combats  between  the  savages  upon  the  Kentucky  soil — 
"the  country  being  thickly  wooded,  and  deeply  shaded — was  called  in  their 
expressive  language,  The  Dark  and  Bloody  Ground." 


10  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

approached   the   west.^      There   were,   it   is   true,    a   few 
Shawnee  villages  to  the  north,  but  they  were  merely  the 

1  These  mounds,  formerly  believed  to  have  been  built  by  a  prehistoric  peo- 
ple called  by  the  non-committal  name  of  "Mound  Builders,"  have  been  for'' 
years  the  puzzle  of  archaeologists.  They  are  often  of  solid  masonry  and  indi- 
cate a  degree  of  building  skill  far  beyond  that  of  the  historic  savages  of  the 
regions  near  the  Ohio  River.  There  are  indications  also  that  the  use  of  metal 
as  well  as  stone  was  well  understood  in  Kentucky  before  the  historic  period 
begins.  In  the  "Kentucky  Gazette"  of  June  7,  1790,  appears  an  account  of 
the  discovery  of  an  old  lead  mine  near  Lexington  which  had  been  worked 
apparently  years  before  the  appearance  of  the  earliest  explorers. 

In  a  manuscript,  dated  Philadelphia,  March  17,  1792,  an  unnamed  trav- 
eler has  left  this  record  of  his  visit  to  some  of  the  mounds  of  this  western 
region,  "Many  tokens  remain,"  he  says,  "of  that  country  being  in  ancient 
ages  as  well  cultivated  and  as  thickly  inhabited  as  the  country  on  the  Danube 
or  the  Rhine."  "A  copper  mine,"  he  continues,  "was  opened  some  years 
since,  farther  down  the  Mississippi,  and,  to  the  great  surprise  of  the  labourers, 
a  large  collection  of  mining  tools  were  found  several  fathoms  below  the  super- 
Gcies  of  the  earth."     Durrett  MSS. 

Mr.  Thomas  Bodley  was  informed  by  Indians  of  various  tribes  northwest 
of  the  Ohio,  that  they  had  a  tradition,  common  among  many  tribes,  "that 
Kentucky  had  been  settled  by  whites,  and  they  had  been  exterminated  by  war. 
They  were  of  the  opinion  that  the  old  fortifications,  now  to  be  seen  In  Ken- 
tucky and  Ohio,  were  the  productions  of  those  white  inliabitants."  Dur- 
rett MSS. 

Another  tradition  asserts  that  the  last  battle  for  the  extermination  of  these 
original  white  inhaljitants  was  fought  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio — "that  the  In- 
dians succeeded  in  driving  the  Aborigines  into  a  small  island  below  the  rapids, 
where  the  whole  of  them  were  cut  to  pieces."     Durrett  MSS. 

An  examination  at  low  water  of  this  island,  so  runs  another  of  these  inter- 
esting old  documents,  revealed  a  multitude  of  human  bones,  and  an  "Indian 
Chief  .  .  .  told  General  Clark  .  .  .  that  the  battle  of  Sandy  Island  decided 
finally  the  fall  of  Kentucky,  with  its  ancient  inhabitants."     Durrett  MSS. 

Colonel  Joseph  Davies  reports  that  a  few  remaining  members  of  an  almost 
extinct  tribe  of  Sacks  whom  he  interviewed  at  St.  Louis  in  1800  expressed 
astonishment  that  anyone  should  live  in  Kentucky,  "filled,"  as  they  said, 
"with  the  manes  of  its  butchered  inhabitants."  The  statement  was  also  re- 
peated by  them  that  the  aborigines  of  this  country  were  white  and  possessed 
such  arts  as  were  unknown  by  the  Indians.     Durrett  MSS. 

Another  of  these  accounts  reports  the  discovery  of  "a  furnace  of  brick  work 
five  fathoms  below  the  present  surface;  and  in  this  furnace  were  found  a  quantity 
of  coals  and  firebrands  which,  for  aught  we  know,  might  have  been  kindled 
in  the  days  of  Moses  or  Lycurgus."     Durrett  MSS. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     1 1 

advance  guard  of  their  allies,  "the  Iroquois,"  and  their 
presence  was  not  noticed  by  the  first  explorers.^ 

These  expeditions  of  Walker  and  Gist,  however,  at- 
tracted so  little  attention  that  when  the  first  Kentucky  his- 
torian, John  Filson,  set  about  gathering  data  for  his  book, 
he  seems  to  have  heard  no  hint  of  them,  but  settled  upon 
James  McBride  as  the  discoverer  of  the  region,  upon  the 
very  insufficient  evidence  that  his  initials  and  the  year 
had  been  carved  upon  a  tree  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ken- 
tucky River  in  1754."  From  this  visit  of  McBride,  if  such 
a  visit  ever  occurred,  and  the  evidence  for  it  is  indeed 
slight,  until  the  Peace  of  Paris  (1763),  which  closed  the 
long  wars  between  France  and  England  for  the  possession 
of  Canada  and  the  Ohio  Valley,  we  have  no  clear  record  of 
any  voluntary  visit  of  white  men  to  Kentucky.^    Corporate 

For  brief  description  of  mounds  on  the  site  of  Louisville,  see  Durrett's 
"Centenary  of  Louisville,"  pp.  9-1 1. 

The  great  Shawnee  Chief  Cornstalk,  repeating  a  tradition  very  common 
among  the  Indians  along  the  Ohio,  told  Colonel  M'Kee  that  Ohio  and  Ken- 
tucky had  once  been  inhabited  by  white  men  who  possessed  arts  vastly  supe- 
rior to  those  of  the  Indian  tribes.  These  inhabitants,  he  said,  after  many 
bloody  contests,  had  been  exterminated. 

Among  the  Durrett  MSS.  are  a  number  of  ancient  depositions  preserving 
tales  of  this  character  which  have  been,  from  time  to  time,  collected  by  the 
owner. 

1  The  position  of  their  villages  is  marked  on  Filson's  Map,  1784;  cf.  Gist's 
"Journal,"  March  13. 

2  The  pioneers  declared  that  Filson  "could  ask  more  questions  than  every- 
lx)dy  and  answer  fewer  than  anybody."  Durrett's  "Life  and  Writings  of 
John  Filson,"  p.  16;  Collins,  I,  pp.  16  and  519. 

"On  croit  que  M.  James  Bride  est  le  premier  homme  blanc  qui  ait  eu  con- 
naissance  de  Kcntucke.  En  1754,  acompagne  de  quelques  amis  il  descendit 
rOhio  dans  des  canots,  aborda  I'embouchure  de  la  riviere  Kentucke,  et  y 
marqua  trois  arbres,  avec  les  premieres  lettres  de  son  nom,  et  la  date  du  jour 
et  de  I'annee."  "  Histoire  de  Kentucke,"  par  M.  Parrand.  This  is  a  transla- 
tion of  Filson's  "  Kentucke." 

3  A  number  of  expeditions  to  Kentucky  and  the  neighboring  regions  along 
the  Ohio  took  place  soon  after  the  Peace  of  Paris,  1763,  e.  g.: 


12  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

enterprise,  such  as  that  contemplated  by  the  "Loyal  Com- 
pany" and  the  "Ohio  Company,"  had  ceased  as  soon  as 
the  war  began,  and,  at  its  close,  King  George  the  Third  is- 
sued his  famous  Proclamation  of  1763,  which  seemed  a 
deathblow  to  all  projects  for  the  settlement  of  the  vast 
wilderness  beyond  the  mountains,  as  it  provided  that  the 
British  possessions  south  of  Canada  and  west  of  the  Al- 
leghany Mountains  should  be  marked  off  and  kept  as  an 
Indian  reservation  ^  into  which  no  white  settlers  might 
enter. 

Arrangements  were  promptly  made  for  the  survey  of 

(a)  Col.  George  Croghan's  tour  down  the  Ohio  in  1765  is  of  considerable 
interest  on  account  of  the  elaborate  "  Journal "  which  he  kept.  This  "  Journal," 
with  an  account  of  the  various  forms  in  which  it  has  been  published,  is  given 
in  Vol.  I  of  Thwaite's  "Early  Western  Travels,"  pp.  127-173,  and  contains, 
under  the  dates  of  May  30  and  31,  an  interesting  account  of  the  Great  Bone 
Licks  of  Kentucky. 

(b)  In  1766  occurred  the  trip  of  Captain  Harry  Gordon,  Chief  Engineer  in 
the  Western  Department  in  North  America,  from  Fort  Pitt  down  the  Ohio 
River.  In  speaking  of  the  Falls  opposite  the  present  site  of  Louisville,  Gordon 
says  (July  16),  "The  waters  at  the  Falls  were  low;  it  being  the  Summer.  .  .  . 
Several  boats  passed  it  at  the  very  dryest  season  of  the  year,  when  the  waters 
are  at  the  lowest,  by  unloading  one-third  their  freight.  .  .  .  They  passed  on 
the  North  side,  where  the  carrj'ing  place  is  three-fourths  of  a  mile  long;  and 
on  the  Southeast  side  it  is  about  half  that  distance,  and  is  reckoned  the  safest 
passage  for  those  who  are  unacquainted.  ..."  showing  that  the  Ohio  was 
even  at  this  early  period  considerably  used  as  a  highway. 

1  A  Map  on  p.  137  of  Channing's  "Student's  History  of  the  United  States" 
shows  the  limits  of  this  reserved  strip.  The  Proclamation  says:  "...  And 
we  do  further  declare  it  to  be  our  royal  will  and  pleasure,  for  the  present,  .  .  . 
to  reserve  under  our  sovereignty,  protection,  and  dominion,  for  the  use  of 
the  said  Indians,  all  the  land  and  territories  not  included  within  the  limits 
of  our  said  three  new  governments,  or  within  the  limits  of  the  territory  granted 
to  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company;  as  also  the  westward  of  the  sources  of  the 
rivers  which  fall  into  the  sea  from  the  west  and  north-west;  .  .  .  and  we  do 
hereby  strictly  forbid  ...  all  our  loving  subjects  from  making  any  purchases 
or  settlements  whatever,  or  taking  possession  of  any  of  the  lands  above  reserved, 
without  our  special  leave  and  license  for  that  purpose  first  obtained."  Text  of 
Proclamation  of  1763,  Macdonalds  "Select  Charters,"  p.  271. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     13 

the  line.^  John  Stuart/  Indian  agent  for  the  southern 
colonies,  and  Sir  William  Johnson,  agent  for  the  north- 
ern district,  were  appointed  for  the  important  work. 
The  latter  appointment  was  particularly  fortunate  for 
the  history  of  Kentucky,  for  Johnson,  deliberately  neg- 
lecting his  instructions,^  ran  his  part  of  the  line  down  the 
Ohio  River  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee,  thus  leaving 
east  of  the  line  of  demarcation,  almost  the  whole  of  what 
is  now  Kentucky,  and  exempting  it  from  the  restrictions 
which  the  Proclamation  imposed  upon  the  reserved  dis- 
trict."*  Thus  Kentucky  was  thrown  open  to  white  ex- 
plorers and  settlers,  while  the  other  regions  west  of  the 
Alleghanies  were  closed  by  royal  decree,  and  to  this 
fact  it  is  due,  in  no  small  degree,  that  she  became  the 
pioneer  commonwealth  of  the  West;  for,  in  the  valley  of 
the  Yadkin,  the  prince  of  pioneers  was  waiting  to  head 
the  hosts  who  were  to  invade  the  "  Dark  and  Bloody 
Ground,"  and  to  make  of  it  an  inhabited  land. 

There  were,  as  we  have  seen,  other  adventurers  who,  be- 
fore Boone's  day,  had  traveled  the  unbroken  wilderness  of 
Kentucky.  There  were  many,  equally  gallant,  who  fought 
by  his  side  during  the  early  days  of  the  westward  move- 

1  Bancroft,  1859  Ed.,  VI,  pp.  225,  226. 

2  This  Stuart  should  not  be  confounded  with  John  Stewart,  Boone's  com- 
panion in  the  wilderness  of  Kentucky. 

3  Johnson's  instructions  were  to  acknowledge  the  Cherokee  claim  to  the  re- 
gion west  of  the  Kanawha.  He,  however,  decided  to  reject  the  Cherokee  claim 
and  admit  that  of  the  Iroquois,  as  the  Cherokees  themselves  had  done  some 
years  before.  At  the  Great  Council  of  Fort  Stanwix  (Sept. -Oct.,  1768),  he  in- 
duced the  Iroquois  to  surrender  their  claim,  and  allow  the  western  boundary  of 
Virginia  to  be  the  Ohio  River  instead  of  the  Kanawha.  Winsor's  "Westward 
Movement,"  pp.  16-17;  Bancroft,  1859  Ed.,  VI,  pp.  227-228. 

4  Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  5  Nov.,  1768;  in  appendix  to  Butler's  "History 
of  Kentucky,"  1834  Ed.;  also  in  the  "Documentary  History  of  New  York," 
I,  P-  587;  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  17. 


14  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ment,  but  it  has  always  been  the  practice  of  historians  to 
represent  the  events  of  epochs  by  singling  out  the  leaders, 
and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Boone  was  the  leader 
among  the  simple  backwoodsmen  who  opened  up  the 
Kentucky  district  for  settlement. 

From  the  standpoint  of  civilized  society  Boone  did  not 
represent  a  high  type,  either  of  mind  or  of  character.  If 
Major  Andre,  when  arrested  near  West  Point,  after  his  ne- 
gotiations with  the  traitor,  Arnold,  had  attempted  to  pur- 
chase his  release  by  displaying  a  bogus  American  commis- 
sion, no  American  tears  would  have  been  shed  over  his 
execution — yet  Daniel  Boone  is  reported  ^  to  have  carried 
an  old  British  commission  which  Lord  Dunmore  had  given 
him,  slung  round  his  neck  in  a  leather  bag,  and  whenever 
he  got  into  close  quarters  during  the  Revolution,  to  have 
displayed  it  as  evidence  that  he  was  a  loyal  son  of  his 
Britannic  majesty,  George  III,  and  an  enemy  to  his  re- 
bellious subjects,  the  colonists. 

Courage  -  was  his  in  abundance,  but  courage  was  no 
unique  quality  in  a  country  which  had  no  attraction  for  a 
coward.  Skill  in  woodcraft,  resourcefulness  in  times  of 
sudden  and  unexpected  danger,  untiring  energy  and  stead- 
fastness of  purpose,  all  these  he  possessed  in  a  marked 
degree,  as  which  of  his  fellow  pioneers  did  not  ?  What 
made  Daniel  Boone  the  grandest  specimen  of  a  pioneer 
that  our  western  annals  recall,  was  the  fact  that,  added 
to  these  qualities,  he  possessed  that  divinely  given  com- 

1  Robert  B.  Mc.\fee's  "Journal,"  Durrett  MSS.;  Durrett's  "Centenary  of 
Kentucky,"  p.  29. 

2  Filson  makes  Boone  utter  these  words  concerning  fear:  It  is  "vain  if  no 
danger  comes,  and  if  it  does,  only  augments  the  pain.  It  was  my  happiness  to 
be  destitute  of  this  affecting  passion,  with  which  I  had  the  greatest  reason  to 
be  affected." 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT 


15 


mission  of  leadership,  a  most  magnetic  personality.  Al- 
though totally  unfit  for  the  position  of  military  command- 
ant of  any  considerable  detachment  of  soldiers,  Boone 
was  a  born  general  of  pioneers,  and  so  long  as  that  peculiar 
type  of  leader  was  needed  he  was  the  first  Kentuckian, 
though  as  soon  as  military  leadership  was  required  in  the 
district,  he  stepped  aside  into  the  ranks,  leaving  the  di- 
rection of  aflFairs  to  that  truly  epic  figure,  George  Rogers 
Clark.  And  when,  a  little  later,  Kentucky  needed  a  politi- 
cal head,  Clark,  in  his  turn,  gave  place  to  the  unworthy, 
though  able  commander,  James  Wilkinson,      f' 

Of  the  early  life  of  Daniel  Boone  practically  nothing  is 
known,  although  many  biographies  have  been  WTitten  of 
him,  with  some  of  which  he  would  perhaps  have  been 
more  than  satisfied,  and  with  all  of  which  he  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  greatly  amused.^  Among  them  there  is 
no  general  agreement  with  reference  to  either  the  date  or 
the  place  of  his  birth, ^  Until  about  his  fortieth  year 
Boone  was  so  inconspicuous  a  member  of  society  that 
little  authentic  data  with  reference  to  him  was  preserved; 
but  we  know  that  at  some  period  of  Daniel's  youth  his 
father  moved  to  one  of  the  valleys  south  of  the  Yadkin,  in 
North  Carolina,^  where  Daniel  was  living  his  simple,  and. 


1  For  list  of  Biographies,  see  bibliography  in  Appendix. 

2E.  g.,  Bogart,  p.  16,  gives  Feb.  11,  1735;  Collins,  II,  p.  56,  gives  Feb.  11, 
1731;  Marshall,  I,  p.  17,  gives  it  as  "about  1746,"  etc,  McClung,  p.  46,  says 
that  Boone  was  born  in  Virginia;  Marshall,  I,  p.  17,  gives  Maryland  as  his 
birthplace,  while  Nile,  IV,  p.  i},^  assures  us  that  he  was  born  in  "Bridgeworth, 
Somersetshire,  England."  Peck  says  Boone  was  born  in  Bucks  Co.,  Pa.  Bogart 
says  "near  Bristol,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Delaware,  about  twenty  miles  from 
Philadelphia. "     Collins,  ibid. 

3  Collins,  II,  p.  56;  John  H.  Wheeler  in  his  "Historical  Sketches  of  North 
Carolina"  naturally  claims  him  as  a  North  Carolinian.  "In  North  Carolina."  he 
says,  "Daniel  Boone  was  reared.    Here  his  youthful  days  were  spent;  and  here 


1 6  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

we  might  venture  to  say,  idle  life/  when  the  moment 
arrived  for  him  to  make  his  first  dramatic  entrance  upon 
the  stage  of  history.  A  party  of  hunters  had  recently  made 
a  long  expedition  into  the  wilderness  of  Kentucky  ^  and 
had  brought  back  stories  so  wonderful  as  to  be  scarcely 
credible.  Boone,  however,  with  no  relish  for  the  mo- 
notonous labor  of  caring  for  the  growing  crops,  and 
filled  with  a  passion  for  the  virgin  wilderness,  was 
easily  persuaded  of  their  truth.  He  formed  an  intimacy 
with  John  Findlay,^  a  member  of  the  original  hunt- 
ing party,  and  with  him  prepared  the  expedition  which 
marks  the  beginning  of  his  career  as  a  really  historic 
figure. 

"It  was  the  first  of  May,  in  the  year  1769,"  says  Boone 
in  the  narrative  dictated  during  his  old  age  to  the  historian, 
John  Filson,  "that  I  resigned  my  domestic  happiness  for 
a  time,  and  left  my  family  and  peaceable  habitation  on 
the  Yadkin  River,  in  North  Carolina,  to  wander  through 
the  wilderness  of  America,  in  quest  of  the  country  of 
Kentucky."  '^  His  companions  were  John  Findlay,  John 
Stewart,    Joseph    Holden,    James    Mooney    and    William 

that  bold  spirit  was  trained,  which  so  fearlessly  encountered  the  perils  through 
which  he  passed  in  after  life.  His  fame  is  part  of  her  property,  and  she  has 
inscribed  his  name  on  a  town  in  the  region  where  his  youth  was  spent." 

1  Colonel  Durrett  remarks  that  for  a  pretended  farmer  to  start  to  the  wilder- 
ness on  a  hunting  expedition,  just  at  corn-planting  season  is  a  suspicious  cir- 
cumstance, and  leads  one  to  suppose  that  Daniel  was  not  overfond  of  the  hoe. 

2  John  Filson's  "Kentucke,"  pp.  7  and  8.  This  was  the  expedition  of  John 
Findlay  which  took  place  in  1767.  Collins,  I,  p.  16,  and  II,  p.  417,  etc.;  Mar- 
shall, I,  pp.  2  and  5;  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  18. 

3  Marshall,  I,  p.  2,  spells  the  name  Finlay  and  also  calls  him  "the  first  to 
penetrate  and  explore"  Kentucky.  Collins,  II,  p.  177,  uses  both  spellings,  and 
speaks  of  another  John  Finley  who  came  from  Pennsylvania  with  a  party 
in  July,  1773,  and  passed  down  the  Ohio  and  thence  went  into  Fleming  and 
Nicholas  Counties. 

4  John  Filson's  "Kentucke." 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT      1 7 

Cool,  and  their  object  was  not  only  to  enjoy  the  excellent 
hunting  which  Findlay  had  so  enthusiastically  described, 
but  at  the  same  time  to  make  a  thorough  examination  of 
the  region  with  a  view  to  its  permanent  occupation.  A 
vivid  picture  of  this  party  as  they  took  their  first  view  of 
that  promised  land,  after  more  than  a  month  of  travel, 
is  drawn  by  John  M.  Peck.^  "Their  dress  was  of  the 
description  usually  worn  at  that  period  by  all  forest 
rangers.  The  outside  garment  was  a  hunting  shirt,  or 
loose  open  frock,  made  of  dressed  deerskins.  Leggings  or 
drawers,  of  the  same  material,  covered  the  lower  ex- 
tremities, to  which  was  appended  a  pair  of  moccasins  for 
the  feet.  The  cape  or  collar  of  the  hunting  shirt  and  the 
seams  of  the  leggings,  were  adorned  with  fringes.  The 
under  garments  were  of  coarse  cotton.  A  leather  belt 
encircled  the  body;  on  the  right  side  was  suspended  the 
tomahawk,  to  be  used  as  a  hatchet;  on  the  left  the  hunting- 
knife,  powder-horn,  bag  and  other  appendages  indispen- 
sable for  a  hunter.  Each  person  bore  his  trusty  rifle;  and, 
as  the  party  slowly  made  their  toilsome  way  amid  the 
shrubs,  and  over  the  logs  and  loose  rocks  that  accident 
had  thrown  into  the  obscure  trail  which  they  were  follow- 
ing, each  man  kept  a  sharp  lookout,  as  though  danger  or 
a  lurking  enemy  was  near.  Their  garments  were  soiled 
and  rent,  the  unavoidable  result  of  long  traveling  and  ex- 
posure to  the  heavy  rains  that  had  fallen;  for  the  weather 
had  been  stormy  and  most  uncomfortable,  and  they  had 
traversed  a  mountainous  wilderness  for  several  hundred 
miles. 

"The  leader  of  the  party  was  of  full  size,  with  a  hardy, 

1  "Daniel  Boone,"  by  John  M.  Peck;  Jared  Spark's  " Library  of  American 
Biography,"  XIII,  p.  23. 
Kentucky — 2 


1 8  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

robust,  sinewy  frame,  and  keen,  piercing  hazel  eyes,  that 
glanced  with  quickness  at  every  object  as  they  passed  on, 
now  cast  forward  in  the  direction  they  were  traveling  for 
signs  of  an  old  trail,  and  in  the  next  moment  directed 
askance  into  the  dense  thicket,  or  into  the  deep  ravine, 
as  if  watching  some  concealed  enemy.  The  reader  will 
recognize  in  this  man  the  pioneer,  Boone,  at  the  head  of 
his  companions. 

"Towards  the  time  of  the  setting  sun,  the  party  had 
reached  the  summit  of  the  mountain  range,  up  which  they 
had  toiled  for  some  three  or  four  hours,  and  which  had 
bounded  their  prospect  to  the  West  during  the  day.  Here 
new  and  indescribable  scenery  opened  to  their  view.  Be- 
fore them,  for  an  immense  distance,  as  if  spread  out  on  a 
map,  lay  the  rich  and  beautiful  vales  watered  by  the  Ken- 
tucky River;  .  .  .  far  in  the  vista  was  seen  a  beautiful 
expanse  of  level  country,  over  which  the  buffalo,  deer,  and 
other  forest  animals,  roamed  unmolested.   .   .   ."  ^ 

Here  this  little  party  which  had  come  to  spy  out  the 
land  of  promise,  slept  in  peace  and  security,  charmed 
with  the  view  of  as  perfect  a  bit  of  nature's  own  handi- 
work as  travelers  have  ever  gazed  upon.  The  days  and 
weeks  passed  by  in  rapid  succession;  summer  ripened 
into  autumn  and  the  dry  leaves  fell,^  while  they  still 
lingered  upon  the  border-land  of  the  vast  Kentucky 
wilderness  which  they  already  began  to  consider  their 
home.     Then  moving  their  camp  from  point  to  point,  as 

1  Boone  himself  made  no  such  gorgeous  story  of  it,  "We  proceeded  success- 
fully," he  says  (Filson's  "Kentucke"),  "after  a  long  and  fatiguing  journey 
through  a  mountainous  wilderness,  in  a  Westward  direction;  on  the  seventh 
day  of  June  following,  we  found  ourselves  on  the  Red  River  .  .  .  and  from 
the  top  of  an  eminence,  saw  with  pleasure  the  beautiful  level  of  Kentucky." 

'  Peck,  p.  25. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     19 

curiosity  or  the  demands  of  the  chase  impelled,  some- 
times following  the  broad  roads  which  the  vast  herds 
of  buffalo,  deer  and  other  game  had  made  in  their  visits 
to  the  salt  springs  scattered  at  intervals  through  the 
region,  sometimes  turning  aside  to  force  a  new  passage 
through  the  matted  underbrush  or  the  tall  canebrakes, 
they  pushed  steadily  onward  into  the  land  of  promise. 

The  extreme  caution  which  they  had  observed  upon 
their  first  entrance  into  the  wilderness  had  rapidly  given 
place  to  a  sense  of  perfect  security,  as  they  became  more 
and  more  certain  that  the  country  was  free  from  savage 
inhabitants. 

Finally  for  convenience  of  hunting,  and  in  order  that 
they  might  explore  more  widely,  Boone  and  Stewart  left 
the  main  camp  and  pushed  on  to  the  banks  of  the  Ken- 
tucky (Louisa)  River.  "...  We  practiced  hunting,"  says 
Boone,  "with  great  success  until  the  twenty-second  day  of 
December.  This  day  John  Stewart  and  I  had  a  pleasing 
ramble;  but  fortune  changed  the  scene  in  the  close  of  it. 
We  had  passed  through  a  great  forest,  on  which  stood 
myriads  of  trees;  some  gay  with  blossoms,  others  rich  with 
fruit.  Nature  was  here  a  series  of  wonders  and  a  fund 
of  delight.  Here  she  displayed  her  ingenuity  and  industry 
in  a  variety  of  flowers  and  fruits,  beautifully  colored, 
elegantly  shaped  and  charmingly  flavored;  and  we  were 
diverted  with  innumerable  animals  presenting  themselves 
perpetually  to  our  view." 

All  this  sounds,  to  one  who  has  later  wandered  through 
those  same  forests  at  the  Christmas  season,  as  though  the 
climate  of  this  region  has  greatly  changed  since  1769,  or, 
as  is  more  likely,  that  John  Filson,  although  professing 
to  act  as  Boone's  amanuensis,  could  not  resist  the  tempta- 


20  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tion  to  adorn  the  narrative,  and  carelessly  put  on  it  a  cos- 
tume quite  inappropriate  to  the  season. 

If,  however,  the  author's  testimony  is  not  invahdated 
by  this  obviously  imaginative  description,  we  may  venture 
to  accept  the  next  statement^  which  he  puts  into  the  mouth 
of  his  hero: 

"In  the  decline  of  the  day,  near  Kentucky  River,  as  we 
ascended  the  brow  of  a  small  hill,  a  number  of  Indians 
rushed  out  of  a  thick  cane-brake  upon  us,  and  made  us 
prisoners.  The  time  of  our  sorrow  was  now  arrived,  and 
the  scene  fully  opened.  The  Indians  plundered  us  of 
what  we  had,  and  kept  us  in  confinement  seven  days, 
treating  us  with  common  savage  usage." 

The  captives,  however,  knowing  the  Indian  character 
by  long  experience,  manifested  no  desire  to  escape,  and 
thus  caused  their  captors  to  relax  their  vigilance.  At 
last  "...  in  the  dead  of  night,"  says  Boone,  "as  we 
lay  in  a  thick  cane-brake  by  a  large  fire,  when  sleep  had 
locked  up  their  senses,  my  situation  not  disposing  me  for 
rest,  I  touched  my  companion,  and  gently  awoke  him. 
We  improved  this  favorable  opportunity  and  departed, 
leaving  them  to  take  their  rest.   ..." 

With  that  instinct  for  direction  which  is  the  sixth  sense 
of  the  real  woodsman  and  which  is  quite  unintelligible  to 
men  accustomed  always  to  walk  in  beaten  paths,  Boone 
and  his  companion  started  at  once  for  their  old  camp 
which  lay  miles  away,  in  the  dense  forests  now  shrouded 
in  the  darkness  of  night.  All  the  next  day  they  traveled 
in  a  direct  line,  and  when  at  last  they  reached  the  camp 
they  found  it  plundered  and  desolate.'    Their  four  com- 

1  These  extracts  are  taken  from  Boone's  narrative  in  Filson's  "Kentucke." 

2  Here  ends  the  story  of  John  Findlay,  the  first  white  man  to  sing  the  praise 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     21 

panions  had  disappeared,  leaving  nothing  to  tell  the  tale 
of  their  fate.  The  condition  of  the  camp  seemed  to  indi- 
cate that  they  had  perished  at  the  hands  of  wandering 
Indians,  though  in  that  case  it  seems  likely  that  some  of 
the  savages,  in  their  frequent  meetings  with  Boone,  would 
have  boasted,  as  was  their  custom,  of  the  destruction  of 
these  men  who  had  dared  to  attend  him  upon  this  first 
deliberate   attempt  to   seize  their  hunting  grounds.^ 

Boone  and  Stewart,  thus  left  alone  in  the  heart  of  the 
wilderness,  in  the  dead  of  winter,  and  totally  destitute  of 
provisions,  except  such  as  they  could  obtain  by  the  spar- 
ing use  of  the  little  powder  which  they  had  secured  when 
escaping  from  their  savage  captors,  were  in  the  greatest 
peril;  but  they  showed  no  desire  to  escape  from  so  re- 
markable a  situation.  Instead  they  constructed  another 
camp  and  continued  as  before  to  amuse  themselves  by 
hunting  and  exploring  trips,  waiting  for  they  knew  not 
what,  but  happy  in  the  beauty  and  wildness  of  their  sur- 
roundings. 

As  the  weeks  passed  by  the  little  supply  of  ammunition 
began  to  grow  dangerously  small,  and  they  were  almost  at 
an  end  of  their  resources  when  another  marvel  of  pioneer 
courage  and  loyalty  occurred.  Alarmed  by  the  long  ab- 
sence of  his  brother.  Squire  Boone^  started  from  his  North 
Carolina  home,  with  a  single  companion,  to  make  the  long 
journey  across  the  mountains  in  search  of  him.  For  any 
but  the  most  skillful  of  woodsmen  such  a  task  would  have 
been  indeed  hopeless.    With  no  chart  to  guide  them,  with 

of  a  dwelling  in  the  wilderness  of  Kentucky.  What  his  end  was,  no  man  can 
tell.     Collins,  II,  p.  56. 

1  Bogart's  "Daniel  Boone,"  p.  62. 

2  The  tenth  and  next  younger  of  old  Squire  Boone's  children.  There  were 
seven  sons  and  four  daughters.    Hartley,  p.  14;  Bogart,  p.  63, 


22  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

no  knowledge  of  the  location  of  the  wanderers,  amid 
thousands  of  miles  of  wild,  unbroken  forest,  it  seems  little 
short  of  a  miracle  that  early  in  January,  1770,  they  came 
upon  the  camp  in  which  Daniel  Boone  and  Stewart  had 
spent  the  previous  night. ^  Even  after  this  discovery  it 
might  have  been  a  sufficiently  difficult  task  for  any  but 
an  Indian  or  a  pioneer  to  find  the  wanderers.  But  to  a 
woodsman  so  new  a  trail  could  not  be  missed,  and  shortly 
afterwards  Daniel  and  Stewart  were  startled  to  see  two 
human  forms  approaching  through  the  forest.  Instantly 
alert  and  on  guard  against  surprises  they  watched  the 
figures  until,  as  they  came  within  range  of  clear  vision, 
Daniel  recognized  the  beloved  form  of  his  faithful  brother. 

This-meeting  was  shortly  followed  by  a  new  and  terrible 
disaster.  In  spite  of  the  lesson  which  Boone's  and  Stew- 
art's recent  captivity  should  have  taught  them,  the  party 
was  soon  divided  for  purposes  of  more  effective  explora- 
tion and  hunting,  Daniel  and  Stewart  ranging  far  beyond 
the  camp,^  and  "far  beyond,"  to  a  Kentucky  pioneer, 
meant  no  slight  distance.  The  lurking  savages,  who  had 
doubtless  been  waiting  for  just  such  an  opportunity,  sud- 
denly attacked  them,  and,  though  Daniel  Boone  managed 
to  make  his  escape,  Stewart  was  killed.  Thus  passed  the 
first  gallant  martyr  to  the  cause  of  western  exploration, 
of  whom  the  Kentucky  annals  can  speak  with  certainty. 
A  second  soon  followed. 

The  unnamed  companion  of  Squire  Boone,  not  so  ex- 

1  "About  this  time,"  says  Boone,  in  a  more  matter-of-fact  and  characteristic 
manner  than  Filson  usually  allows  him  to  speak,  "my  brother,  Squire  Boone, 
with  another  adventurer,  who  came  to  explore  the  country  shortly  after  us, 
was  wandering  through  the  forest,  determined  to  find  me,  if  possible,  and  acci- 
dentally found  our  camp."    See  also  Collins,  II,  p.  57. 

2  Bogart's  "Boone,"  p.  65;  Collins,  II,  pp.  56  and  57. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     23 

pert  a  woodsman  as  his  associates,  wandered  from  the 
camp  and  was  lost — at  least  so  runs  the  story  which  seems 
most  probable,  as  this  man  never  again  appeared  among 
his  friends  in  Carolina.^  Filson,  however,  gives  a  less 
pleasing  account  as  coming  from  the  lips  of  Daniel  Boone. 
"The  man  who  came  with  my  brother,"  he  says,  as  though 
ignorant  of  his  very  name,  or  too  indignant  to  honor  him 
by  preserving  it,  "returned  home  by  himself.  We  were 
then  in  a  dangerous,  helpless  situation,  exposed  daily  to 
perils  and  death  amongst  the  savages  and  wild  beasts;  not 
a  white  man  in  the  country  but  ourselves."  ^ 

This  would  seem  to  most  men  a  desperate  condition, 
but  it  would  be  the  height  of  absurdity  to  expend  sym- 
pathy upon  two  such  men  in  such  a  situation.  They  had 
chosen  the  wilderness  because  they  loved  it  and  because, 
in  Filson's  simple  phrase,  Daniel  Boone  considered  him- 
self "an  instrument  ordained  to  settle  the  wilderness."^ 
And  such  indeed  he  was.  "On  the  safety  of  these  men," 
says  Bogart,'*  "rested  the  hope  of  a  nation.  Their  defeat, 
their  captivity,  their  death,  would  have  chilled  the  vigour 
of  enterprise,  .  .  .  without  Boone  the  settlements  could 
not  have  been  upheld,  and  the  conquest  of  Kentucky 
would  have  been  reserved  for  the  immigrants  of  the 
nineteenth  century." 

Until  May,  1770,  the  two  brothers  remained  together 
in  the  rude  huts  which  they  constructed  as  circum- 
stances required,  watched  over  by  the  Providence  of 
Heaven    and    unobserved  by  the  savage   hunting  parties 

1  Peck's  "Boone,"  p.  31;  Bogart's  "Boone,"  p.  66;  variation  of  stor}',  Collins, 

II.  P-  57- 

2  Filson's  "Kentucke." 
'  Filson's  "Kentucke." 

<  Bogart's  "Boone,"  p.  8o. 


24  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

which  the  return  of  spring  brought  again  from  the  Indian 
countries  to  the  north  and  south  of  them.  Then,  as 
their  hunting  trips  had  reduced  their  scant  supply  of 
powder  to  the  danger  point,  it  was  decided  that  Squire 
should  "  return  home  to  the  settlement  by  himself  for  a 
new  recruit  of  horses  and  ammunition,"  leaving  his 
brother  alone,  "without  bread,  salt  or  sugar,  without 
company  of  my  fellow  creatures,  or  even  a  horse  or 
dog."  1 

This  journey  occupied  almost  three  months  ^  and  they 
would  have  been  lonely  months  indeed  for  one  by  nature 
less  inclined  to  solitude.  "  I  confess,"  says  Daniel  Boone, 
"I  never  before  was  under  greater  necessity  of  exercis- 
ing philosophy  and  fortitude.  A  few  days  I  passed  un- 
comfortably." But  on  the  whole  they  were  doubtless 
happy  and  interesting  months  to  the  solitary  woodsman, 
as  he  watched  the  wilderness  blossom  as  a  rose  and  added 
every  day  valuable  specimens  to  his  collection  of  peltries. 
As  a  pleasant  diversion  he  made  an  extensive  tour  of 
exploration  to  the  southwest,  examining  the  country  along 
the  Salt  and  Green  Rivers,  alarmed  at  times  by  signs  of 
prowling  bands  of  Indians,  but  always  managing  to  avoid 
them.  Frequently  he  was  forced  to  camp  without  a  fire, 
and  at  times  slept  in  the  midst  of  the  dense  canebrakes 
to  avoid  detection. 

''Thus,"  he  says,  as  if  forgetting  even  the  "few"  un- 
comfortable days,  "  through  an  uninterrupted  scene  of 
sylvan  pleasures,^  I  spent  the  time  until  the  27th  day  of 

1  Filson's  "Kentucke." 

2  May  I  to  July  27,  1770.  Collins,  II,  p.  57,  and  Filson's  "Kentucke,"  for 
dates. 

3  Filson's  "  Kentucke."  Lord  Byron  had  evidently  been  reading  Filson  when 
he  wrote: 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     25 

July  [1770]  following,  when  my  brother,  to  my  great 
fehcity,  met  me  according  to  appointment,  at  our  old 
camp.  .  .  ."  Danger  signs  which  could  not  escape  the 
quick  eyes  of  the  brothers  having  convinced  them  that 
Indian  hunting  parties  were  again  abroad,  they  now  turned 
southv/ard,  and  began  explorations  along  the  Cumber- 
land, where  they  found  game  even  more  abundant,  but 
a  much  poorer  quality  of  soil.^  Returning  northward  in 
March,  1 77 1,  they  pushed  on  to  the  banks  of  the  Ken- 
tucky, where  they  selected  a  point  which  they  considered 
especially  well  adapted  for  the  construction  of  the  perma- 
nent settlement  which  they  were  eagerly  planning  to  estab- 
lish,^ and,  with  this  great  idea  before  them,  they  packed  a 
load  of  peltries  upon  each  horse  and  retraced  the  toilsome 
road  over  the  mountains  to  their  families  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Yadkin. 

Daniel  Boone  had  spent  some  two  years  in  the  wilder- 
ness of  Kentucky,  during  most  of  which  time  he  had 
neither  tasted  bread  nor  seen  the  face  of  man,  with  the 
exception  of  his  brother,  his  unfortunate  fellow  hunters 
now  gone,  and  a  few  straggling  Indians  more  animal  than 
human;  ^  but  at  its  close  he  was  a  real  Kentuckian,  the 
first  Kentuckian,  ready  at  all  times  to  speak  in  unmeas- 

"  Of  all  men,  saving  Sylla,  the  man-slayer, 
Who  passes  for,  in  life  and  death,  most  lucky. 
Of  the  great  names  which  in  our  faces  stare, 
The  General  Boone,  backwoodsman  of  Kentucky, 
Was  happiest  of  mortals  anywhere." 

—"Don  Juan,"  VIII,  Ixi. 
Again  and  again  the  dominant  note  of  the  Boone  narrative  is  the  happiness 
which  came  to  him  in  his  solitude. 

1  Peck's  "Boone,"  pp.  i,^  and  34. 

2  Peck's  "Boone,"  p.  34;  Bogart's  "Boone,"  p.  79. 

3  Collins,  II,  p.  57;  Peck's  "Boone,"  p.  34. 


26  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ured  praise  of  the  land  which,  he  says,  "I  esteemed  a 
second  paradise."  ^ 

While  Boone  was  thus  wandering  alone,  supposing  him- 
self the  only  white  man  in  the  region,  a  party  of  forty  hunt- 
ers from  "New  river,  Holston  and  Clinch,"  in  Virginia,  led 
by  the  wonderful  stories  which  they  had  heard  of  the  abun- 
dance of  game  in  the  district,  left  their  homes  and  started 
upon  a  hunting  expedition.^  Provided  with  dogs,  traps 
and  a  hunter's  outfit,  they  started  westward  and,  passing 
through  the  Cumberland  Gap,  arrived  in  what  is  now 
Wayne  County,  Kentucky.  Camping  a  few  miles  below  the 
Cumberland  River,  they  established  a  depot  for  trade  with 
Indian  hunters,  and  from  this  central  point  small  bands 
wandered  in  various  directions,  hunting  or  exploring  as 
their  fancy  dictated.  Once  in  five  weeks,  according  to 
agreement,  they  were  to  "  round  up  "  at  headquarters,  de- 
posit their  pelts  and  relate  their  experiences.  But  the 
"  calls  of  the  wild  "  were  too  diverse  for  such  a  plan  to  be 
feasible.  One  band  after  another  deserted  the  expedition, 
each  being  intent  upon  its  own  object.  Ten  of  them  con- 
structed transports,  loaded  them  with  skins  and  wild  meat, 
and  embarked  upon  the  Cumberland  for  the  Spanish  fort  at 
Natchez,  whence  they  made  the  overland  journey  home- 
ward, comforted  by  the  possession  of  considerable  Spanish 
gold.  Some  lost  themselves  in  the  wilderness  and  doubtless 
fell  a  prey  to  prowling  savages;  while  Colonel  James  Knox,  , 
the  real  leader  of  the  expedition,  with  nine  kindred  spirits,  | 
pushed  on  deeper  and  deeper  into  the  trackless  wilder- 
ness, and  near  the  present  site  of  Greensburg,  in  Green 

1  Filson's  "Kentucke." 

^Collins,  I,  p.  17,  II,  pp.  367  and  417;  Durrett's  " Kentucky  Centenary," 

P-  30- 


Daniel  Boone 

From  a  skstch  by  JrJin  Trumbull,  now  in  possession  of  Colonel  Reuben  T.  Durretl.  It  is 
signed  "  J.  T.  lyjd,"  and  is  drawn  upm  ur.tanned  deer  skin,  upon  the  reverse  side  of 
which  the  hair  still  appears. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     27 

County,  built  another  trading  station,  from  which  as  a 
center  he  carried  his  explorations  as  far  as  Barren,  Hart 
and  other  neighboring  counties.  Knox  and  his  com- 
panions remained  two  years  in  the  Kentucky  district, 
wondering,  as  Boone  wondered,  at  the  indescribable  fertil- 
ity and  beauty  of  the  land,  revelling  in  the  game  which 
was  everywhere  abundant,  and  treasuring  up  experiences 
which  were  to  lose  nothing  in  the  telling,  when  they  should 
return  to  the  settlements  beyond  the  mountains.  To  them, 
by  common  consent,  has  been  given  the  name,  "long 
hunters,"  and  their  stories,  added  to  those  related  by 
Boone  and  his  comrades,  caused  many  a  gallant  woods- 
man to  migrate  to  this  land  of  promise,  even  at  the  risk 
of  life  and  fortune. 

No  serious  attempt  to  plant  a  settlement  in  the  dis- 
trict ^  was  made,  however,  until  1773,  when  Daniel  Boone, 
"having  successfully  disposed  of  his  possessions  in  North 
Carolina,  left  his  home  in  the  Yadkin  Valley  and,  accom- 
panied by  his  own  and  several  other  North  Carolina 
families,  started  westward  along  the  hunters'  trail." 
They  were  joined,  at  points  along  the  route,  by  some  forty 
other  bold  pioneers,  and  thus  reinforced,  the  second  immi- 
grant party  pushed  on  toward  the  wilderness.  Their 
march  was  necessarily  slow,  as  they  were  impeded  by 
their  cattle  and  pack  horses;  but  at  last  they  reached 
Cumberland  Gap,  and  were  preparing  to  cross  the  moun- 
tains, when  a  band  of  Indians  suddenly  attacked  them 
from  behind,  and  six  of  the  company  were  killed.     The 

1  Dr.  Thomas  Walker  had  secured  a  large  land  grant  about  twenty  miles 
west  of  Cumberland  Gap,  and  Joseph  Martin  had  established  a  settlement 
within  it,  at  a  point  a  few  miles  east  of  where  Jellico  now  stands  (1769),  but 
the  Indians  had  proved  so  hostile  that  the  enterprise  had  soon  been  aban- 
doned.    Winsor's  "Western  Movement,"  p.  21. 


28  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

remainder  rallied  at  once  and  routed  the  enemy;  but  such 
a  disaster,  at  the  beginning  of  their  journey,  so  disheartened 
them  that  they  returned  to  their  homes,  and  the  second 
attempt  to  settle  the  region  failed  upon  the  borderland.^ 
So  great  an  effect  did  this  disaster  have  upon  the  people 
of  North  Carolina  that  no  new  expedition  was  attempted 
during  the  year.' 

With  the  spring  of  1774,  however,  came  a  flood  of  ad- 
venturers intent  upon  securing  land  claims  by  means  of 
"improvers'   cabins,"   and  without  the  dangers  incident 

1  Collins,  II,  p.  57. 

2  The  latter  part  of  the  year  1773,  however,  witnessed  the  arrival  in  the  region 
of  a  large  party  of  land  surveyors,  sent  out  by  Lord  Dunmore,  Governor  of 
Virginia,  in  the  hope  of  aiding  the  process  of  settlement  in  the  West,  which  he 
conceived  to  be  the  best  means  of  protecting  the  Virginia  settlements  against 
Indian  attacks.    Bogart's  "Daniel  Boone,"  p.  99. 

Captain  Thomas  Bullett,  the  three  McAfee  brothers,  James,  George  and 
Robert,  and  James  Harrod  and  James  Douglas  were  the  leading  spirits.  Robert 
McAfee's  "Journal,"  Durrett  MSS.,  and  James  McAfee's  "Journal,"  ibid., 
Collins,  I,  p.  248. 

After  holding  a  council  with  the  Shawnee  Indians  at  Chillicothe,  the  party 
broke  up.  Bullett,  with  a  few  followers,  passed  down  to  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio, 
where  he  spent  several  weeks,  and  made  the  first  survey  of  the  site  of  Louisville 
(Collins,  I,  p.  17;  and  II,  p.  94),  and  of  the  county  which  bears  his  name. 

Another  party,  under  the  McAfee  brothers,  ascended  the  Kentucky  River 
to  the  site  of  Frankfort,  of  which  they  made  the  first  survey.  See  Robert  Mc- 
Afee's "History  of  Kentucky,"  and  "The  Life  of  Robert  McAfee  and  His 
Family,"  Durrett  MSS.  The  McAfee  "Journals"  have  recently  been  pub- 
lished in  Appendix  of  Neander  M.  Woods'  volume,  "The  Woods-McAfee 
Memorial,"  Courier- Journal  Job  Printing  Co.,  of  Louisville,  1905. 

A  third  party  under  Douglas  examined  the  region  near  the  Big  Bone  Lick 
and  selected  a  site  for  a  settlement.  The  following  Spring  he  returned  to  the 
selected  region  after  a  winter  in  Virginia,  and  made  numerous  surveys  along 
the  Kentucky  River,  but  death  overtook  him,  and  he  found  a  grave  in  the 
wilderness  where  he  had  planned  to  build  a  home.    Marshall,  I,  p.  36. 

None  of  these  men,  however,  built  even  "improvers'  cabins,"  a  term  which, 
in  pioneer  days,  meant  merely  nominal  dwellings,  consisting  of  small  squares 
of  logs  built  breast  high,  and  not  even  roofed,  which  were  used  as  a  means  of 
technically  fulfilling  the  letter  of  the  laws,  requiring  settlement  as  a  basis  of  land 
claims.    Collins,  II,  p.  517. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     29 

to  actual  settlement.^  So  great  was  their  number  that  the 
Indians,  becoming  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  their  most 
cherished  hunting  ground,  formed  a  grand  coalition  to 
protect  themselves  and  banish  the  white  invader.  The 
chiefs  who  had  been  present  at  the  Council  of  Fort  Stan- 
wix  were  well  aware  that  Sir  William  Johnson  had  there 
purchased  from  the  Iroquois  a  full  title  to  the  Kentucky 
district;-  but  such  a  contract  could  mean  little  to  savage 
warriors,  and  "the  Indian  nations  not  concerned  in  the 
grant,"  as-JFilson  tells  us,  "became  dissatisfied  with  the 
prospect  of  a  settlement  which  might  become  so  dangerous 
a  thorn  in  their  side."  ^ 

Lord  Dunmore,  then  Governor  of  Virginia,  clearly  fore- 
seeing war,  decided  to  warn  the  white  adventurers  to 
retire  to  the  settlements  beyond  the  mountains,  and  se- 
lected Daniel  Boone  as  the  messenger.  On  the  sixth  of 
June,  1774,  in  company  with  "one  Michael  Stoner," 
Boone  started  for  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  and,  during  the 
next  sixty-two  days,  traversed  eight  hundred  miles  of 
wilderness,  returning,  on  August  the  eighth,  at  the  head 
of  a  band  of  land  surveyors  who  had  wisely  abandoned 
their  labors  at  his  word  of  warning.^ 

Such  adventurers  as  refused  to  return,  soon  had  cause 
to  repent  their  excess  of  boldness.  Indian  scouting  parties 
appeared  on  every  side.  The  fierce  Shawnees,  led  by 
their  great  chief.  Cornstalk,  and  supported  by  the  Miamis, 

1  Thomas  Hanson's  "Journal  of  1774,"  Durrett  MSS. 

2  Winsor's  "Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,"  VI,  p.  706;  Winsor's 
"Westward  Movement,"  p.  154,  for  details  of  this  conference  and  the  resulting 
treaty.  Text  of  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  Butler's  "Kentucky,"  Ed.  1834,  Ap- 
pendix. 

3  Filson's  "Kentucke." 

*  Filson's  "Kentucke,"  Butler,  Ed.  1834,  p.  26;  Smith,  p.  31;  Collins,  I,  p.  17. 


30  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  Delawares,  the  Wyandots,  and  other  northern  tribes, 
swept  toward  the  frontier  settlements  of  Virginia,  deaHng 
out  death  by  torture  to  all  white  men  who  fell  into  their 
hands. ^  They  burst  like  a  flood  upon  the  little  stockades 
guarding  the  Virginia  settlements,  while  detached  bands 
of  warriors  plundered  the  scattered  farmhouses  and 
massacred  their  inmates. 

Lord  Dunmore's  war  ^  had  begun  in  earnest,  and 
Lord  Dunmore  promptly  prepared  to  carry  the  fight  into 
the  enemy's  country.  Three  thousand  Virginia  regulars 
and  volunteers  were  mustered  into  service  and  formed 
into  two  armies.  With  one  of  these  the  Governor  himself 
advanced  to  Fort  Pitt,  having  directed  General  Andrew 
Lewis  to  march  with  the  other  to  the  mouth  of  the  Great 
Kanawha.^  The  two  armies  were  to  unite  at  a  specified 
point  on  the  Ohio  River,  and  together  attack  the  Shaw- 
nee villages  scattered  through  the  Scioto  Valley.  But 
Cornstalk,  with  a  military  sagacity  uncommon  among 
savage  leaders,  divined  the  plan,  and  decided  to  attack 
General  Lewis's  camp,  which  had  been  pitched  at  Point 
Pleasant,^  before  Lord  Dunmore  should  have  time  to 
arrive. 

1  More  white  persons  were  killed  during  the  period  of  nominal  peace,  just 
before  the  opening  of  Lord  Dunmore's  war,  than  during  the  campaign.  Winsor's 
"Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America,"  VI,  p.  709. 

2  It  was  first  known  as  "Cresap's  War."  See  Winsor's  "Narrative  and 
Critical  History  of  America,"  VI,  pp.  707-711,  for  details  of  Cresap's  connection 
with  beginnings  of  the  war,  the  killing  of  Logan's  family,  etc.,  as  well  as  for 
examination  of  controversy  between  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  over  the  posses- 
sion of  the  land  between  the  mountains  and  the  Ohio  River. 

3  General  Lewis's  army  consisted  of  eleven  hundred  men,  chiefly  pioneers, 
and  veteran  Indian  fighters.    Smith's  "Kentucky,"  pp.  31  and  32. 

*  Point  Pleasant,  at  the  junction  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Kanawha,  was  the 
rendezvous  first  appointed  by  Lord  Dunmore,  but,  on  Oct.  6,  when  he  reached 
that  point,  General  Lewis  had  not  found  Lord  Dunmore  as  he  had  hoped. 


VANGUARD  OF  THE  WESTWARD  MOVEMENT     31 

Warned  of  this  intended  attack,  General  Lewis  at  once 
took  the  initiative.  He  gave  orders  that  Colonel  Fleming's 
regiment,  and  that  commanded  by  his  brother,  Colonel 
Charles  Lewis,  should  reconnoiter,  while  he  himself  should 
arrange  his  troops  for  the  battle. 

The  reconnoitering  party,  marching  at  once,  found  itself 
face  to  face  with  the  savages,  approaching  for  a  similar  pur- 
pose (Oct.  10,  1774).  Battle  was  instantly  joined,  the  two 
armies  being  about  equal  in  number,  some  eleven  hundred 
each.  At  first  things  went  badly  for  the  English.  The  two 
colonels,  Lewis  and  Fleming,  fell  mortally  wounded,  and 
their  troops  began  a  headlong  retreat,  which  was  checked 
only  by  the  timely  arrival  of  Colonel  Field  with  a  fresh 
regiment.  The  advantage  gained  from  this  reinforcement 
was,  however,  only  temporary.  Field  was  struck  down 
and  the  savage  allies.  Cornstalk,  Logan,  Red  Eagle,  and 
other  gallant  chiefs  of  the  coalition,  pushed  on  to  com- 
plete their  victory. 

At  this  point  General  Lewis  decided  to  try  the  dan- 
gerous expedient  of  a  flank  movement.  He  sent  three 
captains,  Isaac  Shelby,  George  Mathews  and  John  Stuart, 
with  their  companies,  with  orders  to  reach  Crooked  Creek, 
which  runs  into  the  Kanawha  a  little  above  Point  Pleas- 
ant, and  thence  to  attack  the  Indians  in  the  rear.  The 
movement  was  effected  under  cover  of  the  river  banks, 

Three  days  later  he  received  a  message  from  the  Governor,  stating  that  his 
plans  had  been  changed,  and  ordering  General  Lewis  to  meet  him  in  the  Indian 
country  north  of  the  Ohio.  This  change  of  plan  came  to  the  ears  of  Cornstalk 
who  resolved  to  attack  General  Lewis  before  he  could  cross  the  Ohio,  and  ac- 
complish the  meeting  planned  by  Lord  Dunmore.  It  was  while  preparing  to 
cross  the  Ohio  that  General  Lewis  received  news  of  the  approach  of  Cornstalk 
and  his  savage  army.  Hartley's  "Boone,"  p.  86;  Winsor's  "Narrative  and 
Critical  History  of  America,"  VI,  p.  713;  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement," 
P-  73- 


32  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

and  the  Indians,  startled  by  the  fierce  attack  from  a 
quarter  so  unexpected,  concluded  that  reinforcements  had 
arrived  and,  fleeing  across  the  Ohio,  retired  to  their  villages 
on  the  Scioto.^  Thus  was  defeat  turned  into  victory  in 
"the  most  hotly  contested  fight  which  the  Indians  ever 
made  against  the  English  .  .  .  the  first  considerable  battle 
which  they  had  fought  without  the  aid  of  the  French."  ^ 

Meanwhile  Lord  Dunmore  with  the  main  army  had 
marched  toward  the  Scioto,  ravaging  as  he  went. 

Cornstalk,  upon  reaching  his  own  country,  found  that 
the  news  of  his  defeat,  and  the  damage  already  done  by 
Lord  Dunmore's  army  had  completely  disheartened  his 
braves,  who  were  clamoring  for  peace.  A  deputation  was 
accordingly  sent  to  Lord  Dunmore  at  Camp  Charlotte, 
and  a  treaty  was  arranged  in  which  the  allies  surrendered 
all  claim  to  Kentucky,  just  as  the  Six  Nations  had  already 
done  at  Fort  Stanwix.^  The  treaty  guaranteed  that  no 
white  man  should  henceforth  be  molested  on  the  Ohio 
River,  and  that  no  Indian  should  pass  to  its  southern  bank. 

1  Hartley,  p.  89;  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  73. 

2  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  73.  The  details  of  the  Point  Pleasant 
Campaign  of  1774  are  given  in  great  detail  in  the  "  Journal"  of  Colonel  William 
Fleming,  Durrett  MSS.  (Fleming).  It  contains  some  42  closely  written  pages 
(Durrett's  typewritten  copy)  and  contains  lists  of  the  officers  and  a  list  of  the 
slain.    Also  John  Stuart'saccount  of  the  Battle  of  Point  Pleasant.    Durrett  MSS. 

3  Only  the  claim  of  the  Cherokees  was  now  left  to  be  met  and  that  was 
shortly  done  at  the  Treaty  of  Wataga. 


I 


CHAPTER  II 

TRANSYLVANIA,    THE    LAST    EXPERIMENT    IN    PROPRIETARY 
GOVERNMENT 

The  victory  of  Point  Pleasant  rendered  the  navigation 
of  the  Ohio  comparatively  safe  for  the  time  being,  and 
also  greatly  reduced  the  dangers  incident  to  a  visit  to 
the  Kentucky  wilderness.  The  fame  of  the  region  had 
spread  prodigiously  during  Lord  Dunmore's  war,  as 
hunters  and  surveyers,  fresh  from  the  glories  of  this  ad- 
venturers' paradise,  had  served  in  the  army  of  Virginia 
during  the  war,  and  had  enlivened  the  monotony  of  camp 
life,  by  tales  of  adventure  well  calculated  to  quicken  the 
pulse,  and  fire  the  enthusiasm  of  their  fellow-soldiers.^ 
Thus  the  "Western  fever"  which  before  had  attacked  only 
the  most  adventurous,  spread  like  an  epidemic,  men  en- 
couraging themselves  with  the  hope  that,  since  the  sign- 
ing of  the  treaty,  settlers  would  be  able  to  raise  their  log 
cabins  and  plant  their  corn  in  peace.  That  this  was  the 
vainest  of  delusions,  events  presently  showed,  but  it  oper- 
ated powerfully  to  awaken  a  new  interest  in  the  great, 
mysterious  West;  so  powerfully,  indeed,  that  corporate  en- 
terprise, regardless  of  the  failures  of  the  Loyal  and  the 
Ohio  Companies  of  earlier  days,  began  again  to  raise  if 
head,  and  look  toward  the  fair  lands  of  the  Ohio. 

Whether  Daniel  Boone  had  made  his  first  great  jourr. 

1  "When  the  soldiers  came  home  they  told  us  about  Kentucky,  a  new  c 
covered,  wonderful  country."  "Autobiography  and  Diary  of  Daniel  Trabue 
Unpublished  MS.,  Durrett  Collection. 

Kentucky — 3  33 


34  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

through  Kentucky  as  the  confidential  agent  of  a  great 
land  corporation,  later  to  announce  itself  as  the  Transyl- 
vania Company,  no  one  can  assert  with  authority;  but  it 
is  certain  that,  not  many  months  after  the  battle  of  Point 
Pleasant,  lie  was  acting  as  the  trusted  and  secret  agent 
of  such  a  corporation.^ 

Colonel  Richard  Henderson,  a  native  Virginian,  who  for 
some  years  had  filled  the  position  of  Judge  on  the  bench 
of  the  Superior  Court  of  North  Carolina,  had  seen  in  the 
rising  Iv^est,  a  vision  of  a  wider  field  for  his  really  great 
talents.  He  formed  a  corporation,  composed  of  himself 
and  eight  associates,  v»?ith  the  ambitious  purpose  of  pur- 
chasing from  the  Cherokees  a  vast  domain  in  the  Kentucky 
wilderness,  upon  which  to  establish  a  sort  of  proprietary 
colony.^  It  was  a  scheme  of  large  dimensions,  and,  under 
more  favorable  conditions,  might  have  proved  successful; 
but,  in  the  America  of  that  day,  where  long  established 
proprietorships  were  tottering  to  their  fall,  it  was  fore- 
doomed to  failure. 

After  making  a  preliminary  journey  through  the  region, 
and  preparing  the  leading  chiefs  for  the  final  settlement, 
Henderson  arranged  a  council  of  the  "  Big  Chiefs"  and  war- 
riors of  the  Cherokee  nation,  at  the  Sycamore  Shoals  on 
the  Wataga  River.'*^  Some  twelve  hundred  Indians  were 
present  and,  with  great  formality,  a  pompous  and  lengthy 
deed  was  drawn  and  signed,  conveying  to  Richard  Hen- 
derson and  his  associates,  to  be  enjoyed  by  them  in  a  cor- 

rate  capacity  as  "  Proprietors  of  the  Colony  of  Transyl- 

lia/' a  district  composing  about  "one  half  of  the  modern 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  8i;  Bogart's  "Boone,"  p.  ii8. 
■  2  Brown's  "Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  p.  26. 
3  Ibid.,  p.  i5. 


TRANSYLVANIA 


35 


state  of  Kentucky  and  the  adjacent  part  of  Tennessee,  lying 
within  the  southerly  bend  of  the  Cumberland."  ^  This 
treaty  was  signed  and  concluded  on  March  17th,  1775, 
the  payment  of  ten  thousand  pounds  sterling,  in  goods, 
being  made  by  the  representatives  of  the  Company. 

But  the  formal  possession  of  such  a  grant  was  quite  a 
different  thing  from  its  actual  possession;  for,  even  had 
the  purchase  not  been  illegal  in  a  number  of  ways,  ^  there 
still  remained  the  task  of  providing  for  the  settlement  of 
this  wilderness.  As  a  first  step  toward  this  end,  and 
while  negotiations  for  the  purchase  were  in  progress,  Hen- 
derson arranged  for  Boone  to  mark  a  road  from  the  older 
settlements  westward  to  the  new  possessions;  and,  as  soon 
as  the  success  of  the  purchase  seemed  assured,  the  task  of 
opening  the  famous  highway  since  known  as  "  Boone's 
Wilderness  Road"  was  begun.  "Having  collected,"  to 
quote  the  pioneer's  own  simple  account  of  the  achieve- 
ment, "  a  number  of  enterprising  men,  well  armed,  we  pro- 
ceeded with  all  possible  expedition  until  we  came  within 
fifteen  miles  of  where  Boonesborough  now  stands,  and 
there  we  were  fired  upon  by  a  party  of  Indians  that  killed 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  82;  see  also  Marshall,  I,  p.  13; 
Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  27. 

2  This  purchase  was  illegal  from  a  number  of  points  of  view. 

(a)  It  was  contrary  to  the  charter  rights  of  the  Virginia  Colony  whose  grant 
included  this  territory.  See  Macdonald's  "Select  Charters,"  for  Virginia  Char- 
ters of  1606-1609. 

{b)  It  was  a  violation  of  the  Royal  Proclamation  of  1763,  which  had  excepted 
this  region  from  territory  open  to  colonization. 

(c)  In  case  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwi.x  (1768)  were  ultimately  accepted  as 
binding,  as  it  subsequently  was,  the  purchase  was  a  violation  of  rights  gained 
under  it,  as  the  Transylvania  district  lay  within  the  grant  there  made  to  the 
King  by  the  Six  Nations.     Text  of  Treaty,  Butler's  "  Appendix." 

{d)  It  was  contrary  to  a  Virginia  statute  of  1705,  which  declared  that  no 
private  citizen  could  acquire  lands  from  the  Indians.  Cf.  Durrett's  "Kentucky 
Centenary,"  p.  38. 


36  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

two,  and  wounded  two  of  our  number,  yet,  although  sur- 
prised and  taken  at  a  disadvantage,  we  stood  our  ground. 
This  was  the  twentieth  of  March,  1775.  Three  days 
after,  we  were  fired  upon  again,  and  two  men  killed  and 
three  wounded.  Afterward  we  proceeded  on  to  Kentucky 
River  without  opposition,  and  on  the  fifth  day  of  April 
began  to  erect  the  fort  of  Boonesborough  at  a  salt-lick, 
about  sixty  yards  from  the  river,  on  the  South  side."  ^ 

Thus  while  Henderson  was  closing  the  bargain  with 
the  Cherokee  nation,  Boone,  with  his  gallant  band  of 
thirty  "  men,  was  starting  upon  the  second  stage  of  the 
undertaking,  that  of  preparing  to  force  a  settlement  of 
the  lands,  that  they  might  quickly  rise  in  value  and  pro- 
vide returns  upon  the  vested  capital.  In  the  "trace" 
which  he  was  laboriously  making,  would  soon  follow 
the  pack  horses  and  covered  wagons  which  even  to-day 
mark  the  advance  of  civilization  along  our  western  fron- 
tier, for  "in  all  history  the  road  has  been  the  forerunner 
of  civilization."  ^ 

Colonel  Henderson,  however,  had  no  intention  of  acting 
as  a  mere  financial  promoter  of  the  enterprise  of  settling 
the  wilderness.  Boone  and  his  company  had  been  sent 
ahead  to  open  up  the  way,  in  order  that  Henderson  might 
follow,  after  assuring  himself  that  every  precaution  had 
been  taken  to  secure  as  clear  a  title  as  the  Cherokees  were 
able  to  give.  His  eagerness  to  take  part  in  the  dangers  of 
the  wilderness,  and  in  the  toils  of  the  first  planting,  was 

1  Boone's  "Autobiography"  as  dictated  to  John  Filson.  Cf.  Hartley's 
"  Boone,"  Appendix. 

2  Felix  Walker,  one  of  Boone's  road-making  party,  made  an  autobiograph- 
ical statement  in  1824,  in  which  he  declared,  "Our  company,  when  united, 
amounted  to  thirty  persons." 

3  Hulbert's  "Boone's  Wilderness  Road,"  p.  94. 


TRANSYLVANIA 


Z1 


manifested  by  the  fact  that,  on  March  20,  1775,  only 
three  days  after  the  signing  of  the  treaty  of  Wataga,  and, 
as  it  chanced,  the  very  day  of  Boone's  first  encounter  with 
the  Indians,  he  left  Wataga  with  some  thirty  men,  and 
followed  the  Wilderness  Road  toward  his  new  dominion, 
intending  to  set  up  a  land  office  in  the  fort  which  Boone 
had  been  ordered  to  build.  Henderson  felt  the  dignity  of 
his  mission  in  no  small  degree,  and  his  diary  ^  of  the  trip 
shows  that  he  considered  no  incident  of  that  historic  jour- 
ney to  be  without  interest.  "Having  finished  my  Treaty 
with  the  Indians  at  Wataugah,"  it  begins,  "Sett  out  for 
Louisa  and  arrived  at  John  Shelbeys  in  the  evening — 
Tuesday  the  21st,  went  to  Air.  John  Seviers  in  Company 
of  Col  Williams  and  Col  Hart  and  staid  that  day — 
Wednesday  the  22nd — Messrs  Williams  and  Hart  set  off 
Home  &  I  staid  with  Mr.  Sevier — Thursday  23rd,  Still 
at  Mr.  Seviers — N.  B.  Because  our  Horses  were  lost  .  .  . 
as  Messrs  Hart  and  Luttrell  made  a  poor  Hand  of  Trav- 

mg. 

And  thus  the  diary  continues,  recounting,  day  by  day, 
the  petty  annoyances  of  frontier  camp  life.  It  informs  us 
that  Henderson  found  it  necessary  to  make  a  house  to 
secure  the  wagons  which  could  be  dragged  no  farther;  and 
that  "Sam'l  Henderson's  and  John  Farrier's  Horses  took 
a  Scare  with  their  packs.  Run  away  with  Sams'  Saddle 
&  Briddle,"  etc.,   etc.     The  entry  of  Friday,  the   7th  of 

^  The  "  Diary "  is  reprinted  in  part  in  Hulbert's  "  Boone's  Wilderness 
Road,"  pp.  101-107.  There,  however,  it  runs  only  up  to  Thursday  the  20th, 
while  the  copy  given  in  Collins,  II,  p.  498,  condenses  the  part  dealing  with  the 
trip  and  adds  a  much  more  detailed  account  of  the  period  from  April  20th  to 
July  1 2th,  a  period  of  great  interest  in  the  history  of  the  Transylvania  Colony. 

2  Hart,  Luttrell  and  Williams  were  all  members  of  the  Corporation  of  Tran- 
sylvania. 


tJ«. 


38  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

April,  however,  is  more  important;  "About  11  o'clock  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Mr.  Littereal's  camp  that  were  five 
persons  kill'd  on  the  road  to  the  Cantuckee  by  Indians. 
Capt.  Hart  uppon  the  receipt  of  this  News  Retreated 
back  with  his  Comipany  and  determin'd  to  Settle  in  the 
Valley  to  make  corn  for  the  Cantuckey  People.  The  Same 
Day,  Received  a  letter  from  Dan  Boone  that  his  Com- 
pany was  fired  uppon  by  Indians,  Kill'd  Two  of  his  men — 
tho  he  kept  the  ground  and  saved  the  Baggage  &c." 

The  letter  from  Boone  here  referred  to  is  addressed, 
"Col.  Richard  Henderson — these  with  care,"  and  reads 
thus:^ 

"Dear  Colonel:  After  my  compliments  to  you,  I  shall 
acquaint  you  of  our  misfortune.  On  March  the  25th  a 
party  of  Indians  fired  on  my  Company  about  half  an 
hour  before  day,  and  killed  Mr.  Tevetty  and  his  negro, 
and  wounded  Mr.  Walker  very  deeply,  but  I  hope  he  will 
recover. 

"On  March  28th,  as  we  were  hunting  for  provisions, 
we  found  Samuel  Tate's  son,  who  gave  us  an  account 
that  the  Indians  fired  on  their  camp  on  the  27  day.  My 
brother  and  I  went  down  and  found  two  men  killed  and 
scalped,  Thomas  McDowell  and  Jeremiah  McPheeters. 
I  have  sent  a  man  down  to  all  the  lower  companies  in 
order  to  gather  them  all  to  the  mouth  of  the  Otter  Creek. 
My  advice  to  you,  Sir,  is  to  come  or  send  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble, your  company  is  desired  greatly,  for  the  people  are 
very  uneasy,   but  are  willing  to   stay  and  venture  their 


1  Boone  to  Henderson,  April  i,  1775.  This  letter  appears  in  full  in  Collins, 
Vol.  II,  p.  498;  Bogart's  "Boone,"  p.  120,  also  copies  it,  giving  the  same  date; 
but  Hartley's  "Boone,"  p.  98,  presents  it  under  the  date  April  15,  1775,  evi- 
dently an  error. 


TRANSYLVANIA  39 

lives  with  you;  and  now  is  the  time  to  frustrate  the  inten- 
tions of  the  Indians,  and  keep  the  country,  whilst  we  are 
in  it.  If  we  give  way  to  them  now,  it  will  ever  be  the  case. 
This  day  we  start  from  the  battleground,  for  the  miouth 
of  Otter  Creek,  where  we  shall  immediately  erect  a  fort, 
which  will  be  done  before  you  can  come  or  send — then 
we  can  send  ten  men  to  meet  you  if  you  send  for  them. 

"  I  am.  Sir,  your  most  obedient 

Daniel  Boone." 
"N.  B.    We  stood  on  the  ground  and  guarded  our  baggage 
till  day,  and  lost  nothing.     We  have  about  fifteen  miles 
to  Cantuck  (Kentucky  River)  at  Otter  Creek." 

The  news  contained  in  this  letter  spread  through  the 
district  with  astonishing  rapidity,  revealing  to  many  an 
adventurer  the  unwelcome  fact  that  the  victory  at  Point 
Pleasant  had  not  completely  settled  the  Indian  question. 
In  his  entry  of  April  8th,  Henderson  says:  "Met  about 
40  persons  Returning  from  the  Cantuckey,  on  Acct.  of 
the  Late  Murder  by  Indians.  Could  prevail  on  only  one 
to  return.  Several  Virginians  who  were  with  us  turned 
back  from  here." 

After  dispatching  Captain  Wm.  Cocke,  to  inform  Boone 
of  their  approach,  Henderson  and  his  Company  followed 
as  rapidly  as  the  difficulties  of  the  way  permitted,  but 
the  next  day  they  met  another  band  of  fugitives,  nineteen 
in  number,  who  were  making  all  haste  to  get  out  of  the 
"land  of  promise."  A  few  of  these  yielded  to  Henderson's 
"persuasion,  and  joined  in  the  march  toward  Boonesbor- 
ough,  where  they  all  arrived  in  safety,  on  the  twentieth 
of  April,  1775,  the  very  day  upon  which  began  the  proc- 
ess of  penning  up  General  Gage  in  the  rebellious  town  of 
Boston.     "We  were  saluted,"  the  colonel  adds,  with  evi- 


40  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

dent  satisfaction,  "by  a  running  fire  of  about  25  guns,  all 
that  were  then  at  the  fort — Men  appeared  in  high  spirits 
and  much  rejoiced  at  our  arrival." 

Thus  did  the  last  of  America's  Lords  Proprietors  enter 
his  domain,  a  little  stockade  containing  a  few  rough  log 
cabins  and  surrounded  by  a  virgin  wilderness  of  some 
twenty  million  acres.  Presumably  this  was  a  good  place 
to  try  again  the  ancient  experiment  of  a  Lord  Proprietor- 
ship, but  we  can  now  see  that,  even  under  the  most  ideal 
conditions,  no  such  system  of  government  could  have 
lasted  long  in  the  America  of  1775.  The  winds  of  politi- 
cal doctrine  had  long  been  blowing  in  a  direction  quite 
contrary  to  such  an  arrangement,  as  the  heirs  of  the  Penns 
and  the  Calverts  had  already  come  to  understand. 

And,  in  the  case  of  the  Transylvania  Colony,  conditions 
were  by  no  means  ideal.  In  the  first  place  the  presence  of 
some  two  hundred  and  thirty  men,  with  claims  established 
at  various  points  in  Kentucky,  before  the  organization 
of  the  Transylvania  movement,  and  resting  upon  the  au- 
thority of  Virginia,  whose  laws  had  been  openly  violated 
by  the  purchase  of  Wataga,  augured  ill  for  the  peace  of 
the  Lords  Proprietors. 

These  claims  were  for  the  most  part  located  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  three  so-called  settlements,  Harrodsburg,  Boiling 
Spring,  and  St.  Asaph,  and  to  the  first  of  these  must  be 
ascribed  the  honor  of  being  the  first  permanent  settlement 
in  Kentucky.  As  early  as  June  16,  1774,  it  had  been  laid 
out  by  Captain  James  Harrod  and  some  thirty  compan- 
ions,^ each  man  being  assigned  a  town  lot  of  one-half  acre 

1  Names,  Collins,  II,  p.  517.  One  of  these  companions  of  Harrod  was  James 
Harlan,  father  of  Hon.  James  Harlan,  one  of  the  authors  of  Kentucky's  Civil 
and  Criminal  Code.    He  was  also  the  grandfather  of  Mr.  Justice  Harlan  of  the 


TRANSYLVANIA 


41 


and  an  "out  lot"  of  ten  acres.  They  had  been  in  the 
midst  of  the  interesting  process  of  making  these  assign- 
ments, when  Daniel  Boone  and  Michael  Stoner  arrived 
with  Governor  Dunmore's  warning  that  the  Northern  In- 
dians were  about  to  take  the  war  path,  and,  in  spite  of 
the  urgency  of  his  mission,  Boone  had  taken  time  to  as- 
sist the  settlers  in  this  task,  in  return  for  which  he  had 
been  assigned  a  lot  with  the  rest.  After  the  peace,  Har- 
rod  and  his  Company  were  among  the  first  to  recross 
the  mountains,  and,  by  March  15,  1775,  they  had  reoc- 
cupied  their  village,  which  has  never  since  that  day  been 
completely  abandoned.^ 

Thus,  so  far  as  Harrodsburg  was  concerned,  it  was 
hardly  to  be  expected  that  the  overlordship  of  the  Transyl- 
vania Company  would  be  permanently  accepted  vv^ithout 
question,  even  though  Henderson  was  wise  enough  not 
to  attempt  to  interfere  with  land  titles  which  had  been 
already  completed. 

The  other  two  claim  centers.  Boiling  Spring  and  St. 
Asaph  (sometimes  called  Logan's  Fort)  had  not  as  yet 
risen  to  the  dignity  of  fortified  stations,  and  indeed  were 
not  in  any  sense  settlements,  when  Henderson  arrived 
at  Boonesborough;  but  they  did  represent  claims,  and 
claims  entered  and  surveyed  without  the  consent  or 
knowledge  of  the  Transylvania  Company.  Such  claims 
as  these — which  had  been  registered  and  fully  paid  up, 
according  to  the  conditions  laid  down  by  Virginia  law — 

United  States  Supreme  Court.  Another  was  Major  Silas  Harlan  in  whose  honor 
Harlan  County  was  afterwards  named. 

1  Collins,  II,  p.  517.  Here  also  are  summarized  the  proofs  that  Harrodsburg, 
and  not  Boonesborough,  was  the  first  settlement  in  Kentucky.  The  name  was 
first  written  Harrodstown,  then,  for  a  time,  it  was  called  Oldtown,  and  finally  it 
received  the  name  Harrodsburg,  which  it  still  retains.    See  Collins,  II,  p.  605. 


42  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

were  of  course  safe,  but  there  were  others  where  these 
conditions  had  not  been  fully  met,  and  to  these  the  pre- 
tensions of  the  Transylvania  Company  might  mean  serious 
complications. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Company  was  from 
the  first  in  very  unpleasant  uncertainty  as  to  what  would 
be  the  attitude  of  these  claim-holders  toward  its  preten- 
sions, and  that  uncertainty  was  greatly  increased  by  the 
news,  which  shortly  reached  Boonesborough,  that  Lord 
Dunmore,  Governor  of  Virginia,  had,  on  March  21,  1775, 
issued  a  proclamation  denouncing,  in  unmeasured  terms, 
"One  Richard  Henderson  and  other  disorderly  persons, 
his  associates,  who,  under  pretense  of  a  purchase  from  the 
Indians,  contrary  to  aforesaid  orders  and  regulations  of 
His  Majesty,  has  set  up  a  claim  to  lands  of  the  crown 
within  the  limits  of  the  colony."  The  proclamation 
strictly  enjoined  "All  Justices  of  the  Peace,  Sheriffs  and 
other  officers,  civil  and  military,  to  use  their  utmost  en- 
deavors to  prevent  the  unwarrantable  and  illegal  designs 
of  the  said  Henderson  and  his  abettors.^  " 

The  effect  of  this  Proclamation  was,  of  course,  to  array 
Virginia  against  the  Transylvania  Company,^  and  ulti- 
mately to  shatter  the  faith  of  such  as  might  otherwise 
have  been  disposed  to  take  Henderson  and  his  Company 
at  their  own  valuation.^  Of  these  latter  there  were  few, 
for  the  Kentucky  pioneer  embodied,  to  a  remarkable  de- 

1  Copy  of  Lord  Dunmore's  Proclamation  in  Durrett  MSS.  Lord  Dunmore, 
in  the  Proclamation,  does  not  complain  that  the  Transylvania  Company  has 
violated  the  law  of  Virginia  which  forbade  the  purchasing,  by  private  citizens, 
of  land  from  the  Indians,  but  bases  his  proclamation  upon  the  King's  purpose 
to  have  all  these  lands  surveyed  in  strips  and  sold  at  auction. 

2  Durrett's  "Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  p.  38. 

3  Governor  Martin  of  North  Carolina  also  promptly  denounced  the  Wataga 
purchase  as  illegal.    See  Ramsey's  "History  of  Tennessee,"  p.  126. 


TRANSYLVANIA 


43 


gree,  the  spirit  of  personal  liberty.  Accustomed  as  he 
had  been  for  two  years  past,  to  take  up  land  and  abandon 
it  at  his  pleasure,  to  survey  where  and  when  he  chose,  to 
carve  a  name  on  a  tree  as  the  record  of  ownership,  to  plant 
his  corn  and  go  his  way,  returning  in  his  own  good  time 
to  harvest  his'  crop,  he  was  not  disposed  to  bow  in  quiet 
resignation  to  the  over-lordship  of  Henderson  and  his 
Company.^ 

Discouraging  as  these  facts  were,  they  did  not  for  a 
moment  check  Henderson's  operations.  He  proceeded  to 
inspect  the  fort  which  Boone  had  erected,  and  found  that 
it  was  too  small  to  accommodate  the  new  party  as  well  as 
the  old.  He  also  found  that  Boone  had  put  into  opera- 
tion arrangements  similar  to  those  which  he  had  helped 
Harrod  and  his  company  to  complete  at  Harrodsburg,  the 
previous  summer.  He  had  laid  out  most  of  the  good 
land  adjacent  to  the  fort,  into  two-acre  lots,  and  had  as- 
signed them  to  his  company.  No  room  was  left  for  Colo- 
nel Henderson  and  his  men,  who,  therefore,  decided  to 
erect  a  fort  on  the  opposite  side  of  a  large  lick,  near  the 
river  bank,  some  three  hundred  yards  distant.  Accord- 
ingly, having  marked  off  fifty-four  lots  about  this  new  site, 
Henderson  gave  notice  that  they  would  be  assigned,  at  a 
drawing  to  be  held  the  evening  of  April  the  twenty-second. 

At  this  point  arose  the  first  serious  dispute  over  land 
claims.  Robert  and  Samuel  McAfee,  whom  Henderson 
had  met  escaping  from  the  district  only  a  few  days  before, 
and  had  persuaded  to  return  with  him,  refused  to  draw, 
stating  that  they  preferred  to  return  to  their  claims,  some 
fifty  miles  down  the  Kentucky  River.  "  I  informed  them 
myself,  in   the   hearing  of  all    attending,"   says   Hender- 

1  Collins,  II,  p.  509. 


44  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

son,^  "that  such  settlement  should  not  entitle  them  to 
lands  from  us."  Here  then  is  the  first  explicit  statement 
of  the  Transylvania  Company  with  reference  to  land 
grants,  Henderson  plainly  announcing  that  the  days  of 
squatter  ownership  within  the  region,  covered  by  the 
Wataga  purchase,  were  at  an  end. 

A  few  days  later,  Captain  John  Floyd,  leader  of  a 
Company  of  thirty  Virginia  settlers,  who  had  a  camp  on 
Dick's  River,  came  to  Henderson  to  learn  upon  what 
terms  he  and  his  followers  might  secure  land  from  the 
Transylvania  Company.  Henderson,  knowing  that  Floyd 
was  deputy  surveyor  of  Fincastle  County  (a  rival  juris- 
diction), not  unnaturally  suspected  him  of  being  a  spy 
sent  to  gather  damaging  evidence  against  the  Company, 
and  so  the  gallant  Floyd,  "  as  frank  and  honest  a  gentle- 
man as  ever  donned  the  hunting  shirt,"  got  very  little  in- 
formation  in   reply   to   his   questions.^ 

While  Captain  Floyd  was  still  at  Boonesborough,  wait- 
ing for  a  definite  answer  to  his  questions,  there  appeared 
in  the  station  two  other  noted  pioneers,  Colonel  Thomas 
Slaughter  and  Captain  James  Harrod,^  intent  upon  simi- 
lar business.  On  May  8th,  Henderson  records  in  his 
"Journal":  "Was  very  much  embarrassed  by  a  dis- 
pute between  the  above.  The  last  mentioned  gentleman 
[Colonel  Harrod],  with  about  forty  men,  settled  on  Salt 
River  last  year  (1774),  was  driven  off^  [by  the  Indians] 

1  Henderson's  "  Journal,"  April  21. 

2  Floyd  later  became  surveyor-in-chief  of  the  Transylvania  Colony.  Floyd's 
visit  is  described  in  Henderson's  "Journal,"  May  3,  1775.  Cf.  also  Durrett's 
"Centenary  of  Kentucky,"  p.  40. 

3  These  pioneers  from  the  other  stations  doubtless  came  in  response  to 
Boone's  invitation,  for  in  his  letter  to  Henderson,  dated  April  i,  1775,  Boone 
says,  "  I  have  sent  men  down  to  all  the  lower  companies  in  order  to  gather  them 
all  to  the  mouth  of  the  Otter  Creek."     Collins,  II,  p.  498. 


TRANSYLVANIA 


45 


joined  the  army  ^  with  thirty  of  his  men,  and  being  de- 
termined to  live  in  this  country,  has  come  down  this 
Spring,  accompanied  by  about  fifty  men. — They  had  come 
on  Harrod's  invitation,  and  had  got  possession  some  time 
before  we  got  here. 

"We  were  afraid,"  he  adds,  with  the  frankness  of  an 
honest  man  communing  with  his  own  soul,  "we  were 
afraid  to  determine  in  favor  of  the  right  "  side;  and,  not 
being  capable,  if  we  could  have  wished  it,  to  give  a  decree 
against  them,  our  embarrassment  was  exceedingly  great." 
To  divert  the  debate  and  draw  them  a  little  off  so  disa- 
greeable a  subject,  Henderson  proposed  the  assembling  at 
Boonesborough,  of  delegates  from  all  the  stations,  to  draw 
up  a  plan  of  legislation;  and,  this  suggestion  having  been 
agreed  to,  he  issued  instructions  for  the  election  of  such 
delegates. 

This  first  legislative  gathering  of  the  district  was  called 
to  order  (May  23,  1775)  by  Colonel  Henderson,  who  wel- 
comed its  members  with  a  short  speech,  prepared  with 
all  the  formality  and  bombast  of  a  Senatorial  utterance. 
He  pointed  out  the  need  of  law  in  a  civilized  community, 
and  laid  great  emphasis  upon  the  dignity  of  the  occasion. 
"You,  perhaps,  are  fixing  a  palladium,  or  placing  the 
corner  stone  of  an  edifice,  the  height  and  magnificence  of 
whose  superstructure  is  now  in  the  womb  of  futurity  and 
can  only  become  great  and  glorious,  in  proportion  to  the 
excellence  of  its  foundation." 

In  urging  the  prompt  establishment  of  courts  of  law, 

1  The  army  of  Colonel  Lewis  which  won  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  Oc- 
tober 10,  1774. 

2  Here  I  quote  from  the  MSS.  of  Henderson's  "  Journal,"  preserved  in  the 
Durrett  collection.  It  differs  greatly  at  this  point  from  the  copies  which  will  be 
found  in  Collins,  II,  p.  500,  and  in  Smith,  p.  46. 


46  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Henderson  declares  that  if  such  things  are  not  promptly 
attended  to,  *'  our  name  will  become  odious  abroad,  and 
our  peace  of  short  and  precarious  duration."  Then,  re- 
calling Lord  Dunmore's  Proclamation,  he  adds,  "It  would 
give  honest  and  disinterested  persons  cause  to  suspect,  that 
there  are  some  colorable  reasons,  at  least,  for  the  unworthy, 
scandalous  assertions,  together  with  the  groundless  in- 
sinuations contained  in  an  infamous  and  scurrilous  libel 
lately  published  concerning  the  settlement  of  this  country, 
the  author  of  which  avails  himself  of  his  station,  and  un- 
der the  specious  pretense  of  proclamation  pompously 
dressed  up  and  decorated  in  the  garb  of  authority,  has 
uttered  invectives  of  the  most  malignant  kind,  and  en- 
deavors to  wound  the  good  name  of  persons  whose  moral 
character  would  derive  little  advantage  by  being  placed  in 
competition  with  his."  ^ 

After  sadly  misquoting  the  Proclamation  and  making 
it  appear  far  more  abusive  than  it  really  was,  Hender- 
son closed  his  address  with  a  request  for  the  passage  of 
suitable  laws,  to  prevent  the  "wanton  destruction  of  our 
game." 

It  was  in  all  respects  the  speech  of  a  man  who  felt 
immoderately  the  dignity  of  his  position,  and  wished  to 
have  others  feel  it  likewise.  He  and  his  associates  had 
"contemplated  the  establishment  of  a  proprietary  govern- 
ment as  nearly  as  possible  on  the  model  of  those  existing 
by  royal  grant,"  ^  and,  although  unforeseen  conditions  had 
forced  Henderson  to  give  it  rather  the  aspect  of  a  democ- 
racy, he  still  clung  tenaciously  to  the  pomp  of  proprietor- 
ship. 

1  "Minutes  of  the  Meeting,"  Durrett  MSS. 

2  Brown's  "Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  p.  29. 


TRANSYLVANIA  47 

Two  days  after  the  delivery  of  this  address,  a  committee 
"waited  on  the  Proprietors  with  a  very  humble  reply, 
which  they  asked  leave  to  read."  ^  Permission  was  gra- 
ciously granted,  and,  after  the  reading,  the  assembly  at 
once  proceeded  to  the  task  of  legislating  for  the  Colony. 

There  was  no  legislation  concerning  the  franchise,  nor 
for  regulating  the  conditions  for  securing  land  grants  in 
the  Colony,  the  latter  being  the  very  question  which  had 
caused  the  summoning  of  the  Assembly.  Upon  one  oc- 
casion the  assembly  ventured  to  send  Todd  and  Harrod 
to  ask  the  Proprietors,  "what  name  for  this  colony  would 
be  agreeable."  They  promptly  reported,  "That  it  was 
their  pleasure  that  it  should  be  called  Transylvania," — 
rather  a  royal  sounding  reply  for  a  democratic  govern- 
ment, but  it  settled  the  question. 

Next  the  Assembly  sent  Harrod,  Boone,  and  Cocke  to 
"wait  on  the  Proprietors,  and  beg  that  they  will  not  in- 
dulge any  person  whatever  in  granting  them  lands  .  .  . 
unless  they  comply  with  the  former  proposals  of  settling 
the  country,"  etc. 

This  was  an  evident  attempt  to  forestall  any  system  of 
absentee  landlords,  and  was  therefore  quite  suggestive  of 
popular  distrust  of  the  Company.  The  "  Journal  "  gives 
us  no  definite  record  of  any  reply  from  Colonel  Henderson, 
but  it  prints  a  "message  received  from  the  Proprietors," 
and  signed  by  Henderson,  which  is  itself  as  explicit  an 
answer  as  could  be  framed,  without  making  the  least  ref- 
erence to  the  petition.  "To  give  every  possible  satisfac- 
tion to  the  good  people,  your  constituents,  we  desire  to  ex- 

»  The  text  of  the  minutes  of  all  these  proceedings  is  preserved  in  MSS.  in 
the  Durrett  collection.  It  is  believed  to  be  the  original  "  MS.  Journal  of  the 
Convention." 


48  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

hibit  our  title  deed  from  the  Aborigines  and  first  owners 
of  the  soil  of  Transylvania,  and  hope  you  will  cause  an 
entry  to  be  made  of  the  exhibition  in  your  journal."  This 
was  equivalent  to  telling  the  Assembly  that  those  in  whom 
was  vested  the  proprietorship  of  the  Colony  would  make 
such  arrangements  as  they  chose,  respecting  the  granting 
of  land  titles,  though  in  form  it  was  an  invitation  to  the 
representatives  of  the  people  to  assure  themselves  that  the 
Transylvania  Company  was  the  real  owner  of  the  territory. 
To  this  proposition  the  Assembly  at  once  assented,  and 
"Colonel  Henderson  personally  attended  the  Convention, 
with  John  Farrow,  Attorney  in  fact  for  the  head  warriors 
or  chiefs  of  the  Cherokee  Indians,"  and  exposed  to  view 
the  Wataga  deed  of  the  17th  of  March,  1775.  The  As- 
sembly, having  inspected  this  formal  and  somewhat  ver- 
bose document,  signed  by  the  three  great  chiefs,  Oconistoto 
(The  King),  Attacullacullah  (Little  Carpenter),  and  Savo- 
nooko  (Raven  Warrior),  turned  their  attention  to  the 
preparation  of  a  formal  compact  to  be  entered  into  by  the 
proprietors  and  the  people.  This  compact,  signed  and 
sealed  on  the  27th  of  May,  1775,  guarantees  the  annual 
election  of  delegates,  religious  freedom,  independence  of 
the  Judiciary,  and  other  similar  provisions  for  a  free  gov- 
ernment. 

As  the  delegates  returned  to  their  respective  stations, 
discussing  what  had  been  done  during  the  session,  and  as 
they  described  to  "their  constituents,"  as  Henderson  had 
grandly  termed  them,  the  lofty  and  patronizing  manner 
in  which  that  gentleman  had  borne  himself,  the  pioneers 
began  to  take  alarm,  and  some  who  had,  up  to  this  time, 
been  in  sympathy  with  the  Proprietors,  showed  signs  of 
dawning  hostility.     Men  who  had  come  out  into  the  wil- 


TRANSYLVANIA  49 

derness  and,  amid  untold  hardships  and  dangers,  had  se- 
lected estates  for  themselves,  saw  that,  if  Henderson  and 
his  company  should  carry  out  their  program,  the  colony 
would  be,  not  under  a  free  government  where  all  men  are 
equal,  but  under  a  proprietary  government,  designed  fot 
the  benefit  of  the  few. 

This  discontent  soon  began  to  show  itself  in  the  drift 
of  population.  When  Colonel  Henderson  had  first  reached 
Boonesborough  (April  20,  1775),  he  had  found  that,  his 
own  companions  included,  the  garrison  consisted  of  about 
sixty-five  guns.  Before  many  weeks  had  elapsed  that 
number  had  been  increased  to  eighty,  but  by  the  middle 
of  June,  under  the  influence  of  the  prevalent  discontent, 
the  number  had  dwindled  down  to  fifty,  and  was  steadily 
declining. 

That  Virginia  was  hostile  to  their  plans,  Lord  Dun- 
more's  Proclamation  had  left  no  room  for  doubt;  and  that 
North  Carolina  was  unfriendly.  Governor  Martin's  de- 
nunciations of  the  Wataga  treaty  had  made  as  evident. 
Moreover,  the  colonists  themselves,  at  first  unresisting,^ 
were  every  day  becoming  more  savage  in  their  denuncia- 
tions; and  of  the  new  settlers  who  were  pouring  into  the 
region,  the  strongest  and  best  avoided  Boonesborough.  A 
few  men  were  still  disposed  to  acknowledge  unquestion- 
ingly  the  authority  of  the  Company,  and  paid  their  charges 
without  a  murmur,  happy  in  the  thought  that  their  titles 
were  thus  secured;  but  many  relied  wholly  upon  the  titles 
of  Virginia,  without  respect  to  the  claims  of  the  Proprietors, 
whom  they  denounced  as  impostors. 

1  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  30,  gives  the  impression  that  the  Transylvania  Com- 
pany was  for  some  time  very  popular  with  the  settlers.     This  is  evidently  an 
error.     Cf.  Collins,  II,  p.  512.     Large  entries  of  land  were  undoubtedly  made 
in  their  land  office,  but  chiefly  by  newcomers. 
Kentucky — 4 


50  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Thus  affairs  became  more  and  more  complicated  for  the 
Company,  until  at  last  the  Proprietors  felt  compelled  to 
formulate  definite  measures  concerning  land  claims,  and 
such  a  policy  was  accordingly  outlined.  It  provided  first 
that  there  should  be  an  agent  and  general  manager  of 
the  business  interests  of  the  Company,  residing  in  the 
Colony  and  receiving  a  stated  salary,  payable  out  of  the 
profits  from  the  sale  of  lands.  This  important  position  was 
assigned,  not  to  Colonel  Henderson,  but  to  another  of  the 
Proprietors,  Colonel  John  Williams. 

Williams  was  bound  down  by  explicit  instructions. 
He  was  forbidden  to  "grant  any  lands  adjoining  Salt 
Springs,  gold,  silver,  copper,  lead  or  sulphur  mines,  know- 
ing them  to  be  such."  ^  In  drawing  deeds  he  was  in- 
structed to  reserve  "one  half  of  all  gold,  silver,  copper, 
lead  and  sulphur,"  to  the  Proprietors,  thus  securing  them 
ap-ainst  loss  in  case  of  accidental  violation  of  the  first,  not 
very  generous,  regulation.  Grants  along  navigable  rivers 
should  always  have  twice  as  much  depth  as  river  front- 
age; not  in  itself  an  unfair  provision,  but  one  which  the 
settlers,  accustomed  to  choose  their  lands  as  they  pleased, 
were  certain  to  resent,  even  as  they  resented  any  real  re- 
strictions upon  their  freedom  of  choice.  The  price  of 
lands  v/as  also  definitely  fixed,-  in  a  schedule  which 
was  to  run  until  June  i,  1776. 

1  "Minutes  of  Oxford  Meeting  of  the  Proprietors  of  Transylvania,"  Sep- 
tember 25,  1775,  Durrett  MSS. 

2  Among  the  Durrett  MSS.  is  a  statement  of  the  terms  upon  which  the  lands 
of  the  Transylvania  Colony  can  be  obtained.  It  is  dated  Williamsburg,  Virginia, 
September  30,  1775,  and  is  evidently  one  of  the  advertising  announcements  sent 
out  by  this  meeting  at  Oxford.  Collins,  II,  p.  512,  gives  a  list  of  the  prices. 
It  was  also  voted  "that  a  present  of  2,000  acres  of  land  be  made  to  Colonel 
Daniel  Boone  with  the  thanks  of  the  Proprietors,  for  the  signal  service  he  had 
rendered  to  the  Company." 


TRANSYLVANIA 


51 


Thus  the  Proprietors  made  definite  and  formal  the  very 
conditions,  the  mere  suspicion  of  which  had  already- 
driven  men  hke  Harrod  and  Slaughter  into  open  hostility, 
and  it  should  not,  therefore,  have  surprised  them  that,  a 
few  months  later,  their  agent  complained  of  "a  conspiracy 
not  to  hold  lands  on  any  other  terms  than  those  of  the  first 
year. 

Having  thus  disposed  of  the  difficult  question  of  land 
grants,  the  meeting  proceeded  to  consider  the  more  seri- 
ous subject  of  the  hostility  of  Virginia  and  North  Car- 
olina. Henderson  and  his  fellow  Proprietors  were  too 
intelligent  and  too  experienced  in  affairs  to  dream  of 
successfully  floating  so  vast  an  enterprise  against  such 
opposition,  unless  they  could  secure  the  recognition  and 
support  of  a  still  higher  power,  namely,  the  Continental 
Congress,  then  sitting  at  Philadelphia.  They,  therefore, 
determined  to  make  an  effort  to  secure  that  support,  and 
prepared  a  formal  memorial,  requesting  "that  Transyl- 
vania be  added  to  the  number  of  the  United  Colonies," 
adding,  as  a  bit  of  "  patriotic  fireworks,"  which  it  was 
hoped  would  touch  that  great  Revolutionary  Assembly, 
that  "having  their  hearts  warmed  with  the  ^ame  noble 
spirit  that  animates  the  Colonies,  and  moved  with  indig- 
nation at  the  late  ministerial  and  parliamentary  usurpa- 
tions, it  is  the  earnest  wish  of  the  Proprietors  of  Transyl- 
vania to  be  considered  by  the  Colonies  as  brothers,  engaged 
in  the  same  great  cause  of  liberty  and  mankind."  ^ 

James  Hogg,  one  of  the  Proprietors,  was  appointed  to 
carry  this  appeal  to  the  Continental  Congress,  and  to  ask 

1  Brown's  "Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  p.  32,  quotes  a  part  of  the 
petition,  and  Collins,  II,  p.  512,  a  still  smaller  part.  The  petition  itself  is  pre- 
serveci  in  full  in  the  Durrett  MSS. 


52  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  be  seated  as  the  delegate  from  Transylvania.  Hogg  took 
up  his  journey  at  once,  and  on  October  22,  1775,  entered 
the  portals  of  Independence  Hall,  where  sat  the  fathers 
of  the  Republic.  About  six  weeks  later  he  sent  Colo- 
nel Henderson  an  account  of  his  interviews  ^  with  those 
fathers.  He  reports  conversations  with  Samuel  and  John 
Adams,  who,  he  said,  seemed  pleased  with  the  idea, 
but  objected  that  "taking  under  our  protection  a  body 
of  people  who  have  acted  in  defiance  of  the  King's  Proc- 
lamation will  be  looked  on  as  a  confirmation  of  that  in- 
dependent spirit  with  which  we  are  daily  reproached."^ 
Hogg  answered  this  objection  by  exhibiting  the  memorial 
which  gave  strong  expression  of  loyalty  to  the  King. 
"They  were  pleased  with  our  memorial,"  he  says,  "and 
thought  it  very  proper."  But  looking  over  the  map,  they 
discovered  that  Transylvania  comprised  a  part  of  the 
original  Virginia  chartered  grant.  They  then  advised 
Mr.  Hogg  to  consult  the  Virginia  delegation  on  the  sub- 
ject, as  they  were  unwilling  to  take  any  steps  in  the  matter 
without  the  latter's  consent. 

So  Hogg  approached  Jefi^erson  and  Wythe,  and  ex- 
plained to  them  the  nature  of  his  mission.  These  also 
examined  the  map  and  "observed  that  our  purchase  was 
within  their  charter,  and  gently  hinted  that  by  virtue  of 
it  they  might  claim  the  whole."  Jefferson  added,  how- 
ever, that  his  advice  to  Virginia  would  be  to  make  no  use 
of  her  charter  rights  in  this  case,  except  to  prevent  any 

1  "Hogg  to  Henderson,"  December  2,  1775.  Durrett  MSS.  The  above 
account  of  Hogg's  experiences  in  Philadelphia  is  based  almost  wholly  upon 
this  letter,  which  has  never  before  been  made  public. 

2  Here  Samuel  Adams  was  evidently  "playing  to  the  gallery"  as  he  had,  as 
long  ago  as  1768,  decided  that  the  independence  of  the  American  Colonies  was 
the  only  course  open  to  them. 


TRANSYLVANIA 


53 


arbitrary  or  oppressive  government  from  being  estab- 
lished within  her  chartered  boundaries.  "But  he  would 
not  consent  that  we  should  be  acknowledged  by  the  Con- 
gress, until  it  had  the  approbation  of  their  Constituents 
in  Convention,  which  he  thought  might  be  obtained." 

"I  was,"  he  writes,  "several  times  with  Mr.  Dean  of 
Connecticut.  He  says  he  will  send  some  people  to  see 
our  country;  and  if  their  report  be  favorable,  he  thinks 
many  Connecticut  people  will  join  us.  This  gentleman 
is  a  scholar  and  a  man  of  sense  and  enterprise,  and  rich, 
and  I  am  apt  to  believe  has  some  thoughts  of  heading  a 
party  of  Connecticut  adventurers,  providing  things  can 
be  made  agreeable  to  him.  He  is  recognized  a  good  man, 
and  much  esteemed  in  Congress;  but  he  is  an  enthusiast 
on  liberty  and  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  us  unless  he  is 
pleased  with  our  form  of  Government.  He  is  a  great  ad- 
mirer of  the  Connecticut  Constitution,  and  was  so  good  as 
to  favor  me  with  a  long  letter  on  that  subject,  a  copy  of 
which  is  enclosed.^  You  would  be  amazed  to  see  how 
much  in  earnest  all  these  speculative  gentlemen  are  about 
the  plan  to  be  adopted  by  the  Transylvanians.  They 
entreat,  they  pray  that  we  may  make  it  a  free  Government, 
and  beg  that  no  mercenary  or  ambitious  views  in  the  Pro- 
prietors may  prevent  it.  Quit  rents,  they  say,  is  a  mark 
of  vassalage,  and  hope  they  shall  not  be  established  in 
Transylvania.  They  even  threaten  us  with  their  opposi- 
tion, if  we  do  not  act  on  liberal  principles  when  we  have 
it  so  much  in  our  power  to  render  ourselves  immortal. 
Many  of  them  advised  a  law  against  negroes." 

At  this  point  Hogg's  letter  comes  to  an  end,  leaving  the 
result  of  his  mission  still  in  doubt,  but,  from  the  deposi- 

1  This  letter  has  not  been  discovered. 


54  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tion  of  Patrick  Henry,  taken  several  years  later/  we  are 
able  to  see  why,  after  such  encouragement,  it  proved 
a  complete  failure.  The  Continental  Congress  rejected 
the  memorial  from  the  Transylvania  Company  because 
Patrick  Henry  employed  his  great  talents  to  prevent  its 
recognition.  Hogg  apparently  tried  what  we  sometimes 
call  "  the  modern  method  "  of  securing  his  end.  He  went 
to  Patrick  Henry  and  offered  to  make  over  to  him  certain 
stock  in  the  Transylvania  Company.  "The  deponent 
further  says,"  so  runs  Henry's  deposition,  "that  William 
Henderson  and  his  partners,-  very  soon  after  their  sup- 
posed purchase  joined  in  a  letter  to  this  deponent,^  in 
which  was  contained,  as  this  deponent  thinks,  a  distant 
though  plain  hint  that  he,  the  deponent,  might  be  a  part- 
ner with  them."  Henry  also  states  that  numerous  other 
messages  to  the  same  effect  were  received  "from  Messrs. 
Henderson  &  Co."  all  of  which  he  refused,  with  the 
"strongest  disapprobation  of  their  whole  proceedings,  giv- 
ing as  a  reason  that  the  People  of  Virginia  had  a  right 
to  the  back  country  derived  from  their  Charter  and  the 
Blood  and  Treasure  they  expended  on  that  account." 
The  Transylvania  Company  had  overshot  the  mark 
in  seeking  thus  to  conciliate  the  hero  of  the  Parson's 
Cause. 

In  the  meantime,  their  new  land  regulations  were  rapidly 
preparing  the  last  chapter  of  the  Company's  history  in 
the  Colony,  and  soon  the  discontented  came  forward  to 
test  their  strength  in  open  conflict  with  the  hated  corpora- 

1  Deposition  of  Patrick  Henry,  June  4,  1777,  "Calendar  of  Virginia  State 
Papers,"  p.  289.    Reproduced  in  Collins,  II,  p.  496. 

2  William  Henderson  for  Richard  Henderson. 

3  Douhtless  a  letter  with  which  Hogg  had  been  supplied  before  leaving  his 
colleagues  at  Oxford. 


TRANSYLVANIA  55 

tion.  A  petition  addressed,  "To  the  Honorable  the  Con- 
vention of  Virginia,"  '  was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  eighty- 
four  settlers  who  had  entered  land  in  the  office  of  Colonel 
Williams,  and  had  become  convinced  of  the  insecurity  of 
the  titles  granted  by  that  office.  This  document  states 
that  the  petitioners  had  been  lured  by  a  specious  show  of 
easy  terms  to  take  up  land  and  settle  within  the  region 
claimed  by  the  Transylvania  Company,  under  the  faith 
that  they  were  receiving  "an  indefeasible  title;  "  that  the 
Company  had  advanced  "the  price  of  the  purchase 
money,"  and  had  "increased  the  fees  to  entry  and  survey- 
ing to  a  most  exorbitant  rate,"  making  it  evident  that 
they  intended  "rising  in  their  demands  as  the  settlers  in- 
crease, or  their  insatiable  avarice  shall  dictate."  It  further 
declares  that  the  petitioners  have  lately  learned,  from  a 
copy  of  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  that  the  purchase  of 
Henderson  &  Company  falls  within  the  territory  covered 
by  that  treaty,  and  is  therefore  of  doubtful  validity;  that, 
moreover,  as  there  is  the  greatest  reason  to  presume  that 
his  Majesty  will  sooner  or  later  vindicate  his  title  secured 
by  that  treaty,  the  petitioners  are  in  imminent  danger  of 
being  "  turned  out  of  possession,  or  obliged  to  purchase 
their  lands  and  improvements  on  such  terms  as  the  new 
grantee  or  proprietor  (with  a  new  deed  from  the  King) 
might  think  fit  to  impose."  For  these  reasons  the  peti- 
tioners implore,  "to  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  the 
honorable  Convention  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  of  which 
we  cannot  help  thinking  ourselves  still  a  part,  and  request 
your  kind  intervention  in  our  behalf,  that  we  may  not 
suffer  under  the  rigorous  demands  and  impositions  of  the 
gentlemen  styling  themselves  Proprietors,  who,  the  better 

1  "Petition  and  Signers,"  Durrett  MSS.     Reprint,  Collins,  II,  pp.  510-511. 


56  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  effect  their  oppressive  designs,  have  given  them  the  color 
of  a  law,  enacted  by  a  score  of  men,  artfully  picked  from 
the  few  adventurers  who  went  to  see  the  country  last  sum- 
mer, over-awed  by  the  presence  of  Mr.  Henderson." 

This  document  did  not  reach  the  Virginia  Convention 
until  the  month  of  March,  1776,  and  before  any  definite 
action  had  been  taken  concerning  it,  a  new  and  startling 
phase  of  the  question  arose.  News  of  war  between  Eng- 
land and  her  American  Colonies  reached  the  Indian 
tribes  of  the  Northwest,  who,  under  the  encouragements 
offered  them  by  British  agents,  began  again  the  bar- 
barous warfare  which  had  been  so  disastrous  before  the 
great  victory  of  Pomt  Pleasant.  The  danger  from  this 
source  rendered  it  imperative  that  active  measures  of  de- 
fence be  at  once  taken.  Before  that  could  well  be  done, 
however,  it  was  necessary  that  the  question  of  jurisdiction 
be  definitely  determined.  If  the  claim  of  the  Transylvania 
Company  was  to  stand,  it  seemed  likely  that  the  settlers 
would  have  to  look  out  for  their  own  safety;  but  if  Vir- 
ginia should  decide  to  yield  to  the  appeal  which  had  been 
made  to  her,  and  "take  them  under  the  protection  of  the 
honorable  Convention  of  the  Colony,"  they  might  fairly 
expect  military  aid  from  her,  especially  in  view  of  the 
enormous  importance  of  this  frontier  country  to  the  se- 
curity of  Virginia  herself. 

It  was  at  this  critical  moment  that  George  Rogers  Clark, 
the  future  conqueror  of  the  Northwest  territory,  took 
up  his  permanent  abode  among  the  Kentucky  pioneers. 
Clark  had  visited  Kentucky,  on  a  brief  tour  of  inspection, 
during  the  previous  autumn  (Sept.,  1775),  and  had  been 
placed  in  command  of  the  irregular  militia  of  the  settle- 
ments.    He  had  returned  to  Virginia,  filled  with  the  im- 


TRANSYLVANIA  57 

portance  of  establishing  in  Kentucky  an  extensive  system 
of  public  defence,  and  with  the  firm  conviction  that  the 
claims  of  Henderson  &  Company  ought  to  be  disallowed 
by  Virginia.  His  return  to  Kentucky,  in  1776,  marks  the 
beginning  of  the  end  of  the  Transylvania  Company.  In 
spite  of  his  youth  (he  was  only  twenty-four)  he  was  far 
the  most  dangerous  opponent  that  Henderson  &  Com- 
pany had  in  the  province.  A  military  leader  by  nature, 
he  had  served  in  Lord  Dunmore's  war  with  such  con- 
spicuous success  that  he  had  been  offered  a  commission  in 
the  British  Army.  This  honor  he  had  declined,  preferring 
to  remain  free  to  serve  his  country  in  the  event  of  a  revolt 
from  British  tyranny.^ 

Shortly  after  his  arrival,  Clark  proposed  that,  in  order 
to  bring  about  a  more  certain  connection  with  Virginia, 
and  the  more  definitely  to  repudiate  the  authority  of  the 
Transylvania  Company,  a  regular  representative  assem- 
bly should  be  held  at  Harrodsburg.  His  own  views  he 
expressed  freely  in  advancing  this  suggestion.  Agents,  he 
said,  should  be  appointed  to  urge  once  more  the  right  of 
the  region  to  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  Virginia,  and, 
if  this  request  should  be  again  unheeded,  we  should  "em- 

1  Daniel  Trabue  tells  us  that,  after  the  troops  had  returned  from  Lord  Dun- 
more's war,  "there  was  nothing  else  talked  about  scarcely  but  war.  Our  church 
parsons  and  merchants  were  mostly  Scotchmen  and  English  (this  refers  of 
course  to  Virginia  not  Kentucky);  I  recollect  I  heard  one  parson,  to  wit,  Arch- 
ibald McRobert  (the  name  in  the  MS.  is  crossed  out  with  ink  but  is  still 
legible)  tell  my  father  that  the  people  was  deluded  by  some  other  preachers, 
they  was  not  only  wrong  but  fools,  he  further  stated  there  was  as  many  men  in 
the  city  of  London  as  we  had  in  North  America.  There  was  meetings  called  to 
consult  about  the  war  there  was  fast  days  appointed.  Then  it  was  that  most  of 
the  men  had  hunting  shirts  and  had  liberty  marked  on  their  hunting  shirts  and 
bunch  tails  in  their  head,  and  the  majority  of  the  people  said  we  will  fight  for 
our  liberty."  Daniel  Trabue's  "Autobiography  and  Diary."  Unpublished 
MS.,  Durrett  collection. 


58  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ploy  the  lands  of  the  country  as  a  fund  to  obtain  settlers 
and  establish  an  independent  state,"  ^ 

The  proposed  assembly  convened  at  Harrodsburg  on 
the  6th  of  June.  Clark  was  not  present  when  the  session 
began,  and  when  he  arrived,  he  found  that  the  pressing 
question  of  the  day  had  already  been  acted  upon,  and  that 
he  himself,  with  Gabriel  John  Jones,  had  been  elected  a 
delegate  to  represent  the  settlements  in  the  Virginia  As- 
sembly. Clark  knew  that  such  an  election  would  not 
entitle  them  to  seats,  but  he  agreed  to  visit  Williamsburg, 
and  present  the  cause  of  his  fellow  pioneers.  Provided 
with  a  formal  memorial  to  the  Virginia  Assembly,^  he 
started,  with  Jones,  for  Virginia  and,  after  a  very  painful 
journey,  upon  which,  Clark  declared,  I  suffered  "more 
torment  than  I  ever  experienced  before  or  since,"  they 
reached  the  neighborhood  of  Charlottesville,  only  to  learn 
that  the  Assembly  had  adjourned.  Jones  set  off  for  a  visit 
to  the  settlements  on  the  Holston;  but  Clark,  intent  upon 
his  mission,  pushed  on  to  Hanover  County,  where  he  se- 
cured an  interview  with  Patrick  Henry,  then  Governor  of 
Virginia. 

After  listening  to  Clark's  report  of  the  troubles  of  the 
frontier  colony,  and  doubtless  enjoying  his  denuncia- 
tions of  the  Transylvania  Company,  Governor  Henry  in- 
troduced him  to  the  executive  Council  of  the  State,  and 
he  at  once  requested  from  them  five  hundred  pounds 
of  powder  for  frontier  defences.  He  had  determined  to 
accomplish  the  object  of  his  mission  in  any  manner  pos- 
sible, and  he  knew  that  if  he  could  induce  the  authorities 

1  Collins,  II,  p.  134. 

2  This  memorial  was  in  the  possession  of  the  late  Hon.  John  Mason  Brown; 
see  Brown's  "Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  p.  38. 


TRANSYLVANIA  59 

of  Virginia  to  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  frontier  set- 
tlements, the  announcement  of  her  property  rights  in  them 
would  certainly  follow,  to  the  destruction  of  the  plans  of 
Henderson  and  his  colleagues. 

The  Council,  however,  doubtless  also  foreseeing  these 
consequences,  declared  that  its  powers  could  not  be  so 
construed  as  to  give  it  authority  to  grant  such  a  request. 
But  Clark  was  insistent,  and  urged  his  case  so  effectively 
that,  after  considerable  discussion,  the  Council  announced 
that,  as  the  call  appeared  urgent,  they  would  assume  the 
responsibility  of  lending  five  hundred  pounds  of  powder 
to  Clark,  making  him  personally  responsible  for  its  value, 
in  case  their  assumption  of  authority  should  not  be  upheld 
by  the  Burgesses.  They  then  presented  him  with  an  order 
to  the  keeper  of  the  public  magazine  calling  for  the  powder 
desired. 

This  was  exactly  what  Clark  did  not  want,  as  the  loan 
of  five  hundred  pounds  of  powder  to  George  Rogers 
Clark,  could  in  no  sense  be  interpreted  as  an  assumption 
by  Virginia,  of  the  responsibility  of  defending  the  western 
frontier,  and  his  next  act  was  most  characteristic  of  the 
man.  He  returned  the  order  with  a  curt  note,  declaring 
his  intention  of  repairing  at  once  to  Kentucky,  and  exert- 
ing the  resources  of  the  country  to  the  formation  of  an 
independent  State,  for,  he  frankly  declared,  "a  country 
which   is  not  worth   defending  is  not  worth  claiming."^ 

This  threat  proved  instantly  successful.  The  Council 
recalled  Clark  to  their  presence  and,  on  August  23,  1776, 
delivered  him  another  order  calling  for  five  hundred 
pounds  of  gunpowder,  which  was  to  be  conveyed  to  Pitts- 
burg by  Virginia   officials,  there  "  to  be  safely  kept  and 

1  This  letter  is  reproduced  in  English's  "Life  of  George  Rogers  Clark." 


6o  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

delivered  to  George  Rogers  Clark  or  his  order,  for  the 
use  of  the  said  inhabitants  of  Kentucky." 

With  this  concession  Clark  was  completely  satisfied,  for 
he  felt  that  by  it  Virginia  was  admitting  her  obligation  to 
defend  the  pioneers  of  the  Vvest,  and  that  an  open  decla- 
ration of  sovereign  rights  over  the  territory  must  soon 
follow.  He  accordingly  wrote  to  his  friends  in  Kentucky, 
requesting  them  to  receive  the  powder  at  Pittsburg,  and 
convey  it  to  the  Kentucky  stations,  while  he  himself 
awaited  the  opening  of  the  autunm  session  of  the  Virginia 
Assembly,  where  he  hoped  to  procure  a  more  explicit 
verdict  against  the  claims  of  Henderson's  Company. 

At  the  time  appointed  for  the  meeting,  Clark,  accompa- 
nied by  his  colleague,  Gabriel  John  Jones,  proceeded  to 
Williamsburg  and  presented  his  petition  to  the  Assembly,^ 
where  again  his  remarkable  personality  secured  a  victory. 
In  spite  of  the  vigorous  exertions  of  Henderson  and  Camp- 
bell in  behalf  of  the  Transylvania  Company,  the  Virginia 
Assembly  (December  7,  1776)  -  passed  an  act  dividing  the 
vast,  ill-defined  region,  hitherto  known  as  Fincastle  County, 
into  three  sections,  to  be  known  as  Kentucky  County, 
Washington  County  and  Montgomery  County,  Virginia. 
The  County  of  Kentucky,  comprising  almost  the  same  ter- 
ritory as  is  contained  in  the  present  State  of  Kentucky, 
was  thus  recognized  as  a  political  unit  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
monwealth, and  as  such  was  entitled  to  representation. 

This  statute  decided  the  fate  of  the  Transylvania  Com- 
pany, as  there  could  not  be  two  Sovereign  Proprietors  of 


1  They  hailed  as  representatives  from  "the  western  part  of  Fincastle  County, 
on  the  Kentucky  river,"  for  want  of  a  better  title.    Collins,  II,  p.  6ii. 

2Hening's  "Statutes  at  Large  of  Virginia,"  IX,  p.  257;  Brown's  "Political 
Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  p.  39. 


TRANSYLVANIA  6 1 

the  soil  of  Kentucky  County.  And  so  passed,  a  victim  to 
its  own  lust  of  gain,  the  last  attempt  to  establish  a  pro- 
prietary government  upon  the  free  soil  of  the  United 
States;  and  George  Rogers  Clark,  as  founder  of  Ken- 
tucky's first  political  organization,  became  the  political 
father  of  the  Commonwealth,  even  as  Daniel  Boone  had 
been  the  father  of  her  colonization. 


I 


CHAPTER  III 

Kentucky's  part  in  the  American  revolution 

The  fate  of  Henderson's  detested  corporation  having 
been  decided,  Clark  was  preparing  to  return  to  his  home 
in  the  new  county  of  Kentucky,  when  he  received  news 
that,  although  the  precious  powder,  which  had  cost  him 
such  a  conflict,  had  been  conveyed  to  Pittsburg,  as  the 
Virginia  Council  had  promised,  no  one  had  as  yet  appeared 
to  bear  it  to  its  destination  beyond  the  mountains.  Thif 
task  was  by  no  means  either  a  safe  or  an  easy  one,  as  t!i( 
news  of  its  intended  transmission  had  in  some  way  reaches/ 
the  Indians;  but  Clark  and  Jones  started  at  once  for  Pitts- 
burg, determined  that,  at  any  cost,  the  stations  should  re- 
ceive their  ammunition.  Securing  a  small  boat  and  sever 
boatmen,  they  placed  the  precious  freight  aboard,  and 
quietly  embarked  for  their  dangerous  journey  down  the 
Ohio.  They  were  hotly  pursued  by  Indians  who,  howj 
ever,  were  not  provided  with  boats  of  sufficient  size  t 
follow  by  water,  and  were  compelled  to  make  their  way 
along  the  wooded  banks,  so  that  by  the  time  Clark  reached 
a  point  near  the  present  site  of  Maysville,  known  as  the 
Three  Islands,^  his  pursuers  were  far  behind.  Running 
the  boat  quietly  along  the  shaded  bank  of  one  of  the  is- 
lands, he  entered  the  mouth  of  Limestone  Creek,  and 
carefully  concealed  the  powder  at  different  points  in  the 
thick  underbrush  which  lined  the  shore.-     He  then  allowed 

1  Collins,  II,  pp.  135,  445. 
3  Details  given  in  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  41. 

62 


i 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         63 

he  empty  boat  to  drift  down  the  river  to  decoy  the  enemy, 
vhile  he  and  his  companions  proceeded  unencumbered 
ovvard  Harrodsburg,  from  which  place  he  hoped  to  send 
Dack  a  guard  to  bring  in  the  hidden  cargo. 

After  a  short  journey  through  the  forests,  the  party 
came  upon  the  lonely  cabin  of  John  Hinkson,  where  they 
met  land  surveyors  who  told  them  that  the  Indians  had 
recently  become  so  numerous  in  that  district,  as  to  cause 
the  abandonment  of  most  of  the  smaller  stations.  They 
also  reported  that  Colonel  John  Todd  was  in  the  im- 
mediate neighborhood  with  a  party  sufficiently  large,  if 
added  to  Clark's  own  number,  to  convey  the  hidden  pow- 
der in  safety  to  Harrodsburg.  Clark,  therefore,  left  Jones 
and  five  of  the  boatmen,  with  directions  to  secure  the  aid 
of  Todd  and  his  party,  while  he  himself,  in  company  with 
the  other  two  men,  pushed  on  to  McClelland's  Fort. 

Here  he  found  a  condition  bordering  on  despair.  The 
station  had  been  so  weakened  by  desertions,  since  the  re- 
newal of  the  Indian  attacks  in  the  region,  that  the  garri- 
son was  scarcely  sufficient  to  maintain  the  post,  and  no 
men  could  be  spared,  for  even  so  important  a  purpose  as 
that  of  securing  the  much  needed  ammunition.  Clark, 
therefore,  hurried  on  to  Harrodsburg,  piloted  by  Simon 
Kenton.  Here  a  guard  of  sufficient  strength  was  supplied 
him,  and  he  hastened  back  to  rejoin  his  companions  at 
Hinkson's;  but  arrived  too  late  to  prevent  disaster. 

Shortly  after  Clark's  departure.  Colonel  Todd  had  ar- 
rived with  some  half-dozen  men,  and,  upon  learning  of  the 
hidden  stores,  had  persuaded  Jones  to  lead  him  to  the  place 
where  they  had  been  deposited.  It  was  a  foolishly  daring 
attempt,  as  events  soon  proved;  for,  as  Todd  and  his  little 
company  of  ten  approached  the  banks  of  Limestone  Creek, 


64  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

(Christmas  Day,  1776),  they  were  attacked  by  a  large  band 
of  savages  under  the  famous  Mingo  Chief,  Pluggy,  who 
had  been  following  Clark's  trail,  having  discovered  that  his 
boat  had  been  abandoned.  Jones  and  William  Graydon 
were  killed,  and  two  more  of  the  party  captured,  while 
Todd  with  his  five  remaining  men  escaped  to  McClelland's 
Station  where  Clark  and  Kenton  found  them.  Their  ar- 
rival alone  prevented  a  still  more  serious  disaster,  as 
Pluggy  and  his  warriors  knew  that  the  station  was  in  no 
condition  to  resist  a  determined  attack,  and,  on  January  i, 
1777,  moved  forward  for  its  destruction.  Meeting  an 
unexpected  resistance,  in  which  their  chief  was  killed, 
they  soon  withdrew,  leaving  McClelland  and  two  of  his 
garrison  dead  on  the  field  of  battle.^  Their  retirement 
gave  the  opportunity  so  ardently  prayed  for,  and  Clark 
hastened  to  secure  the  precious  powder,  and  convey  it  to 
Harrodsburg,  while  the  startled  inhabitants  of  McClel- 
land's Station  sought  the  greater  security  of  the  stockaded 
forts,  or  hastily  retraced  their  steps  across  the  mountains 
to  their  old  homes  in  the  "Settlements."^ 

The  news  of  Clark's  return  afforded  great  satisfaction 
to  the  five  or  six  hundred  pioneers,  huddled  together  in  the 
stockaded  forts  of  Kentucky,^  and  the  powder,  which  was 
shortly  distributed  among  the  various  stations,  was  a  gift 
of  priceless  value,  which,  as  they  well  understood,  could 
never  have  reached  them,  but  for  the  heroism  and  self- 
sacrifice  of  their  new  military  leader.     They  rejoiced  too 

1  Butler,  p.  42. 

2  Kenton  and  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants  of  McClelland's  took  up  their 
abode  at  Harrodsburg.    Collins,  II,  p.  445. 

3  Winsor  ("Westward  Movement,"  p.  iii)  places  the  population  of  the 
Kentucky  forts  at  the  opening  of  1777  as  about  six  hundred,  only  one-half  of 
whom  were  "arms-bearing." 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         65 

at  his  victory  over  Henderson,  by  which  it  had  been  made 
possible  for  fhem  to  secure  indefeasible  titles  to  their  lands, 
and  at  the  thought  that  they  were  forever  rid  of  quit  rents, 
and  were  no  longer  subject  to  a  band  of  lordly  Proprietors.^ 
But  their  chief  joy  arose  from  the  fact  that  they  again  saw 
among  them  the  heroic  figure  of  the  man  whom  they  had 
already  begun  to  consider  a  leader  capable  of  providing 
some  effective  means  of  defence  against  their  savage  ene- 
mies,^ now  aided  and  abetted  by  the  British. 

Their  own  methods,  though  heroic  and  picturesque  to  a 
degree,  had  not  been  very  effective.  Kentucky  warfare, 
before  the  appearance  of  Clark,  had  been  largely  a  matter 
of  individual  prowess,  each  pioneer  selecting  his  own 
ground,  carefully  calculating  the  time  and  manner  of  the 
attack,  and  closing  the  campaign  whenever  he  pleased.  He 
would  sharpen  his  hunting  knife,  shoulder  his  long  rifle, 
fill  his  pockets  with  parched  corn,  as  a  convenient  substi- 
tute for  bread,  and  start  for  the  Indian  country,  without 
the  flourish  of  trumpets,  or  the  inspiring  beating  of  the 
drum.  On  arriving  upon  the  enemies'  soil  he  would  crouch 
like  a  panther,  stealthily  approach  the  savage  tents,  and 
patiently  await  his  chance  of  shooting  an  Indian,  or  of 
capturing  a  horse;  then  he  would  return  to  the  planting  of 
his  crops,  until  exasperated  to  the  point  of  making  another 
attack.  Even  the  more  ambitious  enterprises,  styled  "ex- 
peditions," had  been  merely  the  combination  of  a  number 

1  Instead  of  a  government  of  Proprietors  they  soon  found  themselves  living 
under  a  regular,  organized,  county  government,  which  was  set  up  early  in  1777. 
The  details  of  the  organization  are  given  in  full  in  Marshall,  I,  pp.  47-48. 
(See  Collins,  II,  p.  6c6.)  Collins,  II,  475,  says  that  the  first  court  was  held  at 
Harrodsburg,  January  16,  1781,  evidently  an  error. 

2  Clark  took  regular  military  charge  of  the  Kentucky  settlements,  early  in 
the  Spring  (1777).    Collins,  II,  p.  445. 

Kentucky — 5 


66  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  such  private  ventures,  lacking  both  the  formaHty  and 
the  dignit)-  of  real  mihtary  expeditions.  They,  were  daring 
attempts  to  fight  the  savages  according  to  their  own  mih- 
tary code,  and  were  the  result  of  necessity,  rather  than  of 
deliberate  choice.  This  method  had  answered  the  pur- 
pose as  long  as  the  savages  had  adhered  to  their  practice 
of  individual  attacks,  but,  as  the  year  1776  drew  to  a  close, 
it  became  evident  that  the  American  Revolution  had  in- 
troduced serious  changes  into  savage  warfare.  The  Indi- 
ans were  organized  as  they  had  never  been  organized  be- 
fore, and,  although  their  British  allies  never  succeeded  in 
imposing  real  military  discipline  upon  them,  the  raid  of 
1777  promised  to  be  far  more  difficult  to  resist,  than 
any  which  the  pioneers  had,  as  yet,  been  called  upon 
to  meet. 

Clark's  return  was,  therefore,  timely,  and  his  presence 
most  encouraging  to  the  little  frontier  stations  over  whose 
military  fortunes  he  had  chosen  to  preside.  As  he  talked 
to  the  settlers,  and  gathered  details  of  their  personal  en- 
counters and  hairbreadth  escapes,  during  his  long  ab- 
sence in  Virginia,  he  became  more  and  more  convinced 
that  only  by  a  campaign  into  the  enemies'  country  could 
the  period  of  border  massacre  be  brought  to  a  close.  He 
suspected  that  the  murderous  bands  which,  from  time  to 
time  appeared  in  Kentucky,  were  in  British  pay,  and  were 
designed  to  draw  off  troops  from  Washington's  main  army.^ 
That  this  was  true,  the  full  history  of  the  matter  has  since 
shown.  Colonel  Henry  Hamilton,  whom  the  shrewd 
Carleton,  Governor  General  of  Canada,  had  put  in  charge 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  pp.  iii,  127.  At  a  glance  Clark  had 
discovercfl  what  had  so  long  escaped  the  watchful  eyes  of  Virginia's  great  states- 
men, that  the  true  source  of  the  Indian  devastations  was  the  British  posts,  De- 
troit, \'incennes  and  Kaskaskia.     Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  45. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         67 

of  the  post  of  Detroit/  had  secured  the  Shawnees  and 
Wyandots  as  aUies,  and,  in  anticipation  of  orders  which 
he  had  asked  of  Germain,  was  keeping  them  happy,  and 
was  seeking  to  attract  other  savage  tribes,  by  sending  them 
in  raids  against  the  American  frontiers."  His  own  state- 
ment  of  the  following  July  shows  that,  up  to  that  date, 
he  had  organized  and  dispatched  no  less  than  fifteen 
parties  upon  this  fiendish  mission.-* 

As  a  safeguard  against  surprises,  upon  which  the  In- 
dians, still  unsupplied  with  cannon,  largely  depended  when 
attacking  stockaded  forts,  Clark  arranged  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  six  spies,  pledging  the  faith  of  Virginia  for  the 
payment  of  their  meager  wages.  They  were  detailed  in 
turn,  two  each  week,  to  range  up  and  down  the  Ohio  and 
about  the  deserted  stations,  and  they  added  much  to  the 
security  of  the  District,  until  the  days  of  the  great  inva- 
sions which  came  with  the  advance  of  that  memorable 
Spring  (1777). 

Toward  the  end  of  February,  Hamilton,  sitting  com- 
fortably in  his  headquarters  at  Detroit,  decided  that  the 
time  had  arrived  for  crushing  at  one  blow  the  three  little 
frontier  stations  of  Boonesborough,  Harrodsburg,  and 
Logan's  Fort.  Such  a  stroke,  he  plainly  saw,  would  put 
an  end  to  Kentucky  colonization,  make  Virginia  again  a 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  87.  Hamilton  had  reached  his  post 
in  November,  1775.    Ibid.,  p.  90. 

2  The  expected  orders  (dated  March  26,  1777),  were  in  accord  with  Hamil- 
ton's suggestions,  and  the  course  which  he  was  already  following. 

3  Few  of  the  British  officers  brought  themselves  so  much  under  criticism  for 
inciting  savage  barbarities  as  Governor  Hamilton.  He  sang  the  war  songs  with 
the  zest  of  a  second  Frontenac,  and  made  presents  to  war  parties  which  returned 
with  white  scalps;  but  it  would  be  difficult  to  prove  that  he  actually  offered  re- 
wards as  an  inducement  to  the  Indians  to  take  scalps.  See  Winsor's  "West- 
ward Movement,"  p.  127. 


68  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

frontier  accessible  to  Indian  raids,  and  conciliate  the  sav- 
ages, by  giving  them  back  their  beloved  hunting  ground 
south  of  the  Ohio;  to  say  nothing  of  the  advantage  of 
holdino-  in  the  West,  for  frontier  defence,  the  experienced 
troops  which  Morgan,  the  American  Indian  agent  for  the 
middle  department,  was  planning  to  send  from  Fort  Pitt 
and  Fort  Randolph,  to  reinforce  Washington's  army  in 
the  East.^  The  plans  were  carefully  made,  and  only  by  a 
lucky  chance  was  warning  given  to  the  little  garrison  at 
Harrodsburg,  which  had  been  singled  out  as  the  first  vic- 
tim. On  March  5,  1777,"  James  Ray  and  several  com- 
panions, while  surveying  near  Harrodsburg,  were  suddenly 
attacked  by  a  band  of  forty-seven  Indians,  commaxided  by 
the  Chief,  Blackfish.'"*  Ray  alone  escaped,  making  such 
use  of  his  legs  as  astonished  even  the  savage  leaders,  and, 
having  gained  the  fort,  gave  the  alarm.  Preparations  were 
hastily  made  for  defence;  a  militia  was  organized,  am- 
munition brought  out,  and  water  and  provisions  secured. 
Two  days  later  "*  the  attack  was  begun,  in  characteristic 
Indian  fashion,  with  a  decoy,  designed  to  lure  the  pioneers 
outside  the  protection  of  their  strong  palisade.  A  cabin, 
standing  a  little  apart  from  the  fort,  was  fired  by  the  sav- 
ages, and  the  unsuspecting  settlers  rushed  out  to  save  their 
property.  Instantly  the  forest  was  alive  with  painted  war- 
riors, intent  upon  cutting  off  the  retreat  to  the  fort.    The 

1  The  specific  circumstance,  as  Winsor  points  out,  which  induced  Hamil- 
ton to  attempt  this  stroke  at  that  particular  moment,  was  the  news  that  "Mor- 
gan, who  was  now  commanding  at  Fort  Pitt,  had  represented  to  headquarters 
in  January,  1777,  that  if  militia  were  drafted  to  take  the  place  of  the  garrisons 
at  Forts  Pitt  and  Randolph,  the  regular  companies  doing  duty  there  could  be 
sent  to  reinforce  the  Eastern  Army."    Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  in. 

2  Butler,  p.  42;  Collins,  II,  p.  611,  puts  Ray's  escape  a  few  days  earlier. 
■^  Smith,  p.  84. 

*  Marshall,  I,  p.  48. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         69 

whites  scattered,  each  man  selecting  a  tree  to  serve  as  a 
shield,  and,  retreating  toward  the  fort,  kept  up  a  deadly  fire 
with  the  long  rifle,  which  the  pioneer  always  carried  with 
him.  As  they  reached  the  entrance,  the  gates  were  opened, 
and  a  quick  rush  carried  them  into  a  position  of  safety 
behind  the  protecting  log  walls. 

The  failure  of  their  plans  discouraged  the  savages,  who 
had  no  mind  to  attempt  the  siege  of  so  strong  a  fort, 
while  other  stations  remained  which  might  possibly  be 
taken  by  surprise.  They  accordingly  vanished  as  noise- 
lessly as  they  had  come,  and,  on  April  15th,  appeared  be- 
fore the  walls  of  Boonesborough,  a  hundred  strong,^  and 
began  a  fierce  and  persistent  attack.  The  little  garrison, 
however,  though  numbering  barely  twenty-two  guns,  re- 
ceived the  assault  with  such  coolness,  and  with  such  per- 
fection of  aim,  that,  after  two  days  of  battle,  the  savages 
retired,  taking  their  dead  and  wounded  with  them. 

The  next  attempt  (May  20th)  was  upon  Logan's  Fort, 
and  fell  with  terrible  and  deadly  suddenness.  The  women 
were  milking  the  cows,  and  the  men  standing  guard,  as 
was  customary  in  those  troubled  d^ys,  when  the  attack 
came.  One  man  was  killed  and  two  wounded  before 
the  startled  pioneers  succeeded  in  reentering  the  fort, 
and  when  at  last  the  great  gates  had  been  secured,  the 
little  garrison  noticed  with  horror  that  one  of  their  wounded 
had  been  left  outside.  They  watched  him  raise  himself 
from  the  ground  with  a  violent  exertion,  stagger  a  few 
paces  toward  the  gate,  and  fall  back  gasping.  He  was 
in  full  view  of  the  fort,  and  also  in  short  range  of  the  sav- 
ages, who  deliberately  held  their  fire,  in  the  hope  that  an 
attempt  at  rescue  would  offer  them  more  desirable  targets, 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  iii. 


70  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

With  the  garrison  it  was  a  conflict  between  sympathy  and 
dutw  The  number  of  effective  men  in  the  fort  had  already 
been  reduced  from  fifteen  to  twelve,  and  each  additional 
loss  would  bring  the  women  and  children  nearer  to  the 
horrors  of  capture.  At  length,  however.  Colonel  Benjamin 
Logan  announced  his  intention  of  attempting  the  hazard- 
ous rescue,  and  called  for  volunteers  to  assist  him.  From 
such  a  venture  even  those  hardened  warriors  of  the  fron- 
tier held  back  in  horror.  It  was  follv.  It  meant  certain 
and  instant  death.  Shame  finall\-  induced  John  Martin  to 
offer  his  services.  The  gate  was  cautiously  opened  and  the 
two  men  sprang  forward;  but  Martm's  courage  forsook 
him,  and  he  darted  back  to  the  gate  which  instantly  opened 
to  receive  him.  Logan,  undaunted,  raised  the  wounded 
man  to  his  broad  shoulders,  and  amid  a  shower  of  bullets 
from  the  savages,  and  a  chorus  of  cheers  from  the  garrison, 
bore  him  to  safety  behind  the  walls  of  the  fort.^ 

And  now  began  the  horrors  of  one  of  the  closest  and 
most  determined  sieges  know  to  frontier  history,  where  no 
man  could  foresee  the  expedients  by  which  the  crafty  sava- 
ges would  seek  to  surprise  them.  At  times  it  was  the  bold, 
persistent  attack;  at  times  the  effort  to  lure  the  garrison  to 
its  destruction,  by  a  pretended  retreat.  But,  in  general, 
as  was  their  custom  when  besieging  a  strong  fort  defended 
by  a  palisade,  the  Indians  aimed  to  cut  off  the  supplies  both 
of  food  and  water,  and,  by  keeping  a  close  watch,  day  and 
night,  to  prevent  any  one  from  passing  out  or  in.-  By 
these  latter  means,  they  held  Logan's  Fort  for  weeks,  but 


1  Marshall,  I,  pp.  50,  51. 

2  Marshall,  himself  contemporary  with  the  pioneer  age  in  Kentucky,  gives 
a  detailed  description  of  how  the  Indians  ordinarily  conducted  a  siege.  See 
Vol.  I,  pp.  43,  44. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         71 

at  last,  the  long  and  heroic  defence  was  rewarded.  In 
August,  Colonel  Bowman  '  entered  Kentucky  County  at 
the  head  of  one  hundred  men,  and  directed  his  course  to 
the  almost  desperate  station. 

The  savages  raised  the  siege,  as  he  drew  near,  but  made 
their  farewell  in  a  most  effective  manner.  They  prepared 
an  ambuscade  for  Colonel  Bowman's  advanced  guard, 
which  ventured  to  approach  at  some  distance  ahead  of 
the  main  body,  and,  having  killed  several  of  them,  selected 
one,  upon  whose  dead  body  they  placed  copies  of  a  proc- 
lamation, signed  by  Colonel  Henry  Hamilton,"  and  offer- 
ing protection  to  such  Americans  as  would  swear  allegi- 
ance to  George  HI,  while  threatening  the  direst  vengeance 
against  all  who  should  refuse  the  mercy  thus  generously 
offered.  This  document,  a  presumptive  proof  of  Hamil- 
ton's connection  with  the  late  siege,  was  discovered  by 
the  fellow  soldiers  of  the  dead  man  and  given  to  Logan, 
who  carefully  concealed  it,  fearing  that  it  might  prove  too 
tempting  an  offer  to  his  men,  worn  out  as  they  were  by 
anxiety,  long  confinement  and  privation. 

These  various  attacks,  although  signally  failing  to  ac- 
complish the  chief  purpose  for  which  Hamilton  had  de- 
signed them,  checked  the  process  of  western  settlement. 
Even  the  few  unfortified  stations  which  had  weathered 
the  storms  of  1776,  had  fallen  before  these  later  invasions, 
and,  by  January,   1778,  Kentucky  County  was  deserted, 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  iii,  says  August.  Boone's  "Auto- 
biography" says  the  25th  of  July.  Cf.  Hartley's  "Boone."  Marshall,  I,  p.  53, 
says  September. 

2  Marshall  assigns  the  proclamation  to  Carleton  himself,  see  Vol.  I,  p.  53, 
but  we  know  that,  some  months  before,  Carleton  had  received  instructions 
from  England,  which  relieved  him  of  all  responsibility  for  the  war,  in  the  regions 
about  the  upper  lakes,  placing  the  military  affairs  of  that  region  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  Hamilton. 


72  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

save  for  the  three  gallant  little  forts,  whose  combined  garri- 
sons, exclusive  of  the  occasional  bands  of  militia  sent  out 
by  Virginia,  numbered  only  one  hundred  guns,  and  whose 
total  population,  men,  women,  and  children,  did  not  exceed 
two  hundred  souls. ^ 

These  events  confirmed  Clark  in  the  opinion  that  safety 
for  the  Kentucky  settlements  could  only  be  secured  by 
the  reduction  of  the  British  forts  in  the  Northwest. 
But  before  he  could  hope  to  accomplish  this,  he  saw 
that  he  must  gain  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
try where  these  hostile  posts  were  situated,  and  that  he 
must  secure  the  financial  and  military  aid  of  Virginia, 
which,  as  the  parent  colony,  ought,  he  felt,  to  be  willing 
to  bear  the  chief  burden  of  such  an  enterprise.  He  there- 
fore sent  out,  during  the  summer,  two  spies  with  instruc- 
tions to  make  a  thorough  investigation  of  the  Illinois 
country,'  and  to  report  to  him  as  soon  as  possible.  To- 
ward autumn  they  returned  ^  with  tidings  which,  though 
fully  confirming  Clark's  suspicions  that  the  British  were 
instigating  the  Indian  attacks,  encouraged  him  in  the  be- 
lief that  the  Northwestern  posts  could  be  taken  without 
the  aid  of  a  very  large  body  of  troops.  The  French  in- 
habitants of  the  Illinois  country,  they  represented  as  dis- 
posed to  be  friendly  toward  the  American  cause,  very  few 
of  them  having  taken  part  in  the  barbarous  raids,  directed 
from  Hamilton's  station  in  Detroit.  They  declared  that 
this  kindly  attitude  had  persisted,  although  the  British  had 
endeavored,  by  every  kind  of  misrepresentation,  to  preju- 
dice them  against  the  Virginians  and  Kentuckians,  whom 

1  Butler,  p.  95. 

2  Butler,  p.  46,  mentions  the  names. 

3  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  117,  says  on  June  22d,  but  Collins, 
I,  p.  19,  says  they  were  still  in  Illinois  on  July  25th.  { 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         73 

they  had  represented  as  far  more  cruel  and  barbarous  than 
even  the  savages  themselves. 

Of  such  people  Clark  saw^  that  it  would  not  be  difficult  to 
make  American  allies,  if  only  they  could  be  rescued  from 
the  dominating  influence  of  British  soldiers.  Keeping  his 
intentions  entirely  secret,  he  departed  for  Williamsburg 
on  October  the  first,  and  about  two  months  later,  ex- 
plained his  views  in  detail  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia, 
Patrick  Henry,  who,  knowing  the  military  skill  and  fore- 
sight of  the  young  frontiersman,  gave  him  careful  atten- 
tion. Clark's  plan  had  grown  since  his  last  appearance, 
demanding  simply  five  hundred  pounds  of  powder  for 
frontier  defence.  Novv^  he  asked  for  men  and  money,  to 
fit  out  an  extensive  military  expedition,  and  proposed  to 
perform  a  deed  which  appeared  almost  impossible. 

"At  first,"  says  Clark,  in  speaking,  in  his  memoirs,  of 
this  important  conference,  "  he  seemed  to  be  fond  of  it, 
but  to  detach  a  party  at  so  great  distance,  although  the 
service  performed  might  be  of  great  utility,  appeared 
daring  and  hazardous,  as  nothing  but  secrecy  could  give 
success  to  the  enterprise.  To  lay  the  matter  before  the 
Assembly,  then  sitting,  would  be  dangerous,  as  it  would 
soon  be  known  throughout  the  frontiers,  and  probably  the 
first  prisoner  taken  by  the  Indians  would  give  the  alarm, 
which  would  end  in  the  certain  destruction  of  the  party." 

Henry,  however,  called  together  Thomas  Jefferson, 
George  Wythe  and  George  Mason,  and  requested  Clark 
to  explain  his  plans  to  them.  These  men  considered  the 
matter  with  minute  care  for  several  weeks,  discussing  it 
from  every  conceivable  standpoint,  and  at  length  (on  Jan- 
uary 2,  1778),  communicated  a  favorable  decision  to  the 
Virginia  Council,  urging  that  all  steps,  necessary  to  the 


74  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

execution  of  Clark's  plans,  be  taken  "with  as  little  delay 
and  as  much  secrecy  as  possible." 

On  the  same  day  Clark  received  two  sets  of  instructions 
from  the  Council.  The  first,  intended  as  a  blind  for  the 
public,  reads  as  follows: 

"Lieut.  Col.  Geo.  Rogers  Clark: 

"You  are  to  proceed  without  loss  of  time  to  enlist  seven 
companies  of  men,  officered  in  the  usual  manner,  to  act 
as  militia  under  your  orders.  They  are  to  proceed  to 
Kentucky  and  there  to  obey  such  orders  and  directions  as 
you  shall  give  them,  for  three  months  after  their  arrival  at 
that  place;  but  to  receive  pay,  etc.,  in  case  they  remain  on 
duty  a  longer  time. 

"You  arc  empowered  to  raise  these  men  in  any  county 
in  the  Commonwealth,  and  the  County  Lieutenants,  re- 
spectively, are  requested  to  give  you  all  possible  assistance 
in  that  business. 

"Given  under  my  hand  at  Williamsburg,  Jan.  2,  1778. 

"P.  Henry."  1 

The  private  instructions  were  contained  in  the  following 
letter: 

"  In  Council,  Wmburg.,  Jan.  2,  1778. 
"Col.  Geo.  Rogers  Clark: 

"Sir: — You  are  to  proceed  with  all  convenient  speed 
to  raise  seven  companies  of  soldiers  to  consist  of  fifty 
men  each,  officered  in  the  usual  manner,  and  armed  most 
properly  for  the  enterprise,  and  with  this  force  attack  the 
British  post  at  Kaskasky. 

"It  is  conjectured  that  there  are  many  pieces  of  cannon, 
and  military  stores  to  considerable  amount  at  that  place, 

1  Pirtle's  "Campaign  in  the  Illinois,"  p.  95. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         75 

the  taking  and  preservation  of  which  would  be  a  valuable 
acquisition  to  the  State.  If  you  are  so  fortunate,  there- 
fore, as  to  succeed  in  your  Expedition  you  will  take  every 
possible  measure  to  secure  the  artillery  and  stores  and 
whatever  may  advantage  the  State. 

"For  the  transportation  of  the  troops,  provisions,  etc., 
down  the  Ohio  you  are  to  apply  to  the  commanding  officer 
at  Fort  Pitt,  for  Boats,  etc.  During  the  whole  transaction 
you  are  to  take  especial  care  to  keep  the  true  destination 
of  your  Force  secret.     Its  success  depends  upon  this.   .   .  . 

"  It  is  earnestly  desired  that  you  show  humanity  to  such 
British  subjects,  and  other  persons,  as  fall  in  your  hands. 
If  the  white  Inhabitants  of  that  post  and  the  neighborhood 
will  give  undoubted  evidence  of  their  attachment  to  this 
State  (for  it  is  certain  they  live  within  its  limits)  by  taking 
the  test  prescribed  by  Law  and  by  every  way  and  means 
in  their  power,  let  them  be  treated  as  fellow  citizens,  and 
their  persons  and  property  duly  secured.  Assistance  and 
protection  against  all  enemies  whatever  shall  be  afforded 
them,  and  the  Commonwealth  of  Va.  is  pledged  to  ac- 
complish it.  But  if  the  people  will  not  accede  to  these 
reasonable  demands,  they  must  feel  the  miseries  of  war 
under  the  direction  of  that  Humanity  that  has  hitherto 
distinguished  Americans,  and  which  it  is  expected  you  will 
ever  consider  as  the  Rule  of  your  conduct  and  from  which 
you  are  in  no  Instance  to  depart. 

"The  corps  you  are  to  command  are  to  receive  the  pay 
and  allowance  of  militia,  and  to  act  under  the  Laws  and 
regulations  of  this  State,  now  in  force,  as  militia.  The 
inhabitants  of  the  Post  will  be  informed  by  you,  that  in 
case  they  accede  to  the  offer  of  becoming  citizens  of  this 
Commonwealth,    a   proper   garrison   will   be   maintained 


76  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

among  them  and  every  attention  bestowed  to  render  their 
commerce  beneficial,  the  fairest  prospects  being  opened 
to  the  dominions  of  both  France  and  Spain. 

"It  is  in  contemplation  to  establish  a  post  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio.  Cannon  will  be  wanted  to  fortify  it. 
Part  of  those  at  Kaskasky  will  be  easily  brought  thither 
or  otherwise  secured  as  circumstances  will  make  neces- 
sary. .  .   .^    Wishing  you  success,  I  am 

"Sir 

''  Your  hbl.  sr^ 
"P.  Henry." 2 

The  next  day  Clark  received  from  the  three  distinguished 
statesmen,  Wythe,  Mason  and  Jefferson,  a  letter  authoriz- 
ing him  to  use,  at  the  proper  time,  certain  inducements  as 
a  means  of  quickly  enlisting  the  necessary  troops  for  the 
expedition.     It  reads  thus: 

"Williamsburg,  Jan.  3,  1778. 

"Sir: 

"As  some  Indian  tribes  to  the  westward  of  the  Missis- 
sippi have  lately,  without  provocation,  massacred  many  of 
the  Inhabitants  of  the  Frontiers  of  this  Commonwealth  in 
the  most  cruel  and  barbarous  manner,  and  it  is  intended  to 
revenge  the  Injury  and  punish  the  Aggressors  by  carrying 
the  war  into  their  own  country,  we  congratulate  you  upon 
your  appointment  to  conduct  so  important  an  enterprise 
in  which  we  most  heartily  wish  you  success,  and  we  have 
no  doubt  but  some  further  reward  in  lands  in  the  country 
will  be  given  to  volunteers  who  shall  engage  in  this  serv- 
ice, in  addition  to  the  usual  pay,  if  they  are  so  fortunate 

1  See  "  Annals  of  Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  i8. 

2  English,  "Life  of  George  Rogers  Clark,"  I,  p.  96.  Pirtle's  "Campaign  in 
the  Illinois,"  pp.  96-97,  transcribes  the  document. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         ^-j 

as  to  succeed.  We  think  it  just  and  reasonable  that  each 
volunteer  entering  as  a  common  soldier  in  this  expedition 
should  be  allowed  three  hundred  acres  of  land  and  the 
officers  in  the  usual  proportion,  out  of  the  lands  which 
may  be  conquered  in  the  country  not  in  the  possession  of 
the  said  Indians,  so  as  not  to  interfere  with  the  claims  of 
any  friendly  Indians  or  of  any  people  willing  to  become 
subjects  of  this  Commonwealth,  and  for  this  we  think  you 
may  safely  confide  in  the  justice  and  Generosity  of  the 
Va.  Assembly. 
"We  are  Sir 

"Your  most  Hble.  Serv** 

"G.Wythe. 
"G.  Mason. 
"Th.  Jefferson. 
"To  George  Rogers  Clark,  Esq." 

Armed  with  such  complete  authority,  and  supported 
by  the  pledge  of  men  so  influential,  not  only  in  Virginia, 
but  throughout  the  entire  country,  Clark  at  once  set  about 
his  plans  for  enlistment,  and  his  preparations  for  depar- 
ture, doing  all  as  secretly  as  possible,  according  to  his  in- 
structions. During  the  next  four  months  his  tremendous 
energies  were  fully  occupied  in  this  work,  for  the  raising 
and  equipping  of  even  a  small  body  of  troops,  in  those 
anxious  times,  was  no  easy  task. 

During  this  same  winter  (February,  1778),  Daniel 
Boone,  accompanied  by  thirty  men,  was  encamped  at  the 
Blue  Licks,  on  the  Licking  River,  making  salt  for  his 
settlement.  Having  wandered  some  distance  from  camp, 
with  the  intention  of  securing  a  supply  of  game,  he  came 
upon  a  band  of  one  hundred  and  two  Indians  bound  for 


78  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

an  attack  upon  Boonesborough,  and  was  made  prisoner. 
"They  .  .  .  brought  me  on  the  8th  day,"  says  Boone/ 
"to  the  Licks,  where  twenty-seven  of  my  party  were, 
three  of  them  having  previously  returned  home  with  the 
salt.  I,  knowing  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  escape, 
capitulated  with  the  enemy,  and,  at  a  distance,  in  their 
view,  gave  notice  to  my  men  of  their  situation,  with  orders 
not  to  resist,  but  surrender  themselves  captives." 

Boone's  object  in  making  this  surrender  of  his  compan- 
ions was  to  prevent  the  meditated  attack  upon  the  fort, 
which  he  knew  to  be  in  no  very  good  condition  for  defence, 
for  he  felt  certain  that  the  Indians,  upon  finding  themselves 
in  possession  of  so  many  prisoners,  would  hasten  home 
to  receive  their  reward  from  the  British,  and  to  enjoy  a 
season  of  celebration.  And  so  indeed  it  happened.  "The 
generous  usage,"  continues  Boone's  Autobiography,  "the 
Indians  had  promised  before  my  capitulation,  was  after- 
ward fully  complied  with,  and  we  proceeded  with  them  as 
prisoners  to  Old  Chilicothe,  the  principal  Indian  Town  on 
Little  Miami  where  we  arrived  ...  on  the  i8th  day  of 
February.  .  .  .  On  the  loth  day  of  March  following,  I 
and  ten  of  my  men  were  conducted  by  forty  Indians  to 
Detroit,  .  .  .  and  were  treated  by  Governor  Hamilton, 
the  British  Commander  at  that  post,  with  great  human- 

ity-" 

Here  Boone's  companions  were  handed  over  to  the 
British  allies,  in  exchange  for  the  customary  reward;  but 
no  gold  could  tempt  his  savage  captors  to  part  with  the 
hero   himself,  "although,"    says  Boone,  with  a  touch  of 

1  "Autobiography."  Marshall,  I,  p.  5=;,  gives  February  7th  as  the  date  of 
Boone's  capture,  and  this  is  confirmed  by  Boone's  "Autobiography"  (Reprinted 
in  Hartley's  "Boone,"  Appendix). 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         79 

complacency,  "the  Governor  offered  them  one  hundred 
pounds  SterHng  for  me,  on  purpose  to  give  me  a  parole 
to  go  home.  Several  English  gentlemen,"  he  adds,  with 
that  fine  independence  so  characteristic  of  the  frontier, 
"...  generously  offered  a  friendly  supply  for  my  wants, 
which  I  refused,  with  many  thanks  for  their  kindness — 
adding,  that  I  never  expected  it  would  be  in  my  power 
to  recompense  such  unmerited  generosity." 

The  Indians,  having  thus  disposed  of  their  less  illus- 
trious captives,  took  Boone  back  to  Old  Chillicothe  where, 
says  Boone,  "I  was  adopted,  according  to  their  custom, 
into  a  family  where  I  became  a  son,  and  had  a  great  share 
in  the  affection  of  my  new  parents,  brothers,  sisters, 
and  friends." 

This  ceremony  of  adoption,  although  considered  the 
greatest  possible  compliment  by  the  Indians,  was  a  very 
painful  and  humiliating  process.  The  hair  was  pulled 
out  until  the  head  was  entirely  bald,  with  the  exception 
of  the  "scalp  lock,"  which  was  left  long,  and  adorned 
with  ribbons  and  feathers.  The  victim  was  then  handed 
over  to  women  who  led  him  into  the  river  and  scrubbed 
him  thoroughly,  to  "take  out  all  his  white  blood."  He 
was  next  conducted  to  the  council  of  braves,  where  the 
chief  made  a  formal  address  intended  to  impress  upon 
him  the  greatness  of  the  honor  thus  thrust  upon  him,  and 
finally,  painted  and  decorated  in  the  most  elaborate  style, 
he  was  conducted  with  great  pomp,  to  a  feast  given  in 
honor  of  the  new  son  of  the  tribe.  ^ 

Boone  accepted  these  courtesies  with  apparent  satis- 
faction, knowing  that  his  chance  of  escape  would  be  much 
greater  if  he  could  persuade  the  Indians  that  he  was  per- 

1  Hartley's  "Boone,"  p.  131. 


8o  KENTUCKY  IX  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

fectly  contented  to  remain  one  of  them.  "I  was  exceed- 
ingly familiar  and  friendly  with  them,"  he  says/  "always 
appearing  as  cheerful  and  satisfied  as  possible,  and  they 
put  great  confidence  in  me.  ...  I  was  careful  not  to  ex- 
ceed many  of  them  in  shooting;  for  no  people  are  more 
envious  than  thev  in  this  sport."  But  all  the  time  he  w^as 
dividins:  into  halves  the  bullets  allowed  him,  and  using 
light  charges  of  powder,  preparing  for  the  day  when  he 
should  deem  it  advisable  to  make  good  his  escape." 
Watching  for  the  first  signs  of  a  new  expedition  against 
the  Kentucky  stations,  and  ready  instantly  to  carry  the 
alarm,  he  bided  his  time,  until  one  day,  toward  the  middle 
of  June,  upon  his  return  from  the  salt  springs  on  the 
Scioto,  he  was  alarmed  to  see  four  hundred  and  fifty  In- 
dians, painted  and  armed,  ready  for  a  march  against 
Boonesborough.  The  time  for  escape  had  at  last  arrived, 
and,  on  the  i6th  of  June,  before  sunrise,  he  slipped  quietly 
away,  arriving  at  Boonesborough  on  the  20th,  after  a 
journey  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles,  during  which  he 
had  eaten  but  one  meal.^ 

His  reception  at  the  hands  of  some  of  his  fellow  pioneers 
was  far  from  cordial.  Stephen  Hancock,  one  of  the  men 
whom  Boone  had  surrendered  at  Blue  Licks,  had  returned 
to  Boonesborough  and  had  reported  "that  the  Indians  in 
a  great  army  was  a  coming  to  take  boonsbourrough  that 
Colonel  Daniel  Boone  was  at  Detrovt  and  had  agreed 
with  the  british  officers  that  he  would  come  with  the  In- 
dians and  that  their  fort  should  be  given  up  and  that  the 

1  "Autobiography." 

2  Bogart's  "Boone,"  p.  192. 

3  Filson's  "  Kentucke."  During  his  absence  Boone's  family  had  returned 
to  North  Carolina,  supposing  him  to  be  dead.  (Collins,  II,  p.  59.)  Robert  B. 
McAfee's  "  Journal." 


KEXTUCKVS  PART  IX  THE  REVOLUTION   8i 

people  should  be  taken  to  Detro\'t  and  live  under  the  juris- 
diction of   his  gracious  Maiestv   King  George  III." 

In  answer  to  these  accusations  Boone  declared  that,  "he 
was  a  Discieving  the  British  officers  and  Indians  and  he 
was  now  come  to  help  his  own  people  fight  and  thev 
must  make  what  preparation  thev  could,  but  the  Indians 
would  certainh-  be  their  in  a  few  davs.   .   .   .'"'  ^ 

On  August  S,  177S,-  the  savage  armv  approached  the 
fort,  four  hundred  painted  warriors,  and  eleven  Frenchm.en, 
commanded  hv  the  Canadian  Frenchman,  Captain  Du- 
quesne.  and  the  great  chief,  Blackhsh,  and  proudlv  bear- 
ing alott  the  colors  of  His  Britannic  Maiestv.^  A  parley 
ensued,  Duquesne  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  fort  in 
the  name  of  King  George  III,  and  Boone  responding  with  a 
request  for  two  davs  for  consideration,  which  was  promptly 
granted.  Having  made  the  most  of  this  brief  period  of 
respite  to  strengthen  the  defences  and  bring  the  cattle 
within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  Boone  delivered  his  replv, 
astonishingly  defiant  in  view  of  the  vast  disparity  of  the 
contending  forces." 

"We  laugh  at  your  formidable  preparations;  but  thank 

1  Daniel  Trabue's  "Autobiography  and  Dian-,"  Durrett  M5S. 

2  Butler,  p.  97,  following  Boone's  "Autobiography,"  places  this  attack  on 
August  8th,  while  Collins  (\'ol.  II,  p.  19)  says  that  it  began  on  September  7  th. 
The  "  Journal  of  Robert  McAfee,"  also  gives  August  Sth. 

3  Marshall,  I,  p.  59.  Boone,  in  his  "Autobiography"  sa3rs  the  British  and 
French  colors  were  both  flying  over  the  Indian  army,  certainly  a  strange 
combination  in  view  of  the  recent  Franco-American  Alliance,  news  of  which 
had  reached  Clark  at  Louisville  before  the  middle  of  the  pre\-ious  June. 

*  With  the  additions  of  the  last  few  months  the  garrison  was  less  than  fifty 
men  (Marshall,  I,  p.  60),  but  this  does  not  include  the  aid  sent  from  Harrods- 
burg  and  Logan's  Fort  just  before  the  arrival  of  the  savage  army.  General 
Robert  B.  McAfee  (Durrett  MSS.)  says  there  were  only  twent}--nine  men  in  the 
station  during  the  siege;  but  this  is  an  e\'ident  error.  McAfee's  description  of 
the  conference  and  the  siege  is  graphic  and  interesting,  though  differing  con- 
siderably from  those  of  Boone  and  Daniel  Trabue. 
Kentuckv — 6 


S;.  KKMlcKX    IN  THE  NAllONS  IIISIOKV 

you  for  «;\\iii;i  us  iiotloo  nncl  timo  to  provide  for  our  ilc- 
{iiisc.  ^  oui  rtloKs  \\\\\  iu>i  puN.iil.  liM  oui  ;;.i(is  sluill 
ton-\ti  iKin  \  ou  .iilmifi.uii  r ."  in  wliuli  ilch.uui-.  u>  spid- 
i^t  lUc  ohtiusiNO  toiiu.ilism  ;m\  iii  u  In  l'ilsi>n,  ilic  ilic(i>ii- 
c\A\\.  \\c  C.UV.I1   {\\c  luij;  ot   u-.il   pu'ucci'  Ua\'S. 

nuquisuo.  ho\\c\c'i,  lusu. He'll  (o  .i(f:u'k,  un:iMo  to  grasp 
flic  ilka  til. If  this  i^.iiiisiMi  ot  st\  lUiN -ti\  f  uuii,  uu^aut  ii> 
itsist  his  sa\aL!,i'  tour  huiuhiil  .iiul  twchi-.  liis  hisiia- 
fiou  l>ooiu'  atti  ihuti'ii  (o  n>\\  .11  Jut".  "Wlutiur  this  an- 
swer." hi-  s.ns.  ■■  .itli'id  il  thi'u  oi>urage  or  not  1  can  not 
tell;  hut,  contr.ii\  to  our  oxpecfations,  the\"  tormed  a 
scheme  to  deceive  us.  ileel.uuu:,  u  n\.is  duu  orders,  from 
CiONciuoi  1  lac.uhon.  to  t.ik.e  us  cajnn  es,  .uul  not  to  di\stro\ 
us;  hut  it  luue  ot  us  would  conic  out  .uul  fic.it  with  thcin, 
the\  would  iiiiniC(.li;Hci\  withdraw  ilicu  forces  tnuii  our 
w;dls.   .ind   tituin  home  pc.icc.ihh  ." 

Although  suspcctuii;  trcachei\,  Hooiu-  ;ii;recil  to  tiiMt; 
;iiid  n.inicl  I  lahuc,  .1  jMoininciit  pioiicci  ot  Logan's  Fort, 
h.is  Ictt  us  the  tollowmg  .iccount  ot  the  contcrence,  and  of 
the  sici;c  which  tollowcd.' 

'■  PiX'x  loush  to  their  going  out.  Col.  C\ilK>w  .i\  •'  fold  the 
pcc^plc  111  (he  tort  the\  iiiusi  he  l\cd\  with  their  guns  it  the 
Indi.ins  use  ;in\  \  lolcnce  to  tue  on  fhem  ;ind  he  ;ilsv>  fold 
them  tor  the  wnmen  to  jnif  on  hats  aiul  hunting  shuts  ;ind 
appear  ;is  nu-n  ;uul  get  upon  the  tt>p  ot  the  \valls  ;ind  their 
might  ;ipjie;u"  as  .1  gie.it   111. in\    men,  .iiul   the  women  did 

'  The  account  given  in  Boone's  ".\utobiography"  is  well  known:  Init  Tra- 
buo's  iUixnmt  has  nut  before  been  piiblislieil.  .\  dctaileil  lucount  of  Uu-  (.'on- 
fereme  is  also  given  in  a  itocinnent  entitled  "The  Indian  Attack  upon  IJoones 
borough  in  177S,"  Durrett  MSS.,  unpuhlislted.  .''^ee  also  McCIung's  "Stories  of 
Western  Adventure."  p.   56. 

3  Col.  Richard  Calloway  had  strongly  op^wseil  the  Conference,  but  hail  bi-on 
overruled. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IX  THE  RESOLUTION         83 

so  and  the  men  in  the  fort  did  also  get  on  the  walls  and 
cabins  and  showd  to  good  advantage  their  was  about 
75  white  men  in  the  fort  and  about  1000  indians  ar 
the  fort  ^  about  30  of  the  Indian  Chiefs  came  up  m 
about  fifty  yards  of  the  Fort  Col.  Boon  with  them  Sc  our 
officers  about  15  ^  went  to  them  and  they  had  a  long  talk 
and  the  Indians  made  or  pretended  to  make  a  firm  Peace 
with  the  white  people  and  said  we  must  shake  hands 
for  friendship  which  the  white  people  agreed  to  do.  So 
they  shook  hands  the  Indians  then  said  shake  hands 
again  and  so  they  did  now  the  Indians  saved  two  Indians 
must  shake  hands  with  one  white  man  to  make  a  Double 
or  sure  peace  at  this  time  the  Indians  had  hold  of  the 
white  men's  hands  and  held  them.  Col.  Calloway  ob- 
jected to  this  but  the  other  Indians  laid  hold  or  trved  to 
lay  hold  of  the  other  hand  but  Col.  Calloway  was  the  first 
that  jerked  away  from  them  but  the  Indians  seized  the 
men  two  Indians  holt  of  one  man  or  it  was  mostly  the  case 
and  did  their  best  to  hold  them  but  while  the  man  and 
Indians  was  a  scuffling  the  men  from  the  Fort  agreeable 
to  Col.  Calloway's  order  fired  on  them  thev  had  a  dread- 
ful skufi^el  but  our  men  all  got  in  the  fort  safe  and  the 
fire  continued  on  both  sides  after  that  Col.  Calloway  had 
made  a  wooden  cannon  and  took  wagon  tyre  and  wrapt  it 
and  the  Indians  had  agreeable  assembled  together  at  a  dis- 
tance Calloway  loaded  his  cannon  and  put  in  20  or  30 
ounce  balls  and  fired  at  the  Indians  it  made  a  large  re- 
port equal  to  a  cannon  the  Indians  squandered  from  that 

1  A  not  unnatural  exaggeration  of  the  numbers. 

2  General  Robt.  B.  McAfee  says  that  only  "Boone  and  five  or  six  of  his  men 
went  out"  (Durrett  MSS.),  while  Boone,  in  his  "Autobiography"  (Reprint 
Hartley's  "  Boone,"  Appendix)  gives  the  clear  impression  that  nine  men  went 
to  the  Conference. 


84  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

place  much  frightened  and  it  was  thought  several  killed 
or  wounded  this  cannon  was  fired  the  second  time  and 
bursted  the  last  time  it  was  fired  at  a  group  of  Indians  at 
a  distance  and  it  made  them  skamper  perdidiously  whether 
they  was  hit  with  the  bullits  or  whether  it  was  the  big  loud 
Report  it  was  uncertain  but  one  thing  is  a  fact  they  never 
was  seen  in  gropes  in  sight  after  that  time  the  Indians 
would  sometimes  hollow  aloud  to  our  men  and  curse  them 
and  said  why  dont  you  shoot  your  big  gun  again  our  men 
did  answer  them  get  manvof  vou  together  and  we  will  shoot 
it  but  it  is  not  worth  while  to  shoot  at  one  Indian  when  he 
is  runnincr  or  Dodgmg  this  tort  was  close  on  the  bank  of 
the  Kentucky  River  and  it  was  discovered  from  the  fort 
that  there  was  an  old  cedar  stick  or  pole  that  come  up 
out  of  the  Camp  perpendicular  and  it  was  observed  to 
shake;  our  men  knew  that  the  indians  was  digging  a  pass- 
wav  this  was  a  project  of  a  Canadian  frenchman  as  was 
thought  .  .  .  Col.  Callowav  immediately  had  our  men 
at  Diging  a  ditch  opposite  the  Indian  ditch.  Capt.  Holder 
a  laro-e  strong  man  took  big  stones  and  cast  them  from 
the  fort  over  the  Camp  expectmg  the\'  might  fall  on  some 
of  the  Indians  one  of  the  women  of  the  fort  said  Dont 
do  so  Capt.  it  might  hurt  some  of  the  Indians  and  they 
will  be  mad  and  have  revenge  for  the  same  and  the  In- 
dians  and  our  men  did  almost  meet  under  the  fort  a 
Digging  the^"  could  hear  one  another  a  diggmg  and  when 
the  Indians  heard  that  thev  quit  supposing  our  people 
might  or  would  put  their  big  gun  their,  the  Siege  contin- 
ued for  10  davs  (Sc  nights  our  men  received  but  little  dam- 
age  from  the  Indians  fire  but  it  was  thought  there  was 
several  Indians  Killed." 

It  was  August  the  t^ventieth  when  Duquesne  raised  the 


! 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         85 

siege  and  departed,^  taking  his  dead  and  wounded  with 
him,  and  the  men  who  had  come  in  from  the  neighboring 
forts  to  aid  in  the  defence,  at  once  hastened  back  to  their 
own  stations,  fearful  lest  the  force  of  the  savage  army 
should  be  turned  against  them. 

Thus  ended  the  last  serious  attempt  to  capture  the  fort 
at  Boonesborough,  and  to  those  of  us  who  to-day  read  the 
quaint  fragments  of  its  history  it  is  quite  clear  that  Boone 
was  its  hero  and  patriot  throughout. 

While  Boone  had  been  playing  his  part  in  Old  Chilli- 
cothe,  posing  as  the  son  of  a  savage  tribe,  and  watching 
his  brother  red  men  for  the  first  sign  of  a  renewed  invasion 
of  Kentucky,  George  Rogers  Clark  was  preparing  to  march 
with  the  little  army,  which  he  had  succeeded  in  raising  for 
his  proposed  campaign,  against  the  Northwestern  posts. 
He  had  enlisted  three  companies,  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men  in  all,  and  early  in  May,  1778,  reached  the  mouth  of 
the  Kanawha  in  the  course  of  his  journey  down  the  Ohio. 
Here  he  was  joined  by  additional  volunteers,  and  a  few 
more  immigrants  were  added  to  the  already  considerable 
band  who  had  taken  advantage  of  the  expedition  to  enter 
the  wilderness  under  convoy.  As  the  little  flotilla  pro- 
ceeded slowly  down  the  river,  some  of  these  latter  were 
landed  at  various  points;  but  when  Clark  reached  the 
Falls,  on  May  the  twenty-seventh,-  about  eighty  of  them 

1  Marshall,  I,  p.  62.  Robert  B.  McMee  (Reprint  of  Journal,  "  Smith," 
p.  loi)  adds  "after  the  siege,  the  people  picked  up  near  the  fort  walls,  one 
hundred  and  twenty-five  pounds  of  leaden  bullets  which  had  fallen,  besides 
those  which  struck  in  the  logs  and  palisades." 

2  The  date  is  not  mentioned  in  Clark's  "Memoirs,"  nor  in  his  letter  to 
George  Mason,  dated  November  17,  1779.  It  is,  however,  accurately  fixed  by 
Col.  R.  T.  Durrett,  in  his  "Centenary  of  Louisville,"  p.  29,  who  remarks  that 
from  this  day  "the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  was  never  without  occupation  by  actual 
settlers."    Ibid.,  p.  31. 


86  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

still  remained  with  the  expedition,  though  ignorant  of  its 
purpose  and  destination,  as  indeed  were  most  of  his  very 
officers  themselves.  Upon  Corn  Island,  in  the  Ohio,  op- 
posite the  present  city  of  Louisville,  Clark  built  a  stout 
stockade,  as  a  protection  to  these  settlers,  and  a  place  for 
storing  his  surplus  supplies,  and  the  news  of  the  establish- 
ment of  this  post  being  carried  to  the  people  living  along 
the  Monongahela,  great  numbers  of  them  hastened  to 
join  it. 

As  the  leader  of  the  Kentucky  militia,  Clark  expected 
that  a  good  many  men  from  the  Kentucky  stations  would 
join  him,  and  had  included  them  in  his  call  for  volunteers; 
but  the  garrisons  at  Boonesborough,  Harrodsburg  and 
Logan's  Fort  had  their  eyes  turned  northward  and  thought 
very  little  of  the  unnamed  expedition  preparing  at  Corn 
Island.  Hancock  had  just  arrived  at  Boonesborough 
with  his  tale  of  the  impending  Indian  invasion,  and  it  is 
therefore,  in  no  wise  remarkable  that  "only  Kenton  and 
Haggin  left  the  Stations  to  accompany  him"  at  this  call; 
though  it  is  remarkable  that  the  three  captains  in  com- 
mand of  the  three  companies  which  Clark  had  raised  be- 
yond the  mountains,  all  figure  in  Kentucky  pioneer  history, 
while  the  fourth  company,  which  joined  the  expedition 
just  before  its  departure,  was  composed  of  volunteers  from 
Kentucky  County,  commanded  by  Captain  Jos.  Mont- 
gomery.^ Of  the  rank  and  file  it  is  more  difficult  to  speak, 
but  it  is  perhaps  safe  to  say,  with  Colonel  Durrett '  that, 
"there  were  but  few  of  Clark's  volunteers  when  he  began 
the  Illinois  campaign  who  were  not,  or  did  not  after- 
wards, become  citizens  of  Kentucky." 

1  For  list  of  companies  and  captains,  see  Collins,  I,  p.  19. 
3  "  Kentucky  Centenary,"  p.  10. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         87 

When  everything  was  thought  to  be  ready,  Clark  made 
known  to  his  soldiers  the  object  of  his  expedition,  at  the 
same  time  giving  orders  to  prepare  to  march  against 
Kaskaskia  on  the  following  day.^  Had  his  force  been 
larger  he  would  probably  have  advanced  at  once  upon 
Vincennes,  but  he  felt  this  to  be  injudicious  on  account 
of  the  fewness  of  his  soldiers,  who  numbered  all  told  less 
than  two  hundred  men.  "  I  knew  that  my  case  was  des- 
perate," he  writes,-  "but  the  more  I  reflected  on  my 
weakness  the  more  I  was  pleased  with  the  enterprise." 

In  the  early  morning  of  June  24th  (1778),  the  army  em- 
barked, (ten  men  having  been  left  behind  as  a  garrison  for 
the  little  fort  on  Corn  Island,)  and  at  nine  o'clock  the  flo- 
tilla shot  into  the  rapids,  "at  the  very  moment  of  the  sun 
being  in  a  great  eclipse."  After  two  days,  with  relays  of 
rowers  working  day  and  night,  they  landed  on  a  small 
island,  "three  leagues  below  the  Tennessee,"  and  made 
their  preparations  for  the  long  overland  trip  which  was  to 
follow.  Here  they  were  joined  by  a  party  of  six  hunters, 
who  had  left  Kaskaskia  eight  days  before,  and  who  off'ered 
their  services  upon  learning  that  the  expedition  was  march- 
ing against  that  station.  One  of  these,  John  Sanders, 
Clark  engaged  as  a  guide,  but  refused  the  aid  of  the  other 
five.  Placing  himself  at  the  head  of  his  little  army,  pre- 
pared to  share  all  the  hardships  of  his  men,  Clark  now 
started  toward  the  Northwest  (June  26th)  on  an  expedi- 
tion which,  as  Bancroft  declares,  "for  the  valor  of  the  ac- 

1  While  making  his  preparations  at  Corn  Island,  intelligence  of  the  recent 
French  Alliance  had  reached  Clark  from  Fort  Pitt.  Winsor's  "Westward 
Movement,"  p.  118. 

2  Letter  of  Clark  to  George  Mason  giving  a  detailed  account  of  the  Illinois 
campaign.  It  is  dated  Falls  of  Ohio,  November  19,  1779,  and  comprises  some 
one  hundred  odd  pages  of  manuscript.    Durrett  MSS. 


88  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tors,  their  fidelity  to  one  another,  the  seeming  feebleness 
of  their  means  and  the  great  resuks  of  their  hardihood, 
remains  forever  memorable  in  the  history  of  the  World." 

One  hundred  and  twenty  miles  of  swampy  and  difficult 
road  lay  between  them  and  Kaskaskia.  "On  the  third 
day,"  writes  Clark  in  his  memoir,  "John  Sanders,  our 
principal  guide,  appeared  confused  and  we  soon  discov- 
ered that  he  was  totally  lost,  without  there  was  some 
other  cause  of  his  present  conduct."  Clark  threatened  va- 
rious modes  of  assisting  his  memory,  but  violent  measures 
proved  unnecessary,  as  Sanders  shortly  succeeded  in  get- 
ting his  bearings  and,  on  the  evening  of  July  the  fourth, 
they  arrived  within  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Kaskaskia. 
"I  learned,"  continues  Clark,  "that  they  had  some  sus- 
picion of  being  attacked  and  had  made  some  preparations, 
keeping  out  spies,  but  they  making  no  discoveries  had 
got  off  their  guard.  I  immediately  divided  my  little  army 
into  two  divisions,  ordered  one  to  surround  the  town,  with 
the  other  I  broke  into  the  fort,  secured  the  Governor, 
Mr.  Rochblave,  in  fifteen  minutes  had  every  street  se- 
cured, sent  runners  through  the  town  ordering  the  people 
on  pain  of  death,  to  keep  close  to  their  houses,  which  they 
observed,  and  before  daylight  had  the  whole  town  dis- 
armed." 

The  inhabitants  of  Kaskaskia  were  terrified  at  finding 
themselves  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  from  whom  they 
had  been  taught  to  expect  savage  and  brutal  usage.  But 
Clark  treated  them  with  great  kindness,  "for,"  he  says, 
"the  towns  of  Cohos  [Cahokia]  and  St.  Vincents  [Vin- 
cennes],  and  the  numerous  tribes  of  Indians  attached  to 
the  French  were  yet  to  influence — for  I  was  too  weak  to 
treat  them  any  other  way.   ...   I  sent  for  the  principal 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION        89 

men  of  the  town,  and  explained  the  nature  of  the  dispute 
to  them  in  as  clear  light  as  I  was  capable  of  .  .  .  and 
that  our  principle  was  to  make  those  we  reduced  free  in- 
stead of  enslaving  them,"  which  treatment  soon  won  them 
over  to  the  American  cause  and  they  declared  that  they 
would,  "think  themselves  the  happiest  people  in  the  world 
if  they  were  united  with  the  Americans." 

Clark  further  announced  that  it  was  his  intention,  in  a 
few  days,  to  administer  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Ameri- 
can cause,  but  that,  "in  the  meantime  any  of  them  that 
chose  was  at  liberty  to  leave  the  country  except  two  or 
three  particular  persons." 

He  still  had  in  mind  an  attack  upon  Vincennes  as  the 
chief  stronghold  of  the  British  in  this  region;  but,  before 
making  this  attempt,  he  sent  a  part  of  his  forces  to  cap- 
ture the  French  settlements  scattered  through  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley,  chief  among  which  was  Cahokia,  a  few  miles 
below  the  present  site  of  St.  Louis.  This  enterprise  was 
entrusted  to  Captain  Joseph  Bowman,  and  was  accom- 
plished almost  without  resistance. 

Kaskaskia  and  Cahokia  now  became  strongholds  for 
further  operations,  the  former  being  henceforth  called 
Fort  Clark  and  the  latter  Fort  Bowman.  Being  inhab- 
ited by  people  of  almost  pure  French  extraction,  whose 
hereditary  dislike  for  the  English  rule  had  been  rein- 
forced by  the  news  of  the  recent  French  alliance,  they 
proved  of  great  assistance  to  Clark  in  his  operations 
against  Vincennes. 

Soon  after  the  capture  of  Kaskaskia,  Clark  sent  Simon 
Kenton  to  carry  his  dispatches  to  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio, 
with  directions  to  visit  on  his  way  the  British  post  at  Vin- 
cennes, and  to  ascertain  the  exact  condition  of  its  defences. 


90  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

This  service  was  accomplished  with  great  care,  and  after 
three  days  spent  near  the  town  and  three  nights  in  the  vil- 
lage itself,  Kenton  sent  a  messenger  to  report  to  Clark  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Vincennes,  being  mostly  French,  were 
disposed  to  favor  the  cause  of  the  Americans;  which  infor- 
mation was  supplemented  by  the  statements  of  Father 
Gibault,  priest  of  the  villages  of  Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes. 
Gibault,  won  over  to  the  American  cause  by  Clark's 
generous  treatment  of  his  prisoners  at  Kaskaskia,  and 
also,  perhaps,  by  the  news  that  France  had  allied  herself 
with  this  country,  attached  himself  to  Clark's  cause,  and 
voluntarily  proposed  "to  win  the  allegiance  of  the  impor- 
tant town  of  Vincennes  without  the  use  of  troops."  Clark 
gladly  accepted  the  offer,  and,  on  July  14th,  the  priest 
set  out  on  his  mission.  He  was  accompanied  by  Doc- 
tor Jean  B.  Lafont,  an  influential  gentleman  of  Kas- 
kaskia, who  was  to  act  as  political  agent,  Father  Gibault 
preferring  not  "to  seem  to  be  acting  in  any  than  a  spiritual 
capacity."  Lieutenant  Leonard  Helm  was  detailed  to 
watch  over  the  American  interests  during  the  negotiations, 
and  to  take  military  command  of  Vincennes  in  case  of  its 
surrender. 

The  mission  proved  entirely  successful.  On  arriving 
at  the  fort  Clark's  envoys  spent  a  few  days  in  making  ex- 
planations to  the  people,  who  readily  accepted  the  pro- 
posal to  join  the  American  cause.  Mr.  Abbott,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  the  post,  had  lately  gone  to  Detroit,  and  the  offi- 
cers in  charge  hastened  to  leave  the  country.  The  people 
at  once  elected  an  officer,  garrisoned  the  fort  and,  on  Au- 
gust 1st,  displayed  the  American  flag  above  it,  greatly  to 
the  wonder  of  the  Indians,  who  were  told  that  their  old 
father,  the  King  of  France,  had  come  to  life  again,  and  " 


KEXTUCKYS  PART  IX  THE  REVOLUTION 


91 


was  angry  with  them  for  fighting  for  the  Enghsh,  and  that, 
if  they  did  not  wish  their  land  to  be  bloody  with  war,  they 
must  make  peace  with  the  Americans. 

As  peace  with  the  savage  tribes  had  been  the  chief  in- 
centive for  his  expedition,  Clark,  being  now  in  possession 
of  the  desired  posts,  turned  his  attention  to  the  Indians, 
manv  of  whom  had  sought  refuge  in  Vincennes,  upon  the 
news  of  the  fall  of  Kaskaskia.  Thev  were  eager  to  treat 
for  peace,  and,  Clark  remarks  with  evident  satisfaction, 
"our  influence  began  to  spread  among  the  nations  even  to 
the  border  of  the  States."  -  After  some  five  weeks  spent 
in  these  negotiations,  chieflv  at  Cahokia,  Clark  returned 
to  Kaskaskia,  leaving  Bowman  to  act  for  him  during 
his  absence. - 

Colonel  Henrv  Hamilton  was  at  this  time  acting  as  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  at  Detroit,  and  when  Francis  Maisonville 
bore  to  him  the  astonishing  news  of  Clark's  conquest  of 
the  Illinois  Country,  he  at  once  began  preparations  for 
retaking  it.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Patrick  Henry,  dated 
Kaskaskia,  Februarv  3.  1779.'  Clark  thus  describes  Hamil- 
ton's success  and  his  own  plans: 

"...  A  late  Menuvr.  of  the  famous  Hair  Buyer, 
Henrv  Hamilton  Esqr.  Lieut.  Governor  of  Detroit,  hath 
alarmed  us  much;  on  the  i6th  of  December  last,  he  with 
a  bodv  of  600  men,  composed  of  regulars,  French  vol- 
unteers and  Indians  took  possession  of  St.  \  incent  on  the 
Wabash  and  what  few  men  that  composed  ^  the  Garrison 
not  being  able  to  make  the  least  defence.  .  .  . 

1  "Memoirs.'" 

J  Detailed  descriptions  of  Clark's  negotiations  with  the  Indians  during  this 
period  will  be  found  in  Butler.  1S34  Ed.,  Chap.  TV. 
3  Durrett  MSS. 
i  A  letter  from  Lieutenant  Helm  to  Clark,  declares  that,  owing  to  desertions 


92  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

"Yesterday  I  fortunately  got  every  piece  of  intelligence 
that  I  could  wish  for,  by  a  Spanish  Gent,  that  made  his 
escape  from  Mr.  Hamilton.  No  attack  to  be  made  on  the 
Garrison  at  Kaskaskia  until  the  Spring.   .   .   . 

"Being  sensible  that  without  reinforcements,  which  at 
present  I  have  hardly  a  right  to  expect,  I  shall  be  obliged 
to  give  up  the  Country  to  Mr.  Hamilton  without  a  turn  of 
fortune  in  my  favour,  I  am  resolved  to  take  advantage  of 
this  present  situation  and  risque  the  whole  in  a  single 
battle.  I  shall  set  out  in  a  few  days,  with  all  the  force 
I  can  raise  of  my  own  troops,  and  a  few  militia  that  I 
can  depend  on,  amounting  in  the  whole  to  only  170  ..  . 
men  ...  I  know  the  case  is  desperate,  but  Sir!  we  must 
either  quit  the  country  or  attack  Mr.  Hamilton.  ...  In 
case  we  fall  .  .  .  this  country  as  well  as  Kentucky  I  be- 
lieve is  lost.   .   .   ." 

Accordingly,  on  February  5,  1779,  the  little  army 
started  from  Kaskaskia,  and  took  up  that  terrible  march 
of  some  one  hundred  and  seventy  ^  miles  toward  Vin- 
cennes,  Captain  Rogers  having  been  previously  dispatched 
with  forty-six  men  and  two  four-pounders  in  the  boat, 
"Willing,"  with  orders  to  force  his  way  up  the  Wabash 
as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  White  River,  there  to  await 
further  commands. 

The  march  was  of  almost  inconceivable  hardship  and 

at  the  news  of  Hamilton's  approach,  only  twenty-one  men  were  left,  out  of  a 
garrison  recently  numbering  about  seventy.  He  continued  to  dictate  this  letter 
until  Hamilton  and  the  invading  army  were  within  300  yards  of  the  fort,  and 
then  closed  with  an  expression  of  doubt  as  to  whether  there  are  four  men  left 
who  can  he  depended  on.  "The  usual  Story  of  his  (Helm's)  marching  out 
with  one  man,"  says  Winsor  ("Westward  Movement,"  p.  131),  "may  perhaps 
be  questioned."    That  story  is  repeated  in  "  Smith,"  p.  135. 

1  English's  "Clark,"  I,  pp.  288-289.  Clark  himself  overestimated  the  dis- 
tance, describing  it  as  about  240  miles,  and  Hamilton  commits  a  similar  error. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         93 

danger,  leading  for  miles  through  drowned  meadows, 
where  the  water,  from  two  to  three  feet  deep,^  was  often 
filled  with  floating  ice.  But  "the  finest  Stallion  there  is 
In  the  country,"  bore  the  gallant  commander  through, 
and  his  men  followed  with  the  dauntless  courage  of 
frontiersmen,  long  inured  to  hardships.  The  following 
entry  in  Major  Bowman's  diary,  under  date  of  Febru- 
ary 23rd,  shows  the  spirit  of  these  men. 

"Set  off,"  he  writes,  "to  cross  the  plain,  about  four 
miles  long,  all  covered  with  water  breast  high.  Here  we 
expected  that  some  of  our  brave  men  must  certainly 
perish,  having  frozen  in  the  night  and  so  long  fasting. 
Having  no  other  resource  but  wading  this  plain,  or  rather, 
lake  of  waters,  we  plunged  into  it  w^ith  courage.  Colonel 
Clark  being  first.  In  the  midst  of  this  wading  rather  than 
marching,  a  little  drummer  boy,  who  floated  along  on  his 
drumhead,  afi^orded  much  of  the  merriment  that  helped 
to  divert  the  men  from  their  hardships." 

Clark  himself,  in  his  brief  but  remarkable  memoir, 
gives  the  incident,  though  with  more  of  the  dramatic  set- 
ting which  doubtless  belonged  to  it. 

".  .  .  .  A  drummer  boy,"  he  savs,  "the  pet  of  the  regi- 
ment, was  placed  on  the  shoulders  of  a  tall  man  and  or- 
dered to  beat  for  his  life.  I  halted  and  called  to  Major 
Bowman  to  fall  in  the  rear  with  twenty-five  men,  and  put 
to  death  any  man  who  refused  to  march,  as  we  wished  to 
have  none  such  among  us.  The  whole  gave  a  cry  of  ap- 
probation, and  on  we  went." 

Arrived,  at  length,  within  a  few  miles  of  Vincennes, 
Clark,  conscious  that  an  attack  could  not  be  made  before 
an  alarm  would  be  given,  decided  to  avail  himself  of  the 

1  Collins,  II,  p.  138. 


94  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

friendly  feeling  which  he  knew  characterized  most  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  town,  and  to  play  a  bold  game.  He, 
therefore,  dispatched  a  messenger  with  the  following  ad- 
dress: 

"To  the  Inhabitants  of  Post  Vincennes — 

"Gentlemen: 

"  Being  now  within  two  miles  of  your  village,  with  my 
army  determined  to  take  your  fort  this  night,  and  not 
being  willing  to  surprise  you,  I  take  this  method  to  re- 
quest such  of  you  as  are  true  citizens,  and  willing  to  enjoy 
the  liberty  I  bring  you,  to  remain  still  in  your  houses, — 
and  those,  if  any  there  be,  that  are  friends  to  the  king, 
will  instantly  repair  to  the  fort  and  join  the  hair-buyer 
general  and  fight  like  men.  And  if  any  such  as  do  not  go 
to  the  fort  shall  be  discovered  afterward,  they  may  depend 
on  severe  punishment.  On  the  contrary,  those  who  are 
true  friends  to  liberty  may  depend  on  being  well  treated; 
and  I  once  more  request  them  to  keep  out  of  the  streets. 
For  every  one  I  find  in  arms  on  my  arrival,  I  shall  treat 
him  as  an  enemy. 

"G.  R.  Clark." 

Such  an  announcement  gave  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
the  idea  that  they  were  about  to  be  attacked  by  a  power- 
ful force,  and  they  at  once  concluded  that  the  besieging 
army  had  just  come  from  Kentucky,  as  it  was  considered 
impossible  that  an  attack  could  be  made  from  Illinois,  on 
account  of  the  quantity  of  water  which  covered  the  coun- 
try in  that  direction.  So  great  was  their  terror  that  even 
the  British  partisans  among  them  dared  not  announce 
Clark's  approach  to  the  garrison  at  the  fort,  and  Hamil- 
ton, taken  completely  by  surprise,  promptly  surrendered. 

"Towards  the  close  of  the  day  (Feb.   24,    1779),  the 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         95 

following  articles  of  capitulation  were  proposed  and  ac- 
cepted : 

"i  Lieutenant-Gov.  Hamilton  engages  to  deliver  up  to 
Colonel  Clark,  Fort  Sackville,  as  it  is  at  present,  with  all 
stores,  etc. 

II  The  garrison  are  to  deliver  themselves  as  prisoners 
of  war,  and  march  out  with  their  arms  and  accoutrements, 
etc. 

III  The  garrison  to  be  delivered  up  to-morrow,  at  10 
o'clock. 

IV  Three  days  time  to  be  allowed  the  garrison  to  settle 
their  accounts  with  the  inhabitants  and  traders  of  this 
place. 

V  The  officers  of  the  garrison  to  be  allowed  their  neces- 
sary baggage,  etc. 

"Signed  at  post  St.  Vincent  (Vincennes)  Feb.  24  (1779). 
"Agreed  for  the  following  reasons:  The  remoteness 
from  succor;  the  state  and  quantity  of  provisions,  etc.; 
unanimity  of  officers  and  men  in  its  expediency;  the 
honorable  terms  allowed;  and  lastly,  the  confidence  in  a 
generous  enemy. 

*'  [Signed]  Henry  Hamilton. 
"Lieutenant  Governor  and  Superintendent."^ 

About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  following  day 
the  surrender  was  made,  the  arms  of  the  enemy  were  se- 

1  Reprint,  English's,  "Life  of  George  Rogers  Clark,"  I,  pp.341  et  seq.  Clark 
to  George  Mason,  November  19,  1779.  Durrett  MSS.  This  letter  mentions 
the  five  articles,  but  does  not  give  the  reasons.  In  March,  Hamilton,  with  such 
prisoners  as  had  not  been  paroled,  was  sent  under  guard  to  Virginia.  Hamilton 
remained  in  confinement  at  Williamsburg  until  October,  1780,  when  he  was 
sent  on  parole  to  New  York.  On  July  6,  1781,  he  made  a  report  to  Haldimand, 
which  is  the  chief  British  source  for  the  history  of  these  campaigns.  Winsor's 
"Westward  Movement,"  p.  135. 


96  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

cured,  the  American  flag  was  raised  over  the  captured 
fort,  and  its  name  was  changed  to  Fort  Patrick  Henry,  in 
honor  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia. 

Two  days  later  the  "Wilhng"  arrived  with  her  rein- 
forcement of  forty-seven  men,  having  been  delayed  by  the 
fierce  current  of  the  Wabash.  There  came  with  her  a 
messenger  from  Virginia,  sent  to  bear  to  Clark  the  con- 
gratulations of  the  Assembly.  He  bore  also  two  new  com- 
missions, one  promoting  Clark  from  Lieutenant  Colonel 
to  Colonel,  and  the  other  advancing  Captain  Joseph  Bow- 
man to  the  rank  of  Major. ^ 

Thus  ended  in  complete  triumph  one  of  the  most  mas- 
terly campaigns  ever  executed  in  the  country.  The  forces 
engaged,  it  is  true,  were  very  few,  but,  judged  by  its  results, 
it  was  of  vast  historical  significance.  It  secured  for  the 
United  States  all  that  magnificent  Northwest  territory 
from  which  have  been  formed  the  present  States  of  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Illinois,  Michigan  and  Wisconsin.^  It  com- 
pletely defeated  the  policy  embodied  in  the  famous  Quebec 
Act  of  1774,  by  which  England  had  sought  to  preempt 
this  vast  domain  by  attaching  it  to  the  Province  of  Que- 
bec, and  it  rendered  it  comparatively  easy  for  the  Ameri- 
can Commissioners,  in  the  negotiation  of  the  Peace  of 
1783,  to  include  within  the  American  Union,  this  region 
which,  without  Clark's  conquest,  would  inevitably  have 
remained  a  possession  of  England. 

These  great  results,  however,  as  yet  lay  hidden  among 
the  unguessed  mysteries  of  the  future.  What  Clark  saw, 
as  he  left  Post  Vincennes  in  charge  of  Captain  Helm,  and 

1  English,  "Life  of  George  Rogers  Clark,"  I,  p.  350. 

2  Also  that  part  of  Minnesota  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mississippi  River. 
Durrett's  "  Kentucky  Centenary,"  p.  10. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION        97 

boarded  the  "Willing"  bound  for  Kaskaskia,  was  that 
there  still  remained  two  British  stations,  Detroit  and 
Sandusky,  the  conquest  of  which  was  an  essential  part  of 
his  plan  for  securing  Kentucky  from  Indian  invasions. 
It  was  from  these  points,  as  he  quite  well  understood, 
and  not  from  Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes,  that  the  Shaw- 
nees  and  their  confederates,  the  most  persistent  of  the 
savage  enemies  of  Kentucky,  drew  the  support  and  in- 
spiration for  their  border  warfare;  and  he  felt  that,  unless 
he  could  complete  his  program  and  add  these  two  sta- 
tions to  the  conquest  already  achieved,  he  could  not  rest 
satisfied. 

As  to  Detroit,  he  chafed  under  the  necessity  of  allowing 
it  to  escape  him,  now  that  Hamilton  was  a  prisoner,  and 
the  post  guarded  by  only  about  eighty  regular  troops. 
"Had  I  been  able  to  raise  only  five  hundred  men  when 
I  first  arrived  in  the  country,"  he  writes,  "or  when  I  was 
at  St.  Vincent's  could  I  have  secured  my  prisoners,  and 
only  have  had  three  hundred  good  men,  I  should  have 
attempted  it."  ^  But  as  these  things  were  manifestly 
impossible  of  accomplishment,  with  the  force  at  his  dis- 
posal, he  was  obliged  to  abandon  the  idea — temporarily, 
as  he  hoped. 

He  was  shortly  relieved  of  the  civil  government  of  the 
conquered  region  by  the  arrival  of  Captain  John  Todd, 
whom  Governor  Henry  had  appointed  to  govern  the  new 
country,  and,  having  sent  duplicate  dispatches  to  Henry 
and  Jefferson  (April  29,  1779),^  describing  his  campaign, 
he  set  about  arranging  for  his  return  to  the  Falls  of  the 
Ohio. 

1  See  Butler,  p.  87. 

2  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  136. 

Kentucky — 7 


98  KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Upon  arriving  in  Kentucky,  Clark  found  that  great 
changes  had  taken  place  during  his  brief  year  of  absence. 
New  stations  had  sprung  up,  and  immigration,  which  for 
some  time  had  been  at  a  standstill,  had  begun  anew,  as 
the  news  of  his  victories  in  the  Illinois  country  gave  fresh 
confidence  to  men  inclined  to  seek  homes  in  the  great 
West.  During  the  year  1778  only  two  new  settlements, 
in  addition  to  Clark's  little  garrison  on  Corn  Island,  had 
appeared  in  Kentucky,  but  the  renewed  immigration  of 
1779  caused  the  establishment  of  no  less  than  fourteen, 
most  of  which  had  been  started  before  Clark  reached 
the  Falls  in  the  autumn. 

At  the  Falls  itself,  Clark  found  that  an  equally  aston- 
ishing progress  had  been  made,  of  most  of  which  he  was 
entitled  to  consider  himself  the  author.  He  had  estab- 
lished the  germs  of  a  settlement  on  Corn  Island  the 
previous  year,  and  a  few  months  later,  just  after  the  cap- 
ture of  Kaskaskia,  had  sent  Captain  William  Linn  to 
conduct  home  his  three  months'  volunteers,  whose  terms 
of  enlistment  had  expired,^  directing  him  also  to  erect  a 
permanent  fort  on  the  Kentucky  mainland,  above  the 
Falls,  and  to  remove  to  it  the  families  of  Corn  Island, 
which  latter  post  was  to  be  abandoned.-  A  good  many, 
perhaps  a  majority  of  the  discharged  troops,  had  gone  no 
farther  than  the  Falls,  and  Linn,  in  obedience  to  Clark's 
orders,  had  arranged  for  a  station  on  the  mainland.  He 
had  entrusted  the  task  of  constructing  the  new  fortifica- 
tions to  Richard  Chenowith  who,  by  Christmas  Day,  1778, 

1  Linn  was  also  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  taking  Rochblave,  late  commander 
of  Kaskaskia,  to  Williamsburg  where  he  was  to  be  delivered  over  to  the  Virginia 
authorities.  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  120;  Collins,  I,  p.  19;  Butler, 
p.  64. 

2  Smith,  p.  120;  Butler,  p.  63. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION         99 

had  carried  the  work  so  far  that  a  number  of  the  famiHes 
from  Corn  Island  had  celebrated  the  Christmas  season  in 
their  new  cabins,  which  stood  at  the  foot  of  what  is  now 
Twelfth  Street,  Louisville.^  Then,  too,  during  the  early 
part  of  the  year  1779,  most  of  the  settlers  entering  the  Ken- 
tucky region  had  chosen  the  route  down  the  Ohio,  and 
many  of  them  had  found  their  way  to  this  new  estab- 
lishment, which  rejoiced  in  the  reputation  of  being  the 
headquarters  of  the  conqueror  of  the  Illinois.  Toward 
the  middle  of  April,  these  latter  had  joined  the  older 
settlers  from  Corn  Island  in  a  meeting,  and  seven  trustees 
had  been  selected,  to  arrange  for  the  regular  government 
of  the  town,  which  received  the  name  of  "Louisville," 
in  honor  of  our  nation's  only  ally,  King  Louis  XVI  of 
France. 

But  to  return  to  Indian  affairs.  Clark  soon  had  enough 
evidence,  if  indeed  evidence  were  needed,  to  confirm  him 
in  the  conviction  that  Indian  wars  would  continue  until 
Detroit  and  Sandusky  were  captured,  and  the  mischievous 
British  garrisons  wholly  expelled  from  the  Northwest 
posts.  Bands  of  savage  marauders  ceaselessly  traversed 
the  forests  of  Kentucky  County,  and  infested  the  two  great 
highways,  the  Ohio  River  and  the  old  Wilderness  Road, 
causing  adventures  of  thrilling  interest,  when  told  by  the 
light  of  a  camp  fire  within  a  stout  palisade,  but  which, 
for  the  leader  of  the  Kentucky  militia,  meant  new  cam- 
paigns and  untold  hardships.  He  learned  the  terrible 
details  of  the  captivity  of  his  gallant  messenger,  Simon 
Kenton,  ^  and  the  story  of  the  retreat  of  Colonel  John  Bow- 

1  In  the  Southern  Bivouac  of  January,  1884,  Col.  R.  T.  Durrett  gives  an 
interesting  description  of  this  first  Christmas  at  the  Falls. 

2  The  whole  ghastly  story  is  told  in  Marshall,  I,  pp.  74-77.    It  is  also  repro- 


100        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

man,  who,  during  the  previous  July,  had  led  a  gallant  ex- 
pedition against  Old  Chillicothe,  and  had  there  met  a 
total  defeat,  owing  to  his  failure  to  give  the  signal  of  at- 
tack, previously  agreed  upon  with  the  other  commander, 
Captain  Benjamin  Logan. ^ 

By  this  time,  too,  Kentucky  was  feeling  the  terrors  of 
the  famous  hard  winter  of  1779,  during  which  the  rivers 
were  completely  blocked  with  ice  for  three  months,  and 
supplies  became  so  scarce  that  the  price  of  corn  ranged 
from  fifty,-  to  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  dollars  a 
bushel,  in  the  depreciated  Continental  Currency.  "The 
hard  winter,"  says  Trabue,-''  "began  about  the  first  of  No- 
vember, 1779,  and  broke  up  the  last  of  February,  1780, 
the  turkeys  was  almost  all  dead  the  buffaloes  had  got  poor, 
peoples  cattle  mostly  dead  no  corn  or  but  very  little  in  the 
country  the  people  was  in  great  distress  many  in  the  wil- 
derness frost  bit  some  dead,  some  eat  of  the  dead  cattle 
and  horses,  when  the  winter  broak  the  men  would 
go  and  Kill  the  buffloes  and  bring  them  home  to  eat 
but  they  was  so  poore  a  number  of  people  would  be 
taken  sick  and  did  actually  die  for  the  want  of  solid 
food." 

And  yet  in  spite  of  these  combined  miseries,  the  Land 
Commission  continued  to  adjudicate  claims,  and  intend- 
ing settlers  to   purchase   land   titles  in   Kentucky.     The 

duced  in  detail  in  Smith,  pp.  128-133.  Kenton  had  escaped  and  returned  to 
Kentucky  only  a  few  months  before  Clark's  return.  See  Boone's  "Autobiog- 
raphy." 

1  Bowman  lost  eight  or  nine  men,  but  succeeded  in  killing  two  famous  Indian 
chiefs,  Blackfish  and  Red  Hawk.  For  details  see  Marshall,  I,  pp.  91-95,  and 
Butler,  pp.  108-110.  Both  these  authorities  give  July  as  the  month  of  the  ex- 
pedition, but  Collins,  I,  p.  19,  puts  it  among  the  events  of  May,  1779. 

2  Butler,  p.  99,  note. 

8  Daniel  Trabue's  "  Autobiography  and  Diary,"  Durrett  MSS. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION   loi 

immigration  of  1780  was  far  greater  than  it  had  ever  been 
before.  Three  hundred  large  family  boats  arrived  at 
Louisville  during  the  first  months  of  spring,  with  three 
thousand  souls  aboard;  and  before  the  season  was  over, 
six  stations,  containing  in  all  some  six  hundred  settlers, 
adorned  the  rich  banks  of  the  Beargrass;  while  progress 
was  almost  equally  rapid  in  many  other  parts  of  the 
country.^ 

As  the  tide  of  immigration  increased,  the  Virginia  land 
surveyors,  to  aid  its  flow,  laid  out  a  new  road  over  the 
Cumberland  mountains,  leading  toward  "the  open  country 
of  Kentucky,"  so  as  "to  give  passage  to  pack-horses," ^ 
and  over  it,  through  the  Wilderness  Road,  or  down  the 
Ohio  River,  population  was  soon  pouring  at  a  rate  esti- 
mated at  from  eight  to  ten  thousand  a  year.  And  still  the 
mad  rush  for  land  went  on.  Occasionally  an  Indian  at- 
tack, or  the  vague  rumor  of  a  coming  invasion,  would 
cause  a  momentary  lull;  a  scouting  party  would  be  or- 
ganized and  dispatched,  and  the  heart  of  the  wilderness 
would  again  palpitate  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  passion,  the 
pursuit  of  land. 

Meanwhile  Clark  was  devoting  his  energies  to  a  plan, 
conceived  as  early  as  1778  by  Patrick  Henry,  and  designed 
to  strengthen  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  a  western 
boundary  at  the  Mississippi,  south  of  the  Ohio.''  Henry, 
at  that  time  Governor  of  Virginia,  had  felt  that  a  strong 
fort  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  would  probably  accom- 
plish this  result,  if  held  by  American  troops  when  the  peace 
negotiations  with  England  should  take  place,  but  he  had 

1  Floyd's  "  Correspondence,"  quoted  by  Butler,  p.  99,  note. 

2  Winsor's  "  Westward  Movement,"  p.  136. 

3  Pitkin's  "  United  States,"  II,  p.  95. 


I02        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

not  found  a  time  when  the  Virginia  treasury  could  afford 
to  undertake  it.  In  April,  1780,  however,  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, who  had  succeeded  to  the  office  of  Governor  of 
Virginia,  announced  to  Clark  his  determination  to  estab- 
lish such  a  fort,  and  ordered  him  forthwith  to  begin  its 
construction.  The  project  was  extremely  unpopular  in 
Kentucky,  where  it  was  felt  that  the  defence  of  such  a  post 
would  uselessly  weaken  the  Kentucky  settlements;  but 
Clark  favored  it,  and  declared  that,  if  necessary,  he  would 
withdraw  some  of  the  troops  from  the  Illinois  posts  in 
order  to  garrison  it  properly.^ 

As  Clark  designed  to  make  this  new  station  not  only  a 
military  post  but  an  important  settlement  as  well,  he  se- 
lected, as  its  site,  a  point  at  the  junction  of  the  Ohio  and 
the  Mississippi,  conveniently  situated  to  command  the 
trade  of  an  extensive  country  on  both  sides  of  those 
rivers,  and  there,  with  a  force  of  two  hundred  men,  he 
erected  several  stout  blockhouses  and  a  fort,  to  which  he 
gave  the  name  Fort  Jefferson.  While  engaged  in  the  con- 
struction of  this  fort,"  Clark  kept  a  close  watch  upon  the 
Northwest,  feeling  certain  that  a  British-Indian  expedi- 
tion against  the  Kentucky  posts  would  soon  be  set  on 
foot  by  the  authorities  at  Detroit;  and,  toward  the  end 
of  May,  1780,  he  saw  that  the  attack  was  imminent.  He, 
therefore,  cut  short  his  stay  at  Fort  Jefferson,  and,  with 
two  companions,  all  completely  disguised  as  Indians,  made 

1  Todd  to  Jefferson.  Reprint,  English's  "  Life  of  George  Rogers  Clark," 
II,  p.  671. 

2  In  7781,  Fort  Jefferson  endured  a  prolonged  siege  from  the  Chickasaws 
and  Choctaws,  led  by  a  renegade  Scotchman  named  Colbert.  The  siege 
was  raised  by  Clark  himself,  who  appeared  at  the  critical  moment  with  re- 
inforcements and  provisions.  The  abandonment  of  the  station  shortly  fol- 
lowed. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION       103 

his  way  on  foot  to  Harrodsburg,  ^  for  the  purpose  of  or- 
ganizing the  county  for  defence.  He  even  hoped  to  take 
the  initiative,  in  case  the  invasion  were  delayed,  and,  by  a 
timely  expedition  into  the  enemies'  country,  to  prevent 
any  attack  for  the  present.  At  Harrodsburg,  finding  the 
land  office  the  center  of  activity,  he  ordered  it  closed, 
and  proceeded  to  enlist  troops  from  among  its  eager  pa- 
trons. 

While  Clark  was  thus  occupied,  the  dreaded  invasion 
came,  sudden  and  resistless.  On  June  22,  1780,  Colonel 
Byrd,  an  officer  in  the  service  of  His  Britannic  Majesty, 
at  the  head  of  some  six  hundred  ^  painted  demons  of  the 
forest,  appeared  before  Ruddle's  Station  and,  by  a  display 
of  cannon,  forced  a  surrender  at  discretion. 

A  similar  exploit  was  next  performed  at  Martin's  Station, 
a  few  miles  away,  and  it  began  to  look  as  if  the  day  for  the 
savage  reconquest  of  Kentucky  had  come.^  In  truth,  the 
invading  army  was  so  overwhelmingly  powerful,  that,  had 
it  been  held  together  and  intelligently  handled,  it  might 
easily  have  swept  the  country;  but  it  was,  after  all,  an 
Indian  army,  and  it  acted  with  the  caution,  characteristic 
of  the  savage.  Having  so  easily  secured  numerous  pris- 
oners and  a  goodly  pile  of  plunder,  it  declined  farther  to 
tempt  fate,  and  hastily  retired  to  camps  beyond  the  Ohio.'' 

1  Butler,  pp.  115-117,  gives  some  interesting  details  of  this  Journey. 

2  Marshall,  I,  p.  107,  says  six  hundred,  doubtless  following  Boone's  "Auto- 
biography" which  gives  the  same  figures.  Collins,  I,  p.  20,  also  gives  si.x  hun- 
dred: but,  in  Vol.  II,  p.  328,  raises  the  number  to  one  thousand. 

3  It  is  said  (Butler,  p.  no,  note)  that  this  expedition  had  been  planned  to 
cooperate  with  a  similar  expedition  which  Governor  Hamilton  had  projected, 
but  which  had  been  effectually  prevented  by  the  achievement  of  George  Rogers 
Clark  at  Vincennes. 

4  Collins,  II,  pp.  328-329,  gives  another  explanation  of  the  retreat.  The  In- 
dians, he  says,  were  eager  to  march  at  once  against  Bryan's  Station,  and  Lex- 
ington, but   Colonel   Byrd   refused.      In  the  "Outline  History,"  Collins,  I,  p. 


104        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Clark  promptly  called  for  volunteers  for  a  counter  in- 
vasion, and,  with  the  little  army  already  enlisted,  soon 
found  himself  in  command  of  one  thousand  men,  ready 
to  march  to  the  heart  of  the  Indian  country.  With  this 
force  he  advanced  against  Chillicothe,  and  captured  it 
without  difficulty,  the  Indians  abandoning  the  town  be- 
fore him,  and  fleeing  for  their  lives.  After  burning 
houses  and  destroying  crops,  Clark  pushed  on  to  Piqua, 
a  well  built  and  strongly  fortified  town,  garrisoned  by  sev- 
eral hundred  Indians,  under  the  famous  renegade,  Simon 
Girty.  Here  a  determined  resistance  was  offered,  but 
Clark  placed  his  little  cannon  in  a  position  to  be  most 
effective,  and  soon  forced  the  savages  to  abandon  the 
town.  The  buildings  and  crops  were  destroyed  and 
Colonel  Benjamin  Logan  was  sent  ahead  with  a  detach- 
ment to  a  village  some  twenty  miles  distant,  to  demolish 
the  store  from  which  the  Indians  had  been  chiefly  sup- 
plied with  arms  and  ammunition.  This  having  been 
accomplished  without  resistance,  the  army  returned  to 
Kentucky,  having  spent  only  four  weeks  in  an  expedition 
which  left  the  savages  almost  destitute  on  the  verge  of  a 
hard  winter,  and  so  subdued,  that  no  great  body  of  Indians 
entered  Kentucky  for  almost  two  years,  although  the  fact 
that  small  bands  continued  to  burn  and  kill,  is  attested 
by  the  following  letter,  from  Colonel  John  Floyd  to  Jeffer- 
son, dated  April,  1781.^ 

"We  are  all  obliged,"  he  writes,  "to  live  in  forts  in  this 
country  and  notwithstanding  all  the  caution  that  we  use, 
forty- seven  inhabitants  have  been  killed  and  taken  prisoner 

254,  McClung  calls  the  British  commander  Colonel  Bird  and  declares  that  "the 
impatience  of  the  Indians"  compelled  him  to  retire. 

1  "Virginia  State  Papers,"  II,  p.  48.  Quoted  English's  "Life  of  George 
Rogers  Clark,"  II,  p.  748. 

il 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION       105 

by  the  savages,  besides  a  number  wounded  since  January 
last.  .  .  . 

"Whole  families  are  destroyed  without  regard  to  age 
or  sex.  Infants  are  torn  from  their  mothers'  arms,  and 
their  brains  dashed  out  against  trees,  as  they  are  neces- 
sarily moving  from  one  fort  to  another  for  safety  or  con- 
venience. Not  a  week  passes  and  some  weeks  scarcely 
a  day  without  some  of  our  distressed  inhabitants  feeling 
the  fatal  effects  of  the  infernal  rage  and  fury  of  these 
execrable  hell-hounds." 

Meanwhile  the  Shawnee  chiefs  had  spent  some  months 
in  arranging  a  grand  union  of  the  Northern  and  West- 
ern tribes.  They  had  seen,  from  the  events  of  the  last 
year,  that,  if  the  Kentuckians  were  ever  to  be  expelled 
from  their  land,  it  must  be  by  a  union  of  the  Indians, 
and  must  be  done  very  soon.  Accordingly,  runners  had 
been  sent  out  in  every  direction,  to  secure  the  aid  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  different  tribes;  while  small  scouting  par- 
ties had  gone  into  Kentucky  to  engage  the  attention  of 
the  white  men,  and  thus  prevent  the  discovery  of  their 
plans.  A  confederation  of  the  Cherokees,  Wyandots, 
Tawas,  Pottawotomies,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and  other 
tribes  dwelling  near  the  Mississippi,  or  the  lakes,  had  been 
formed,  and  it  had  been  agreed  that  the  warriors  of  this 
formidable  confederation  should  meet  at  Old  Chillicothe, 
the  following  summer,  (1782)  and  march  in  force  through 
Kentucky,  burning  and  plundering  without  mercy.  The 
British  authorities  had  also  promised  their  aid  for  the 
invasion,  confident  that  at  last  they  were  to  be  avenged 
for  the  disgrace  of  Vincennes.^ 

In  the  midst  of  these  preparations  came  the  welcome 

1  Marshall,  I,  pp.  ii8,  131. 


lo6        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

news,  that,  on  October  19th,  1781,  Cornwallis  had  been 
forced  to  surrender;  and  the  pioneers  rejoiced  in  the 
thoiio^ht  that  the  long  war  was  at  an  end,  and  indulged 
in  the  vain  hope  that  no  savage  invasions  would  disturb 
them  during  the  coming  spring.  They  were  soon  unde- 
ceived, however,  for  when  the  spring  of  1782  opened, 
the  Indians  began  to  put  into  execution  their  matured 
plans.  Their  attacks  were  even  more  terrific  than  usual, 
representing  as  they  did  the  final  efforts  of  an  almost  de- 
spairing race.  Massacres  followed  one  another  m  terrible 
succession — almost  every  section  of  the  three  counties 
adding  its  quota  to  the  lists  of  slain.  Then  suddenly, 
about  the  beginning  of  August,  the  attacks  abruptly  ceased, 
and  scarcely  an  Indian  was  to  be  seen  within  the  whole 
territory  of  Kentucky.  Fortunately  the  settlers  were  not 
deceived  by  this  sudden  quiet.  They  knew  that  it  meant 
the  approach  of  larger  bands  of  the  enemy,  and  it  was  a 
matter  of  grave  uncertainty  as  to  which  post  would  be 
first  attacked.  Each  station  prepared  for  resistance  as 
though  it  had  been  singled  out  for  the  first  victim,  and  the 
settlers,  deserting  their  isolated  dwellings,  pressed  into  the 
fortified  towns. 

Meanwhile  the  whole  Indian  Confederation,  with  the 
British  detachment,  had  assembled  at  Chillicothe,  under 
command  of  Captain  William  Caldwell.^  Here  Simon 
Girty,  in  order  to  stir  up  their  fiendish  passions  to  the 
utmost,   delivered   an  eloquent  address  ^  to  the  savages, 

1  Kentucky  historians  have  generally  represented  Simon  Girty  as  com- 
mander-in-chief both  in  the  siege  of  Bryant's  Station,  and  at  the  battle  of  Blue 
Licks  which  immediately  followed;  but  later  information  shows  this  to  be  a 
mistake.     Durrett's  "Bryant's  Station,"  p.  31. 

2  Marshall,  I,  p.  132,  summarizes  the  speech,  and  Bradford,  in  his  "  Notes  on 
Kentucky,"  gives  it  in  the  first  person,  indicating  the  plaudits  of  the  hearers. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION       107 

reciting  in  vivid  phrases  their  wrongs  and  injuries,  re- 
minding them  of  the  attacks  which  had  lately  been  made 
upon  their  villages,  and  of  the  destruction  of  their  houses 
and  crops.  He  bade  them  recall  the  former  beauty  of 
their  old  hunting  ground,  now  almost  destroyed  by  the 
white  men,  and  exhorted  them  to  use  this  last  opportunity 
of  freeing  it  from  the  intruders. 

After  this  and  similar  speeches,  the  army  of  four 
hundred  crossed  the  river  and  stealthily  moved  toward 
Bryant's  Station  upon  the  Elkhorn.^  So  quiet  was  their 
approach  that  not  a  man  at  the  station  suspected  their 
presence  until  next  morning  at  daybreak,  August  15,  1782,^ 
when  the  little  garrison  of  forty-four  men,^  preparing  to 
march  out  of  the  fort  on  their  way  to  assist  the  garri- 
son at  Hoy's  Station,  heard  firing  near  by.  "All  ran 
hastily  to  the  picketing,"  says  McClung,  "and  beheld  a 
small  party  of  Indians  exposed  to  open  view,  firing,  yel- 
ling and  making  the  most  furious  gestures.  The  appear- 
ance was  so  singular  and  so  different  from  their  usual 
manner  of  fighting,  that  some  of  the  more  v/ary  and  ex- 
perienced of  the  garrison  instantly  pronounced  it,  "  a  de- 
coy." '*  It  was,  therefore,  decided  to  send  a  few  men  to  re- 
turn the  fire,  and  thus  induce  the  main  body  of  the  enemy, 
who,  as  it  was  rightly  supposed,  had  concealed  themselves 
on  the  side  opposite  to  the  decoy  party,  to  attack  the  fort. 

Accordingly,   thirteen   men  were   sent  out  against  the 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  20;  Butler,  p.  124.  Colonel  Durrctt,  in  his  "Bryant's  Sta- 
tion," pp.  33-34,  examines  critically  the  question  of  the  number  of  Indians  and 
decides  in  favor  of  "about  400." 

2  For  critical  proof  of  this  date  (i.  e.,  August  15th,  1782)  see  Durrett's  "Bry- 
ant's Station,"  p.  34. 

3  Bradford's  "Notes  on  Kentucky."     Durrett  MSS. 

*  McClung's  "Stories  of  Western  Adventure;  "  Hartley's  "Boone,"  p.  lyg. 


io8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

decoy  party,  with  orders  to  make  as  much  noise  as  possi- 
ble, that  they  might  convmce  the  main  body  of  the  enemy 
that  all  the  garrison  was  engaged  at  that  side.  The 
plan  was  successful.  As  soon  as  the  rapid  firing  com- 
menced on  the  far  side  of  the  fort,  Caldwell  and  his  war- 
riors rushed  fiercely  upon  the  western  gate,  but  the  garri- 
son stood  coolly  at  their  posts,  and  poured  out  such  a 
deadly  fire  that  the  besiegers  wavered,  and  then  fled  into 
the  woods  in  every  direction. 

The  Indians  now  began  the  siege  in  the  regular  way; 
but,  having  no  cannon,  they  could  accomplish  little  against 
the  able  defence  of  the  fort.  Almost  every  mode  of  attack 
was  tried  and  abandoned  during  the  day;  and,  as  night 
approached,  they  began  to  grow  restless,  knowing  that 
reinforcements  might  arrive  at  any  moment.  In  order  to 
hasten  the  surrender,  Girty  approached  the  fort,  and  de- 
clared that  resistance  was  useless,  as,  with  the  arrival  of 
the  cannon  which  he  expected  shortly,  he  could  easily 
force  an  entrance.  He  promised  his  protection  if  the  garri- 
son would  surrender  at  once:  but  declared  that  he  would 
not  be  responsible  for  the  result,  if  they  compelled  him  to 
let  his  warriors  take  the  fort  by  storm. 

A  young  man  named  Reynolds  came  forward  and  re- 
plied for  the  garrison.  He  declared  that  they  had  no  in- 
tention of  surrendering,  and  that  "they  also  expected  re- 
inforcements; that  the  whole  country  was  marching  to 
their  assistance;  that  if  Girty  and  his  gang  of  murderers 
remained  twenty-four  hours  longer  before  the  fort,  their 
scalps  would  be  found  drying  in  the  sun  upon  the  roofs  of 
their  cabins.*'  ^ 

Girty  at  once  retired,  and   in  the  morning  the  Indian 

1  McClung,  quoted  by  Hartley's  "Boone,"  p.  187. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION   109 

camp  was  entirely  deserted.  In  a  siege  of  several  days 
they  had  killed  but  four  men,  while  they  had  lost  seven  or 
eight  times  that  number.  For  this  reason  they  had  de- 
cided to  change  their  position,  in  the  hope  of  gaining  some 
advantage,  conscious  of  the  fact  that  no  Kentucky  station 
had  as  yet  been  taken  without  the  aid  of  cannon.  They 
followed  an  old  buffalo  path  which  led  to  the  lower  Blue 
Licks,  and  were  evidently  desirous  of  being  pursued,  as 
they  left  a  plain  trail  behind  them,  marking  the  trees  with 
their  tomahawks,  as  they  went  along. 

Meanwhile  the  news,  that  Bryant's  Station  was  be- 
sieged by  a  powerful  force,  had  attracted  reinforcements 
from  all  sides,  and,  before  the  next  night,  one  hundred  and 
eighty-one  horsemen  were  assembled,  under  the  command 
of  the  most  prominent  leaders  in  the  district.^  A  council 
was  held,  and  it  was  decided  to  start  immediately  in  pur- 
suit of  the  Indians,  without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of 
Colonel  Logan  who  was  known  to  be  approaching  with  a 
force  of  three  hundred  men. 

All  along  the  path  which  the  enemy  had  taken,  were 
ostentatious  signs  of  a  disorderly  retreat,  which  Boone  and 
some  of  the  more  experienced  of  his  companions  pro- 
nounced "danger  signs,"  the  evident  intention  of  the  In- 
dians being  to  deceive  their  pursuers  as  to  their  strength, 
and  thus  lead  them  to  make  a  hasty  and  unguarded  at- 
tack. As  they  came  within  sight  of  the  Licking  River, 
and  of  a  few  leisurely  retreating  Indians,  there  was  a  wild 
desire  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  men  to  attack  at  once. 
In  vain  Boone  cautioned  them  against  such  a  course,  de- 

1  Boone's  letter  to  Governor  Harrison,  August  30,  1782.  Reprint,  Hartley's 
"Boone,"  pp.  200-203,  ^Iso  Marshall,  I,  p.  136,  and  Butler,  p.  125.  In  this 
letter  Boone  declared  that  almost  one-third  of  the  whole  force  thus  assembled, 
was  composed  of  commissioned  ofl&cers.    Hartley's  "  Boone,"  p.  190. 


no        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

clarlng  that  the  enemy  were  undoubtedly  very  strong  and 
thoroughly  prepared  for  battle.  He  urged  that,  if  they 
were  determined  upon  an  attack  before  Logan's  forces 
should  join  them,  it  should  at  least  be  made  with  due 
caution  to  avoid  an  ambuscade. 

At  this  point  Major  McGary  dashed  into  the  river  calling 
out,  "Those  who  are  not  cowards,  follow  me;  I  will  show 
them  where  the  Indians  are,"  and,  at  the  challenge,  the 
whole  party  dashed  after  him  and  attacked  the  Indians 
with  great  spirit,  but  with  no  order  or  system. 

The  savages  retreated  until  they  reached  a  spot  where 
the  ridge  which  they  had  followed  was  cut  by  two  ravines, 
one  on  each  side  of  the  path,  the  very  point  against  which 
Boone  had  warned  his  comrades.  In  these  ravines  were 
concealed  the  entire  savage  army,  who,  finding  that  their 
enemy  were  at  last  in  their  power,  opened  a  fire  which 
thinned  the  ranks  of  the  white  men,  and  caused  a  mad 
panic.  Before  the  terrified  Kentuckians  could  draw  back, 
the  Indians  had  extended  their  lines  so  as  completely  to 
surround  them,  and  the  retreat  became  a  race  for  life. 

Boone,  after  seeing  his  son  slain  before  his  face,  at- 
tempted to  gain  the  ford,  but  the  way  was  blocked  by 
several  hundred  of  the  enemy.  Returning,  therefore,  to 
the  ravine  which  the  Indians  had  left,  he  followed  it  to  the 
river,  which  he  crossed  just  below  the  ford,  in  company 
with  a  few  companions,  and,  by  a  circuitous  path,  soon 
reached  Bryant's  Station. 

The  ford  was  the  scene  of  a  fierce  struggle,  and  few,  ex- 
cept the  horsemen,  would  have  escaped  but  for  the  heroic 
manner  in  which  Netherland,  who  had  previously  been 
looked  upon  as  a  coward,  rallied  a  small  band  of  his  com- 
rades who  had  already  crossed,  and  checked  the  enemy 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION       1 1 1 

for  a  few  moments,  thus  giving  his  friends  an  opportunity 
to  get  over.  Although  the  Indians  soon  effected  a  crossing, 
and  continued  the  pursuit  for  twenty  miles,  it  was  with 
little  success,  as  the  routed  army  had  taken  to  the  woods, 
each  man  following  the  pathway  of  his  own  choosing. 

As  the  fugitives  straggled  into  camp  they  met  Colo- 
nel Logan,  advancing  with  his  detachment  of  three  hun- 
dred men,  which,  but  for  the  foolish  daring  of  Major 
McGary,  might  have  made  the  battle  of  Blue  Licks  a  vic- 
tory, instead  of  the  most  disastrous  defeat  of  pioneer 
times. 

As  the  news  of  this  catastrophe  spread  through  Ken- 
tucky, there  arose  a  feeling  of  general  discouragement. 
So  many  disasters,  in  such  rapid  succession,  could  but  cast 
a  gloom  over  the  country;  and  men  began  to  feel  that,  un- 
less relief  should  speedily  be  secured,  they  must  give  up  all 
hope  of  maintaining  their  settlements.  Boone,  in  his 
letter  to  Governor  Harrison,  voiced  this  sentiment  in  the 
following  words:  "I  have  encouraged  the  people  in  this 
country  all  that  I  could;  but  I  can  no  longer  justify  them 
or  myself  to  risk  our  lives  here  under  such  extraordinary 
hazards.  The  inhabitants  .  .  .  are  very  much  alarmed  at 
the  thoughts  of  the  Indians  bringing  another  campaign 
into  our  country  this  fall.  If  this  should  be  the  case,  it 
will  break  up  these  settlements."  ^ 

But  even  before  Boone's  complaint  had  been  dispatched, 
Clark  had  sent  forth  his  call  for  renewed  battle,  and 
terror  and  despair  were  forgotten,  as  pioneers  from  every 
point  in  the  three  counties  flocked  to  his  banner,  thirst- 
ing for  the  vengeance  which  the  leader  had  so  often 
shown  himself  able  to  procure  for  them;  and  when  the 

1  Boone  to  Benjamin  Harrison,  August  30,  1782.    Durrett  MSS. 


112        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

final  muster  roll  was  called  at  the  mouth  of  the  Licking, 
over  one  thousand  soldiers  answered  to  their  names. 
Early  in  November,  1782,  ^  they  moved  forward,  crossed 
the  Ohio,  and  "  surprised  the  principal  Shawnee  town  on 
the  evening  of  the  loth,  immediately  detaching  strong 
parties  to  different  quarters.  In  a  few  hours  two-thirds 
of  the  town  was  laid  in  ashes,  and  everything  they  were 
possessed  of,  destroyed,  except  such  articles  as  might  be 
useful  to  the  troops.  The  enemy  had  no  time  to  secrete 
any  part  of  their  property  which  was  in  the  town. 

"The  British  trading  post  at  the  head  of  the  Miami, 
the  carrying  place  to  the  waters  of  the  lake,  shared  the 
same  fate,  at  the  hands  of  a  party  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  horse,  commanded  by  Colonel  Benjamin  Logan.  The 
property  destroyed  was  of  great  amount,  and  the  quan- 
tity of  provisions  burned  surpassed  all  idea  we  had  of  the 
Indian  stores. 

"The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  ten  scalps,  seven  prisoners, 
two  whites  retaken.  Ours  was  one  killed  and  one  wounded. 
After  lying  part  of  four  days  in  their  towns  and  finding  all 
attempts  to  bring  the  enemy  to  a  general  action  fruitless, 
we  retired,  as  the  season  was  far  advanced  and  the  winter 
threatening." 

Such  is  the  simple  narrative  in  which  Clark  reported 
to  Governor  Harrison  of  Virginia,  the  result  of  this  expe- 
dition which  "ended  forever  all  formidable  Indian  inva- 
sions of  Kentucky." 

The  remainder  of  the  year  was  quiet,  as  the  Indians 
removed  even  their  scouts  and   plundering  parties  from 

'  Marshall,  I,  p.  147,  gives  September  and  is  followed  by  Butler,  p.  131. 
Collins,  I,  p.  20,  puts  the  expedition  in  November,  1782.  The  present  account 
is  based  chiefly  upon  Clark's  letter  to  Governor  Benjamin  Harrison,  dated 
November  37,  1782,  and  reprinted  in  English's  "Clark,"  II,  p.  760. 


KENTUCKY'S  PART  IN  THE  REVOLUTION       113 

Kentucky,  and,  a  few  months  later  (spring  of  1783), 
travelers  brought  the  joyful  news  that  a  provisional  treaty 
of  peace  had  been  signed  between  America  and  England 
on  November  30,  1782.  It  was  not,  indeed,  until  April 
nth  of  the  following  year  that  a  proclamation  was  issued 
by  the  authority  of  Congress,  declaring  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  between  the  two  countries,  and  not  until  Sep- 
tember 3d,  1783,  that  the  formal  and  definitive  treaty  was 
signed  at  Paris:  but  the  British  had  lost  hope  of  conquer- 
ing the  rebels  long  before;  and  Independence  had  been 
felt  to  be  an  assured  fact  as  soon  as  the  news  of  Corn- 
wallis'  surrender  at  Yorktown  (October  19,  1781)  was  re- 
ceived. 

Even  the  treaty  of  peace,  however,  did  not  mean  peace 
for  Kentucky.  The  British  held  a  number  of  the  North- 
west posts  long  after  the  Treaty  of  Paris  was  signed,  and 
continued  to  rouse  the  Indians  to  attacks  upon  the  Amer- 
ican frontier:  but  the  great  war  period  of  Kentucky  his- 
tory had  closed  with  Clark's  last  expedition  into  the  Indian 
country,  and  the  future  struggles  take  the  form  largely  of 
personal  adventures,  and  in  no  instance  again  assume  the 
dignity  of  real  warfare.  The  Indian  power  in  Kentucky 
had  been  subdued,  by  the  manly  courage  of  the  settlers, 
under  the  leadership  of  Clark  and  Boone,  and  in  the  proc- 
ess of  vanquishing  the  enemy,  the  people  had,  all  uncon- 
sciously, produced  a  State. 


Kentucky — 8 


CHAPTER  IV 

KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 

When  the  news  of  the  Peace  of  Paris  reached  Kentucky, 
some  six  months  after  it  was  signed,  it  was  generally  sup- 
posed that  Indian  hostilities  would  cease;  but  the  fail- 
ure, on  the  part  of  each  country,  faithfully  to  observe  its 
pledges  caused  an  increase  in  the  attacks  upon  the  frontier. 
The  savages,  as  allies  of  the  British,  had  of  course  no 
justification  for  continuing  hostilities;  but  they  had  never 
had  any  adequate  conception  of  the  nature  and  conse- 
quences of  the  contest,  and,  not  having  themselves  been 
conquered  in  most  sections  of  the  country,  they  could  not 
understand  how  they  could  have  been  conquered  "abroad 
by  proxy."  ^  The  British  officers  and  soldiers  garrisoned 
in  the  Northwest  posts,  which,  upon  various  pretexts, 
were  not  surrendered  according  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
of  peace,  encouraged  rather  than  discountenanced  this 
attitude,  and  Congress,  in  this  as  in  most  other  matters, 
was  impotent. 

France  and  Spain,  also,  secretly  rejoiced  at  these  devas- 
tations, their  aid  having  been  given  to  the  Americans,  dur- 
ing the  war,  solely  from  a  desire  to  injure  England.  While 
the  negotiations  of  the  peace  were  in  progress,  they  had 
secretly  combined  to  limit  the  boundary  of  the  United 
States  by  the  Alleghanies,  or  at  most  by  the  Ohio:  and, 
but  for  the  fact  that  John   Jay  had   discovered   their  de- 

1  Littell's  "Political  Transactions  in  and  Concerning  Kentucky,"  pp.  9,  10. 

114 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 


115 


signs/  they  might  easily  have  succeeded,  as  Congress,  in 
a  moment  of  bhnd  gratitude  for  the  aid  and  countenance 
which  France  had  given  her,  had  instructed  her  com- 
missioners to  "undertake  nothing  in  the  negotiations  for 
peace  or  truce  without  their  knowledge  and  concurrence," 
(referring  to  the  French  Court),  and  "ultimately  to  govern 
yourselves  by  their  advice  and  opinion."  Once  discovered, 
the  scheme  had  been  easily  defeated  by  our  commissioners, 
and  the  final  result  was  an  unconditional  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  independence  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
settlement  of  a  boundary  as  ample  as  the  needs  of  the 
States  required. 

But  this  outcome  did  not  tend  to  produce,  in  the  minds 
of  the  disappointed  French  and  Spanish  allies,  a  love  for 
the  new  Republic,  and,  for  years  to  come,  secret  agents, 
of  the  one  or  the  other  nation,  were  almost  constantly 
employed  with  schemes  for  detaching  the  West,  and  par- 
ticularly the  rich  Kentucky  district,  from  her  control. 

Early  in  1784  there  appeared  in  Lexington,  as  the  chief 
agent  of  a  great  trading  company  just  organized  in  Phila- 
delphia, General  James  Wilkinson,  whose  life  from  this 
time  is  closely  connected  with  the  history  of  Kentucky's 
struggle  for  separation  from  Virginia.  Though  he  came 
as  an  agent,  he  came  as  a  citizen  also,  and,  from  the  first, 
identified  himself  with  the  district.  For  a  man  of  his 
ability  and  emmence  to  settle  in  this  nevs^  country,  was  in 
itself  flattering,  for  he  had  been  a  distinguished  leader  in 
the  Revolution,  and  had  been  made  Brigadier  General 
on  account  of  valuable  service  at  Saratoga.  Besides  this 
fact,  which  alone  would  have  sufficed  to  make  him  a 
marked  man  among  the  simple  hunters  of  Kentucky,  he 

1  Fiske's  "Critical  Period,"  p.  22. 


Il6        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

was  an  eloquent  speaker,  a  clear  thinker,  and  a  man  of 
more  than  ordinary  attainments,  even  for  the  older  States. 
Mr.  Marshall  thus  describes  him;^ — "A  person  not  quite 
tall  enough  to  be  perfectly  elegant,  compensated  by  its  sym- 
metry and  appearance  of  health  and  strength.  A  counte- 
nance open,  mild,  capacious,  and  beaming  with  intelli- 
gence; a  gait  firm,  manly,  and  facile;  manners  bland, 
accommodating,  and  popular;  an  address  easy,  polite  and 
gracious,  invited  approach,  gave  access,  assured  attention, 
cordiality  and  ease." 

As  to  what  his  character  was,  there  is  great  uncertainty. 
Some  of  his  biographers  depict  him  as  an  arch  traitor, 
while  others  declare  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  the  highest 
honor  and  patriotism.  But,  whatever  his  motives,  it  is 
certain  that  no  man  was  more  thoroughly  identified  with 
Kentucky's  struggle  for  independence. 

As  the  District  of  Kentucky  grew  more  populous,  it 
was  natural  that  a  desire  should  spring  up,  on  the  part  of 
her  leading  men,  for  a  government  where  their  counsels 
might  have  more  force,  and  where  the  needs  of  the  Dis- 
trict might  be  better  realized  than  they  could  be,  while 
the  laws  were  passed  at  Richmond,  which,  under  the 
conditions  of  travel  then  prevailing,  was  a  very  long  dis- 
tance away."  All  that  was  needed,  therefore,  was  a  pretext 
for  asking  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  to  grant  them  inde- 
pendence, and  this  pretext  soon  presented  itself,  in  the 
form  of  a  military  necessity. 

In  1784,  Colonel  Benjamin  Logan  discovered  that  the 
Cherokee   tribes  were  planning  a  great  invasion  against 

1  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  165. 

2  See  "The  Wilderness  Road,"  in  Filson  Club  Publications,  by  Captain 
Thomas  Speed. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 


117 


the  southern  frontier  of  Kentucky,  and  that  a  similar  move 
was  being  arranged  against  her  northern  settlements.  He 
accordingly  called  a  general  meeting  at  Danville,  and  laid 
before  it  the  information  w^hich  he  had  received,  asking 
for  a  discussion  and  action  upon  the  question  of  how 
the  attacks  could  be  most  successfully  combated.  The 
opinion  was  general  that  the  best  way  to  meet  the  threat- 
ened danger  was  to  prepare  a  military  expedition  and  at- 
tack the  Indians,  before  they  could  complete  their  plans  of 
invasion.  But,  upon  further  investigation,  it  was  found 
that,  as  there  was  no  declared  state  of  war,  "No  man  or 
set  of  men  in  the  District  was  invested  with  authority  to 
call  the  militia  into  service"  for  offensive  measures.^  This 
discovery  put  an  end  to  the  proposed  expedition,  which 
in  this  particular  instance  was  fortunate,  as  the  expected 
invasions  did  not  occur.  It  proved  to  the  people,  how- 
ever, how  helpless  was  their  position  in  case  of  pressing 
need;  while  discussion  and  investigation  showed  that  the 
District  was  in  every  way,  save  in  law,  competent  to  con- 
duct her  own  military  operations.  They  therefore  decided 
to  request  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  to  pass  an  act,  ena- 
bling the  District  of  Kentucky  to  organize  as  a  State,  and 
to  enter  the  Union,  if  accepted  by  the  Confederation.^ 

In  the  actions  of  this  first  convention,  as  in  all  that 
follow,  we  see  a  profound  respect  and  reverence  for  law. 
ReaHzing  that  they  had  no  authority  to  make  such  a  re- 

1  Littell's  "Political  Transactions  in  and  Concerning  Kentucky,"  p.  15. 

2  This  was  no  new  idea  even  then.  On  May  15th,  1780,  a  memorial,  signed 
by  672  inhabitants  of  the  "Counties  of  Kaintuckey  and  Illinois,"  had  been  sent 
to  Congress,  begging  "that  the  Continental  Congress  will  take  Proper  Methods 
to  form  us  into  a  Separate  State."  The  manuscript  is  No.  48,  of  the  series  of 
papers  of  the  old  Congress  preserved  in  the  State  Department  at  Washington, 
Quoted,  Brown's  "Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  p.  59. 


Il8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

quest,  they  published  a  recommendation  that,  on  a  certain 
day,  each  mihtary  company  in  the  District  should  elect 
one  representative,  and  that  these  representatives  should 
meet  at  Danville,  on  December  27,  1784,  to  "devise  if 
possible  some  means  of  preserving  their  country  from  that 
immediate  destruction  which  seemed  then  impending."  ^ 
The  suggestion  was  well  received,  and  on  the  proposed 
day,  the  representatives  met  at  Danville,  formed  them- 
selves into  a  deliberative  assembly  and  proceeded  at  once 
to  business.^  There  were  a  number  of  spectators  present, 
who  listened  with  interest  to  the  prolonged  debate  upon 
the  advisability  of  a  separation  from  Virginia,  and,  al- 
though there  was  considerable  difference  of  opinion  upon 
that  question,  there  was  a  unanimous  desire  manifested 
that,  whatever  was  done  should  be  done  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  the  laws  of  the  parent  State.  A  large  majority 
favored  the  plan  of  petitioning  the  Assembly  of  Virginia, 
and,  through  it.  Congress,  for  the  passage  of  an  act  by 
which  Kentucky  might  become  an  independent  member 
of  the  Confederacy.  They  felt,  however,  that,  as  this  had 
not  been  clearly  and  specifically  proposed  in  the  recom- 
mendation which  had  caused  their  election,  they  had  not 
the  authority  to  take  so  decided  a  step.  They  therefore 
contented  themselves  with  passing  a  resolution  earnestly 
recommending  that  the  people  of  Kentucky,  at  the  next 
regular  election  of  delegates  to  the  Virginia  Legislature, 
should  choose  representatives,  who  should  meet  in  the 
following  May,  with  full  power  to  petition  the  Assembly 

1  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  p.  16.  See  also  "Appendix,"  p.  i,  for 
date,  etc. 

2  The  earliest  known  copy  of  the  Minutes  are  given  in  "Lettres  d'un 
Cultivateur  Am^ricain — De  Creve  Coeur  a  Paris — 1787,"  Tome,  III,  pp. 
438-440. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 


119 


of  Virginia  for  an  act  of  separation,^  and,  through  it,  to 
petition  Congress  for  admission  into  the  Confederation. 

Accordingly,  on  the  23rd  of  May,  1785,  the  "Second 
Assembly  of  Kentucky"  met  at  Danville  and  drew  up  the 
following  five  resolutions  :- 

"  I.  Resolved  (unanimously),  as  the  opinion  of  this  con- 
vention. That  a  petition  be  presented  to  the  Assembly, 
praying  that  this  District  may  be  established  into  a  State, 
separate  from  Virginia. 

"2.  Resolved  (unanimously),  as  the  opinion  of  this  con- 
vention, That  this  District,  when  established  into  a  State, 
ought  to  be  taken  into  the  Union  with  the  United  States  of 
America;  and  enjoy  equal  privileges  in  common  with  the 
said  States. 

"3.  Resolved,  That  this  Convention  recommend  it  to 
their  constituents,  to  elect  deputies  in  their  respective 
counties,  to  meet  at  Danville  on  the  second  Monday  of 
August  next,  to  serve  in  convention,  and  to  continue 
by  adjournment  till  the  first  day  of  April  next,  to  take 
further  under  their  consideration  the  state  of  the  Dis- 
trict. 

"4.  Resolved  (unanimously):  That  the  election  of  the 
deputies  for  the  proposed  convention,  ought  to  be  on  the 
principle  of  'equal  representation.' 

"5.  Resolved:  That  the  petition  to  the  Assembly  for 
establishing  this  District  into  a  State,  and  the  several 
resolves  of  the  former  and  present  Conventions,  upon 
which  the  petition  is  founded,  together  with  all  other  mat- 
ters relative  to  the  interest  of  the  District,  that  have  been 

1  The  Constitution  of  Virginia  had  made  provision  for  the  erection  of  one  or 
more  governments  in  the  Western  territory  when  occasion  might  require.  Lit- 
tell's  "Political  Transactions,"  p.  15. 

2  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  196. 


120        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

under  their  consideration,  be  referred  to  the  future  con- 
vention, that  such  further  measures  may  be  taken  thereon 
as  they  shall  judge  proper."  ^ 

The  "Second  Assembly  of  Kentucky"  thus  signally 
failed  to  accomplish  the  object  of  its  meeting,  in  that  it 
refused  to  take  the  final  step,  and  make  application  for 
the  desired  separation,  although  it  had  been  elected  for  that 
specific  purpose,  and  a  feeling  of  uneasiness  and  impa- 
tience began  to  manifest  itself  in  the  community,  due  not 
only  to  the  failure  of  the  convention  to  do  its  duty,  but 
also  to  the  unfortunate  impression  which  the  Confedera- 
tion was  making  upon  the  people  of  the  District.  They 
were  coming  to  realize,  more  fully  each  day,  the  utter  im- 
becility of  the  central  government,  which  either  could  not, 
or  would  not,  protect  them  from  the  dangers  incident  upon 
the  British  possession  of  the  posts  in  the  Northwest;  and 
vague  rumors  were  being  circulated,  to  the  effect  that 
Congress  was  on  the  point  of  abandoning  all  claim  to  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  for  twenty-five  years;'  which 
act  they  knew  would  destroy  for  them  all  chance  of  com- 
mercial prosperity.  They  realized  that  they  could  not 
trade,  with  either  safety  or  profit,  if  they  had  to  carry 
their  goods  overland  to  and  from  the  eastern  States,  as 
the  country  lying  between  was  wild  and  mountainous,  and 
the  passes  were  beset  with  bands  of  savages. 

It  was  at  this  point  that  the  feeling  first  arose  that,  if 
the  Confederation  could  do  no  better  than  this  for  her 
struggling  frontier  colony,  it  would  be  far  better  to  cut 
themselves  off  entirely  from  the  central  government  and 

1  Extracts  from  the  "Journal."  Cf.  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  Ap- 
pendix, I. 

2  Woodrow  Wilson's  "History  of  the  American  People,"  III,  p.  51,  for  de- 
tails of  this  report. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  121 

its  control;  and,  although  this  idea  had  not  yet  become 
very  general,  it  afforded  a  plausible  basis  for  the  agents  of 
Spain  to  work  upon. 

Having  provided  for  another  Assembly  ^  upon  w^hich  to 
place  the  responsibility  for  action,  if  anything  was  to  be 
done,  the  "Second  Assembly"  adopted  two  addresses,  one 
"To  the  Honorable  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,"  and 
the  other  "To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  District  of  Ken- 
tucky."^ 

The  author  of  those  two  addresses  cannot  be  positively 
ascertained,  but  it  seems  probable  that  in  them  we  have 
the  first  work  of  General  James  Wilkinson,  as  their  tone, 
and  the  extreme  manner  in  which  they  are  drawn  up,  agree 
very  closely  with  some  later  work  of  the  same  nature  which 
can  with  certainty  be  assigned  to  his  pen.  Although  he 
was  not  a  member  of  this  Assembly,  his  talents  were,  by 
this  time,  very  well  recognized  throughout  the  District, 
and  Marshall  thinks  that  the  author  was  not  a  member 
of  the  convention.^ 

The  address  to  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  was  never  de- 
livered, this  task  being  left  for  the  next  Assembly,  which 
refused  to  perform  it.  It  expressed  the  desire  for  separa- 
tion from  Virginia,  and  for  admission  into  the  Union  of 
States. 

The  address  to  the  "Inhabitants  of  the  District  of  Ken- 
tucky," however,  is  of  more  importance,  as  it  was  widely 
circulated  and  had  the  effect  of  stirring  up  discussion  upon 
the  subject  of  separation,  and  of  increasing  the  desire  to 
hasten  that   result.     It   also   gives  us  a   concise   view  of 

1  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  p.  18,  and  "Appendix,"  p.  6. 
*  Full  texts  given  in  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  pp.  200-202,  and  also  in  Littell's 
"Political  Transactions,"  Appendix,  p.  2. 
3  Marshall,   1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  206. 


122        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  political  and  social  conditions  of  the  District  at  this 
time. 

"Friends  and  Fellow  Citizens;  We,  your  representatives, 
met  in  convention  in  consequence  of  your  appointment,  beg 
leave  to  address  you  on  a  subject  which  we  consider  of  the 
iast  importance  to  you,  to  ourselves,  and  to  unborn  pos- 
terity. 

"In  every  case  when  it  becomes  necessary  for  one  part 
of  the  community  to  separate  from  the  other;  duty  to  Al- 
mighty God  and  a  decent  respect  for  the  opinions  of  man- 
kind require  that  the  causes  which  impel  them  thereto 
should  be  clearly  and  impartially  set  forth. 

"We  hold  it  as  a  self  evident  truth  that  the  government 
is  ordered  for  the  ease  and  protection  of  the  governed: 
and  whenever  these  ends  are  not  attained,  by  one  form  of 
government,  it  is  the  right,  it  is  the  duty,  of  the  people  to 
seek  such  other  mode  as  will  be  likely  to  msure  to  them- 
selves and  to  their  posterity  those  blessings  to  which,  by 
nature,  they  are  entitled. 

"  In  the  course  of  our  enquiries,  we  find  that  several 
laws  have  passed  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  which,  al- 
though of  a  general  nature,  yet  in  their  operation  are 
particularly  oppressive  to  the  people  of  this  district;  and 
we  also  find  that,  from  our  local  situation,  we  are  deprived 
of  many  benefits  of  government  which  every  citizen  therein 
has  a  right  to  expect;  as  a  few  facts  will  sufficiently  demon- 
strate. 

"  I.  We  have  no  power  to  call  out  the  militia,  our  sure 
and  only  defence,  to  oppose  the  wicked  machinations  of  , 
the  savages,  unless  in  case  of  actual  invasion.  | 

"2.  We  have  no  executive  power  in  the  District,  either 
to  enforce  the  execution  of  laws,  or  to  grant  pardons  to   j 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 


123 


objects  of  mercy;  because  such  a  power  would  be  incon- 
sistent with  the  poHcy  of  the  government,  and  contrary 
to  the  present  constitution. 

"3.  We  are  ignorant  of  the  laws  that  are  passed  until 
a  long  time  after  they  are  enacted,  and  in  many  instances 
until  they  have  expired:  by  means  whereof  penalties  may 
be  inflicted  for  offences  never  designed,  and  delinquents 
escape  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes. 

"4.  We  are  subjected  to  prosecute  suits  in  the  High 
Courts  of  Appeals  at  Richmond,  under  every  disadvantage 
for  the  want  of  evidence,  want  of  friends,  and  want  of 
money, 

"5.  Our  money  must  necessarily  be  drawn  from  us,  not 
only  for  the  support  of  the  civil  government,  but  by  in- 
dividuals who  are  frequently  under  the  necessity  of  at- 
tending on  the  same. 

"6.  Nor  is  it  possible  for  the  inhabitants  of  this  Dis- 
trict, at  so  remote  a  distance  from  the  seat  of  government, 
ever  to  derive  equal  benefits  with  citizens  in  the  Eastern 
parts  of  the  State;  and  this  inconvenience  must  increase 
as  our  country  becomes  more  populous. 

"7.  Our  commercial  interest  can  never  correspond  with 
or  be  regulated  by  theirs,  and  in  case  of  any  invasion,  the 
State  of  Virginia  can  afford  us  no  adequate  protection, 
in  comparison  with  the  advantages  we  might  (if  a  separate 
State)  derive  from  the  Federal  Union. 

"On  maturely  considering  truths  of  such  great  impor- 
tance to  every  inhabitant  of  the  District,  with  a  firm  per- 
suasion that  we  are  consulting  the  general  good  of  our 
infant  country,  we  have  unanimously  resolved.  That  it  is 
expedient  and  necessary  for  this  District  to  be  separated 
from  Virginia  and  established  into  a  sovereign,  independ- 


124        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ent  State,  to  be  known  by  the  name  of  the  'Common- 
wealth of  Kentucky,'  and  taken  into  union  with  the 
United  States  of  America. 

"  In  order  to  effect  this  purpose  we  have  agreed  on  a 
petition  to  be  presented  ^  to  the  Legislature  of  Virginia  at 
their  next  session,  praying  that  a  separation  may  take 
place;  in  which  petition  are  fully  set  forth  such  terms  as 
we  thought  beneficial  to  our  infant  country,  and  not  in- 
consistent for  Virginia  to  grant. 

"  It  is  generally  admitted  that  this  District  ought,  at 
some  period  not  far  distant,  to  be  separated  from  the 
government  of  Virginia. 

"The  only  question  then,  is,  whether  we  are  now,  of 
sufficient  ability,  either  to  fill  the  different  offices  of  gov- 
ernment, or  provide  for  its  support  ^  In  answer  to  the 
first  part  of  this  objection,  examples  have  taught  us,  that 
sound  principles  and  plain  sense  suffice  for  every  laudable 
purpose  of  government;  and  we  generally  find  that  the 
liberty  of  the  subject  and  the  laws  of  the  land,  are  in  the 
highest  reverence,  at  the  foundation  and  rise  of  States, 
before  the  morals  of  the  people  have  been  vitiated  by 
wealth  and  licentiousness  and  their  understandings  en- 
tangled in  visionary  refinements  and  chimerical  distinc- 
tions: and  as  to  the  latter  part,  we  have  now  in  our  power 
several  valuable  funds,  which,  if  by  procrastination  we 
suffer  to  be  exhausted,  we  shall  be  stripped  of  every  re- 
source but  internal  taxation,  and  that  under  every  disad- 
vantage: and  therefore  we  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it 
as  our  opinion,  that  the  present  is  preferable  to  any  future 
period. 

1  The  delivery  of  this  petition  was,  however,  to  be  left  to  the  next  Assembly. 
See  Resolution  No.  5,  ante. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  125 

"  By  an  act  of  the  last  session  of  the  Assembly,  we  find 
that  the  revenue  law  is  now  fully  and  immediately  to  be 
enforced  within  the  District,  so  that  we  shall  not  only  pay 
a  very  considerable  part  of  the  tax  for  supporting  the 
civil  government  of  the  State,  but  also  be  obliged  to  sup- 
port our  supreme  court,  and  every  other  office  we  need 
in  the  District,  at  our  own  charge;  and  we  are  of  the  opin- 
ion, that  the  additional  expense  of  the  salaries  to  a  gover- 
nor, council,  treasurer  and  delegates  to  Congress,  will, 
for  a  number  of  years,  be  more  than  saved  out  of  the 
funds  before  alluded  to,  without  any  additional  tax  on  the 
people." 

Having  accomplished  the  passage  of  these  resolutions 
and  addresses,  the  "Second  Assembly"  adjourned,  and 
the  people  anxiously  awaited  the  time  for  electmg  dele- 
gates to  the  "Third  Assembly,"  confident  that  the  thirty 
representatives,  who  were  to  compose  it,  would  finally 
settle  the  great  question  of  separation. 

The  election  came  in  July,  and  in  the  following  August 
the  new  delegates  arrived  at  Danville,  among  those  from 
Fayette  County  being  General  James  Wilkinson.  This 
seems  to  have  been  his  first  appearance,  as  a  member, 
in  the  councils  of  the  District,  though,  from  this  time  for- 
ward, he  stands  as  their  most  prominent  figure. 

The  first  business  to  come  before  the  Assembly  was  a 
consideration  of  the  papers  and  recommendations  which 
the  "Second  Assembly"  had  committed  to  them.  These 
were  debated  at  length  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
and  a  report  was  delivered  to  the  Assembly  by  Mr.  Muter. 
The  report  states  that  Kentucky,  by  virtue  of  her  isolation, 
can  never  hope  to  be  properly  governed  while  the  present 
connection  with  Virginia  is  maintained,  and  proceeds  to 


126        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

give  a  list  of  grievances,  the  same,  in  substance,  as  those 
in  the  above-quoted  "  Address  to  the  People,"  declaring, 
at  the  same  time,  that  these  grievances  are  due,  not  to  any 
evil  intention  on  the  part  of  Virginia,  but  to  the  unnatural 
and  useless  legal  subordination  of  the  District  to  the  State. 
It  closes  thus: 

"Whereas  all  men  are  born  equally  free  and  inde- 
pendent, and  have  certain  natural,  inherent  and  inalien- 
able rights;  among  which  are  the  enjoying  and  defending 
life  and  liberty,  acquiring,  possessing  and  protecting  prop- 
erty, and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happiness  and  safety: 
Therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  this 
convention,  as  they  regard  the  prosperity  and  happiness 
of  their  constituents,  themselves  and  posterity,  to  make 
application  to  the  General  Assembly,  at  the  ensuing  ses- 
sion, for  an  act  to  separate  this  District  from  the  present 
government  forever,  on  terms  honorable  to  both  and  in- 
jurious to  neither;  in  order  that  it  may  enjoy  all  the  ad- 
vantages, privileges  and  immunities  of  a  free,  sovereign 
and  independent  republic." 

This  report  was  unanimously  adopted  by  the  Assem- 
bly, who  further  proceeded  to  draw  up  and  adopt  two 
addresses,  one  to  the  Assembly  of  Virginia,  and  one  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  District  of  Kentucky.  As  the  work  of 
this  convention  succeeded  in  securing  the  consent  of  Vir- 
ginia to  the  proposed  separation,  though  the  conditions 
upon  which  it  was  to  be  granted  were  not  fulfilled  for 
years,  I  quote,  in  part,  the  first  of  these  addresses. 

"Gentlemen:  The  subscribers,  resident  in  the  Counties 
of  Jefferson,  Fayette,  Lincoln  and  Nelson,  comprising  the 
District,  of  Kentucky,  being  chosen  at  free  elections  held 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  127 

in  these  counties  respectively  by  the  freemen  of  the  same, 
for  the  purpose  of  constituting  a  convention,  to  take  into 
consideration  the  general  state  of  the  District,  and  ex- 
pressly to  decide  on  the  expediency  of  making  application 
to  your  honorable  body,  for  an  act  of  separation — deeply 
impressed  with  the  importance  of  the  measure,  and  breath- 
ing the  purest  filial  affection,  beg  leave  to  address  you  on 
this  momentous  occasion. 

"The  settlers  of  this  distant  region,  taught  by  the  ar- 
rangements of  Providence,  and  encouraged  by  the  con- 
ditions of  that  solemn  compact  for  which  they  paid  the 
price  of  blood,  to  look  forward  to  a  separation  from  the 
Eastern  part  of  the  Commonwealth;  have  viewed  the  sub- 
ject leisurely  at  a  distance  and  examined  it  with  caution 
on  its  near  approach: — irreconcilable  as  has  been  their 
situation  to  a  connection  with  any  community  beyond  the 
Appalachian  Mountains,  other  than  the  Federal  Union; 
manifold  as  have  been  the  grievances  flowing  therefrom, 
which  have  grown  with  their  growth  and  increased  with 
their  population;  they  have  patiently  waited  the  hour  of 
redress,  nor  even  ventured  to  raise  their  voices  in  their 
own  cause  until  youth  quickening  into  manhood,  hath 
given  them  vigor  and  stability. 

"To  recite  minutely  the  causes  and  reasoning  which  have 
directed  and  will  justify  this  address,  would  we  conceive, 
be  a  matter  of  impropriety  at  this  juncture.  It  would  be 
preposterous  for  us  to  enter  upon  the  support  of  facts  and 
consequences  which,  we  presume,  are  incontrovertible; 
our  sequestered  situation  from  the  seat  of  government, 
with  the  intervention  of  a  mountainous  desert  of  two  hun- 
dred miles,  always  dangerous,  and  passable  only  at  par- 
ticular seasons,  precludes  every  idea  of  a  connection  on 


128        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

republican  principles.  The  patriots  who  formed  our  con- 
stitution, sensible  of  the  impracticability  of  connecting 
permanently  in  a  free  government  the  extensive  limits  of 
the  commonwealth,  most  wisely  made  provision  for  the 
act  which  we  now  solicit. 

"To  that  sacred  record  we  appeal  .  .  .  and,  by  the 
authority  of  our  constituents,  after  the  most  solemn  de- 
liberation, being  warned  of  every  consequence  which  can 
ensue,  for  them,  for  ourselves,  and  for  posterity  unborn, 
do  pray  that  an  act  may  pass  at  the  ensuing  session  of 
Assembly,  declaring  and  acknowledging  the  sovereignty 
and  independence  of  this  District.   .   .   ."  ^ 

A  comparison  of  this  production  with  the  one  already 
quoted  shows  a  striking  similarity  of  style  and  spirit, 
which  seems  to  justify  the  assumption  that  the  author  was 
the  same.  In  this  article,  however,  the  real  spirit  of  Wil- 
kinson is  somewhat  concealed,  as  he  is  addressing  a  body 
whose  members  are  not  supposed  to  be  easily  swayed  by 
passion  and  extreme  statements,  while,  in  the  "Address 
to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  District,"  quoted  above,  he  had 
allow^ed  the  intensity  of  his  views  to  be  clearly  seen. 

In  order  to  give  more  dignity  and  force  to  the  "Address 
to  the  Virginia  Assembly,"  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Dis- 
trict, George  Muter,  and  the  District  Attorney,  General 
Innis,  were  appointed  to  present  it,  and  to  offer  their 
personal  support  toward  securing  its  passage.  They  ar- 
rived at  Richmond  in  November  (1785),  and  laid  the 
matter  before  the  General  Assembly,  offering  such  defence 
and  explanation  as  the  case  seemed  to  demand. 

1 "  Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  by  John  Mason  Brown,  Appendix  II; 
Marshall's  "  History  of  Kentucky,"  1882,  Ed.,  I,  pp.  210,  212;  Littell's  "  Po- 
litical Transactions,"  Appendix,  p.  11. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  129 

The  Assembly  received  the  petition  with  great  kindness 
and  liberality,  and  at  once  passed  an  act  which  is  now 
known  as  the  "First  Enabling  Act."  ^  It  refers  at  first  to 
the  petition,  and  to  the  expediency  of  making  such  a 
change,  on  account  of  the  remoteness  of  the  better  parts 
of  the  District  from  the  seat  of  government.  It  then  de- 
clares that,  "The  free  male  inhabitants,"  of  each  of  the 
seven  counties  of  the  District,  shall  elect  representatives 
on  their  "respective  court  days,"  during  the  next  August; 
that  these  representatives  shall  meet  at  Danville,  on  the 
fourth  Monday  in  September,  and  decide  whether  or  not 
it  is  expedient  and  the  will  of  the  people  to  become  an  in- 
dependent State  upon  the  following  conditions:  "  that  the 
boundary  between  the  proposed  State  and  the  State  of 
Virginia  remain  the  same  as  at  present;  that  the  proposed 
State  assume  a  proportion  of  the  public  debt  of  Virginia; 
that  private  rights  and  land  interests  within  the  said  Dis- 
trict, derived  from  the  laws  of  Virginia  prior  to  such  sepa- 
ration, remain  secure  under  the  laws  of  the  proposed 
State;  that  equal  taxation  and  equal  security  for  the  prop- 
erty of  residents  and  nonresidents  of  the  District  be  in- 
sured; that  all  land  titles  made  by  Virginia  and  surveyed 
prior  to  1788  be  made  valid  and  sound;  that  those  tracts  of 
land  which  Virginia  has  retained  as  rewards  for  service, 
etc.,  be  reserved  for  her  use  until  September,  1788,  and 
no  longer;  that  the  Ohio  be  open  to  the  free  navigation  of 

1  Found  in  12  Hening's  "Statutes  at  Large,"  p.  37,  and  entitled,  "An  act 
concerning  the  erection  of  the  District  of  Kentucky  into  an  Independent  State," 
passed  January  6,  1786,  Senate,  January  10,  1786.  The  chief  extracts  from  the 
proceedings  of  this  Assembly  are  give  in  Appendix  II,  of  Brown's  "Political  Be- 
ginnings of  Kentucky." 

2  A  reprint  of  these  conditions  will  be  found  in  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  pp.  223- 
224. 

Kentucky — 9 


130        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  fflSTORY 

all  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  that  disputes  which 
may  arise  between  Virginia  and  the  proposed  State  con- 
cerning the  meaning  or  execution  of  the  foregoing  articles 
be  submitted  to  arbitration. 

The  bill  provides  also  that,  in  case  the  proposed  con- 
vention shall  decide  in  favor  of  separation  upon  these 
conditions,  it  shall  fix  a  date  (prior  to  September  i,  1787), 
when  Virginia's  authority  over  the  District  of  Kentucky 
shall  cease;  but  this  only  in  case  Congress  shall  (prior  to 
June  I,  1787)  relieve  Virginia  from  her  Federal  obliga- 
tions, relative  to  this  District,  and  shall  admit  the  latter 
as  a  State  into  the  Federal  Union. 

These  conditions  appear  fair  enough,  but  they  required 
delay,  and  delay  did  not  suit  the  extreme  party  who  had 
controlled  the  last  Assembly,  and  who  were  eager  for  the 
immediate  declaration  of  independence,  which  would  give 
them  a  chance  at  pronounced  leadership.  Foremost 
among  these  was  Wilkinson,  and,  in  the  elections  which  oc- 
curred in  the  summer  of  1786  for  the  "Fourth  Assembly," 
he  became  a  candidate.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  express  his 
desire  for  an  immediate  declaration  of  independence,  and, 
though  he  roused  great  opposition  by  his  extreme  views, 
he  was  elected  a  delegate  from  Fayette  County,  by  fraud 
his  enemies  declared. 

In  the  meantime  the  Indians  having  become  very 
troublesome,  two  expeditions  had  been  organized,  one 
under  Clark  against  the  Wabash  tribes,  the  other  under 
Logan  against  the  Shawnees;  and  so  many  of  the  members 
of  the  coming  convention  had  taken  service  in  these  expedi- 
tions, that,  when  the  day  came  for  its  assembling,  "a  num- 
ber sufficient  to  proceed  to  business  could  not  be  had."  ^ 

1  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  p.  21. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  13 1 

The  minority  which  did  assemble  chose  John  Marshall 
(afterwards  the  "Great  Chief  Justice"  of  the  United 
States),  as  their  agent  to  present  to  the  Virginia  Assembly 
a  memorial,  stating  their  unfortunate  situation,  and  asking 
for  a  modification  of  the  conditions  of  separation  which 
could  not  now  be  fulfilled.^  This  irregular  request  was 
granted,  and  a  "  Second  Enabling  Act  "  -  was  passed,  con- 
tinuing the  assent  to  the  separation,  but  requiring  the 
convention  to  be  reelected  during  the  following  August 
(1787);  postponing  the  operation  of  the  act  of  separation 
until  January,  1789,  and  fixing  July  4,  1788,  as  the  date 
prior  to  which  Congress  should  consent  to  receive  Ken- 
tucky into  the  Union. 

Thus  again  was  the  object  of  Kentucky's  desire  denied 
her.  She  had  started  the  struggle  for  independence  in 
1784.  It  was  now  impossible  to  secure  it  before  1789;  and 
yet  the  majority  of  the  people  submitted  patiently,  thinking 
that  it  was  better  to  act  slowly,  rather  than  to  violate  the 
law,  in  order  to  gain  the  independence  for  which  they 
longed. 

In  January,  1787,  the  Fourth  Assembly  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  together  its  quorum,  only  to  discover 
that  it  had  been  deprived  of  all  authority  by  the  change  in 
the  conditions  which  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  had  just 
made.  Realizing  that  they  had  no  power  to  proceed,  they 
disbanded  in  anger,  and  scattered  to  their  respective  coun- 
ties, spreading  discontent  and  impatience  throughout  the 
entire  District. 

Wilkinson,   in  particular,   more  boldly  than  ever,   ad- 

1  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  Appendix,  contains  John  Marshall's 
letter  reporting  upon  the  matter. 

2  Passed  January  lo,  1787.    Text,  12  Hening's  "Statutes  at  Large,"  p.  240. 


132        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

vised,  "an  immediate  declaration  of  independence,"  re- 
gardless of  the  consequences.  He  declared  that  the  coun- 
try was  in  no  condition  to  wait;  that  it  needed  liberty,  and 
was  perfectly  competent  to  maintain  an  independent  gov- 
ernment. He  appealed  to  the  Indian  outrages  to  which 
they  were  exposed  without  any  means  of  defence,  and  did 
all  in  his  power  to  break  down  the  general  and  firm  respect 
for  law  which  pervaded  the  community. 

By  degrees  also  rumors  relative  to  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  began  to  be  circulated.  A  number  of 
gentlemen  in  Pittsburg,  calling  themselves  a  "Committee 
of  Correspondence,"  sent  a  written  communication,  to  the 
people  of  Kentucky,  declaring  that  John  Jay,  the  Amer- 
ican Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  had  made  a  proposition 
to  Don  Gardoqui,  the  Spanish  mmister,  to  cede  to  Spain 
for  twenty-five  years,  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  in  consideration  of  certain  commercial  advantages 
to  be  enjoyed  by  the  Eastern  States  alone. 

This  was  at  once  seized  upon  by  Wilkinson  and  his 
party,  and  converted  into  a  charge  against  Congress, 
whereas  it  was  really  only  a  proposition  which  had  been 
made  and  rejected.^  Indeed,  Congress  had  expressly  or- 
dered the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  to,  "stipulate  both 
for  the  territory  of  the  United  States,"  as  recognized  in 
the  treaty  with  England,  and  for  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  from  its  source  to  the  ocean.     The  Spanish 

1  John  Marshall  wrote  concerning  this  subject:  "The  negotiation  which  has 
been  opened  with  Spain  for  ceding  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi — a  negotia- 
tion so  dishonorable  and  injurious  to  America,  so  destructive  of  the  natural 
rights  of  the  western  world — is  warmly  opposed  by  this  country,  and  for  this 
purpose  the  most  pointed  instructions  are  given  to  our  delegates  in  Congress 
(i.  e.,  Virginia).  I  persuade  myself  that  this  negotiation  will  terminate  in  se- 
curing instead  of  ceding  that  great  point."  Littell's  "Political  Transactions," 
Appendix  VIII,  p.  21. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  133 

minister  having  declared  that  Spain  would  never  permit 
any  nation  to  use  that  river,  both  banks  of  which  be- 
longed to  her,  Mr.  Jay  had  reported  this  statement  to 
Congress,  and  had  also  informed  that  body,  "that  Spain 
was  ready  to  grant  to  the  United  States  extensive  and  valua- 
ble commercial  privileges,  and  that  it  was  in  her  power,  by 
her  influence  with  the  Barbary  States  and,  by  her  connec- 
tion with  France  and  Portugal,  greatly  to  injure  the  com- 
merce of  America,  and  to  benefit  that  of  England,  but  that, 
at  present,  the  questions  respecting  the  Mississippi  and 
territorial  limits  prevented  any  commercial  arrangements 
whatever."  In  view  of  which  facts,  he  recommended  a 
treaty  with  Spain,  limited  to  "twenty  or  thirty  years,  and 
abandoning,  during  that  period,  all  claim  to  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  below  their  Southern  boundary  line." 
His  view  was  based  on  the  false  idea  that  we  would  have 
no  special  need  to  use  the  river  for  the  next  twenty  or 
thirty  years. 

On  receiving  this  warning  from  Pittsburg,  Messrs. 
Muter,  Innis,  Brown  and  Sebastian  sent  out  a  circular 
letter^  (dated  March  29,  1787),  calling  on  the  people  of 
Kentucky  to  elect  representatives  to  meet  at  Danville  on 
the  first  Monday  in  May,  to  take  action  against  such  an 
outrage.  They  readily  complied,  but,  before  the  dele- 
gates had  assembled,  the  matter  came  to  be  better  un- 
derstood, and  the  convention,  without  any  action  upon  it, 
adjourned.  When  it  became  generally  known  that  Con- 
gress had  refused  to  accept  Jay's  proposition,  the  intense 
excitement  gradually  died  down,  although  there  can  be  lit- 

1  Full  text  given  in  (a)  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  Appendix  VIII; 
(6)  Brown's  "Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  Appendix  No.  4,  and  (c) 
Marshall,  I,  p.  259. 


134        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tie  doubt  tliat  it  resulted  in  deepening  the  prejudice  of 
many  against  a  union  where  such  a  proposition  could  even 
be  considered.  This  prejudice,  moreover,  w^as  greatly  in- 
creased by  the  extraordinary  action  of  the  Virginia  Execu- 
tive in  censuring  General  Clark  and  General  Logan  for  the 
military  expeditions  against  the  Wabash  and  Shawnee  In- 
dians, which  they  had  recently  conducted  with  the  consent 
of  the  county  lieutenants.^  It  was  bad  enough,  the  Ken- 
tuckians  reasoned,  to  be  left  unprotected  by  the  parent 
State,  but  to  be  censured  for  necessary  acts  of  war  was 
unbearable.  Why  should  they  not,  argued  the  more  ex- 
treme of  them,  secure  their  independence,  make  their  own 
terms  with  Spain  concerning  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  remain  an  independent  and  sovereign  State  ? 
For  this  view,  an  able  and  energetic  advocate  was  found  in 
Wilkinson.  He  had  used  all  of  his  talents,  and  most  of  his 
money,  in  securing  personal  and  political  friends,  and, 
when  the  time  came  for  electing  delegates  for  the  Fifth  As- 
sembly, which  was  to  meet  on  September  17,  1787,  he  ap- 
peared as  a  candidate,  and  was  elected.  But  when  the 
delegates  assembled  at  Danville,  Wilkinson  was  missing. 
The  Assembly  opened  its  session  and  proceeded  to  consider 
the  question  before  them  (that  of  separation  from  Vir- 
ginia), quietly  and  with  a  unanimity  hitherto  unknown. 

Wilkinson,  wishing  to  illustrate,  by  concrete  example, 
the  wisdom  of  his  proposition,  and  also  to  secure  money, 
of  which  he  was  greatly  in  need,  had  started  upon  a  journey 
to  New  Orleans,  for  the  purpose  of  trading  with  the  Span- 
iards. For  several  months,  nothing  was  heard  of  him,  but 
when,  at  the  end  of  that  period,  he  again  appeared  in  the 
District  of  Kentucky,  it  was  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  four 

1  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  pp.  21-25. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  135 

horses,  with  a  long  retinue  of  slaves  and  a  curious  private 
trading  treaty,  which  gave  him  the  right  to  export  all  the 
productions  of  Kentucky,  free  of  duty,  and  an  offer,  on  be- 
half of  the  Spanish  government,  of  nine  dollars  and  fifty 
cents  a  hundred  for  tobacco,  for  which  the  Kentuckians 
were  then  receiving  only  two  dollars. 

He  was  received,  by  his  friends,  as  an  ambassador,  who 
had,  by  his  own  private  efforts,  gained  greater  concessions 
from  Spain  than  the  whole  Federal  Union  had  been  able 
to  secure;  ^  but  his  enemies,  with  good  reason,  questioned 
the  honesty  of  such  a  transaction,  and  looked  upon  Wil- 
kinson as  a  hired  agent  of  Spain.  He  had  accomplished 
his  design,  but,  in  so  doing,  he  had  exposed  himself  to  at- 
tack; and,  though  his  tracks  were  so  well  covered  '  that 
nothing  could  ever  be  proved  against  him,  he  seems  to 
have  gone  a  little  farther  than  most  men  were  willing  to  go. 

The  party  of  which  Wilkinson  was  leader,  and  upon 
which  this  reckless  venture  cast  great  discredit,  was  known 
as  the  Court  party,  on  account  of  the  fact  that  the  leaders, 
Brown,  Sebastian  and  Innis,  were  all  members  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  District.  Their  scheme  was,  "  a  decla- 
ration of  independence,  an  immediate  organization  of  gov- 
ernment, a  treaty  with  Spain  for  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  a  connection  with  the  United  States,  or 
not,  according  to  circumstances  and  contingencies."  ^    In 

1  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  pp.  270-283. 

2  See  "Lexington  Reporter,"  March  14,  1803. 

3  It  would  be  grossly  unjust  to  judge  of  secession  plans  of  that  generation 
by  standards  of  later  days.  National  patriotism,  so  vigorous  during  the  Revo- 
lution, had  failed  to  attach  itself  to  the  government  under  the  Articles  of  Con- 
federation.   The  real  enthusiasm  was  everywhere  given  to  the  state  governments, 

:  which  alone  touched  the  life  of  the  individual.  See,  for  example,  the  history  of 
the  "Essex  Junto,"  and  their  plan  for  an  Eastern  Confederacy,  described  in 
|"Schouler,"  II,  pp.  60  et  seq. 


136        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

opposition  to  this  party  and  its  principles,  stood  the  "Coun- 
try party,"  loyal,  and  determined  to  preserve  the  integrity 
of  the  United  States  by  a  legal  and  constitutional  separa- 
tion, and  admission  into  the  Union,  in  any  manner  recom- 
mended by  Congress. 

Meanwhile,  the  Fifth  Assembly,  having  convened  (Sept. 
17,  1787),  had  gravely  considered  anew  the  question  of 
separation,  and  had  decided  unanimously  that  it  is  "ex- 
pedient for  and  the  will  of  the  good  people  of  the  District," 
that  it  should  be  separated  from  the  rest  of  the  State  upon 
the  terms  and  conditions  prescribed  by  law.  It  had 
adopted  a  petition  to  Congress  asking  admission  into  the 
Union, ^  and  had  secured,  from  the  Virginia  Legislature, 
the  appointment  of  John  Brown  as  the  first  Congressional 
delegate  of  the  District,  charging  him  with  the  delivery  of 
the  petition. 

The  state  of  affairs  which  confronted  Brown,  when  he 
entered  upon  his  duties,  was  not  calculated  to  increase  his 
love  for  the  Confederation.  The  Convention  which  gave 
birth  to  our  present  Constitution  had  just  concluded  its 
work  and  was  now  ready  to  submit  it  to  the  States  for  their 
approval."  So  much  excitement  was  felt  over  this  event, 
and  so  little  attention  was  given  to  the  Old  Congress,  that 
it  could  not  collect  a  quorum  during  the  entire  winter;  and, 
though  its  consent  to  the  separation  was  necessary,  before 
July  4th,  1788,  according  to  the  requirements  of  the  Second 

1  LittcU's  "Political  Transactions,"  p.  32. 

2  The  "New  Plan,"  as  it  was  called,  met  great  opposition,  and  especially 
from  Virginia,  which  persisted  in  her  refusal  to  "ratify,"  until  nine  States  had 
already  given  their  assent  and  further  opposition  was  seen  to  be  futile.  In  her 
convention,  specially  assembled  to  consider  the  New  Federal  Constitution,  the 
District  of  Kentucky  was  represented  by  fourteen  delegates — two  from  each  of 
the  seven  counties.  Three  of  them  voted  for  the  adoption,  nine  against  it,  and 
two  did  not  vote  at  all.    See  Elliot's  "Debates,"  1836  Ed.,  Ill,  p.  604. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  137 

Enabling  Act,  the  question  of  the  admission  of  Kentucky 
did  not  come  up  until  July  3d;  and  even  then  the  Old 
Congress,  desiring  only  to  be  relieved  from  all  further  re- 
sponsibility, declined  to  act  upon  the  petition,  referring  it 
to  the  new  government  which  was  so  soon  to  be  organized. 
This  made  it  impossible  to  fulfill  the  second  set  of  condi- 
tions laid  down  by  Virginia;  and  Kentucky  found  herself, 
after  more  than  four  years  of  ceaseless  effort,  exactly  where 
she  had  been  at  the  beginning. 

About  two  weeks  later  (July  28,  1788),  a  convention 
which  had  been  elected  to  form  a  Constitution  for  the 
new  State,  assembled  at  Danville.^  Brown  had  sent  a 
communication  to  Samuel  McDowell,  its  president,  and 
also  to  Judge  Muter,  announcing  the  failure  of  his  mission, 
in  spite  of  his  very  best  efforts,  and  openly  interpreting 
the  failure  of  Congress  to  act  upon  Kentucky's  petition,  as 
due  to  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  New  England  States,  and 
an  unwillingness  that  any  additional  strength  be  given  to 
Southern  representation  in  Congress.  He  declared  it  as 
his  opinion  that  the  same  cause  would  operate  under  the 
new  government;  and  he  further  communicated,  "in  con- 
fidence" the  result  of  certain  conferences  which  he  had 
had  with  the  Spanish  minister.  He  spoke  of  a  promise  of 
that  minister  to  give  particular  commercial  advantages  to 
Kentucky,  "if  she  will  erect  herself  into  an  independent 
government;  "  which  advantages,  he  declared,  "can  never 
be  yielded  to  her  by  Spain  so  long  as  she  remains  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Union."  ^  He  announced  it  as  his  decided 
opinion  that  Kentucky  ought  to  declare  herself  independ- 

1  The  original  "  Journal,"  in  manuscript,  of  this  Convention  is  among  the 
Durrett  MSS. 

2  Collins,  I,  pp.  21,  22. 


138        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ent,  at  once,  without  waiting  for  another  act  from  Vir- 
ginia, or  for  the  new  Federal  government  to  be  organized, 
and  to  admit  her  into  the  Union. 

There  was  great  uncertainty  among  the  members  of 
the  Convention  as  to  the  best  course  of  action,  under 
such  discouraging  circumstances,  especially  since  the  fail- 
ure of  Brown's  mission  had  made  the  formation  of  a 
State  Constitution  unnecessary,  thereby  annulling  the 
only  powers  that  had  been  delegated  to  them.  The  debate 
lasted  several  days,  and  was  ended  by  the  passage  of 
resolutions,  recommending  the  election  of  five  delegates 
from  each  county  of  the  District,  to  meet  at  Danville  on 
the  first  Monday  of  the  November  following,  there  to 
take  measures  "for  obtaining  admission  of  the  District, 
as  a  separate  and  independent  member  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi .  .  .  ;  and  also  to  form  a  constitutional  govern- 
ment for  the  District."  ^ 

This  done,  the  Constitutional  Convention  quietly  ad- 
journed to  await  the  election  of  a  Seventh  Assembly;  but 
dissatisfaction  with  the  progress  of  events  was  becoming 
more  general,  and  the  radical  element  more  confident  of 
success. 

In  the  elections  which  followed,  as  in  the  Seventh  As- 
sembly itself,  we  see,  for  the  first  time,  a  set  conflict  be- 
tween the  Court  party  and  the  Country  party;  though  the 
elections    passed    off  quietly  enough,   except    in    Fayette 

1  Quoted  in  full  by  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  pp.  290,  291.  There  are  five  res- 
olutions besides  the  one  quoted  here.  The  Durret  collection  contains  a  manu- 
script volume  which  is  the  original  record  of  the  conventions  of  July,  1788, 
November,  1788,  July,  1789,  July,  1790,  and  of  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion of  April,  1792.  It  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Thomas  Todd,  afterward  As- 
sociate Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 


139 


County,  where  Wilkinson  presented  himself  as  a  candidate. 
The  Country  party  was  the  stronger;  but  the  Court  party 
was  far  more  energetic  and  unscrupulous.  In  Fayette 
County,  Wilkinson  soon  saw  that  his  chance  of  election 
by  honest  means  was  very  small.  He  therefore  dissembled 
his  real  views  and  associated  himself  with  four  other  men 
in  a  joint  ticket,  but,  as  the  voting  proceeded  and  he  dis- 
covered that  he  and  his  associates  were  falling  danger- 
ously behind,  he  openly  disavowed  all  disorganizing  views, 
and  professed  himself  perfectly  ready  to  act  according  to 
the  instructions  of  his  constituents.  This  plan,  together 
with  his  personal  popularity,  saved  him,  and  he  was 
elected,  being  the  only  member  of  his  party  returned  from 
the  county. 

In  November  the  delegates  of  the  Seventh  Assembly 
met  at  Danville,^  both  the  Court  party  and  the  Country 
party  being  well  represented.  Wilkinson  and  Brown  led 
the  discussion.  First,  Wilkinson  took  the  floor  and, 
after  dwelling  at  length  upon  the  vast  importance  of 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  entire  District 
and  the  whole  West,  declared  that  there  was,  "one  way 
and  but  one  of  obtaining  this  rich  prize  for  Kentucky, 
and  that  way  was  so  guarded  by  laws  and  fortified  by 
constitutions  that  it  was  difficult  and  dangerous  of  ac- 
cess; .  .  .  that  Spain  had  objected  to  granting  the  navi- 
gation in  question  to  the  United  States;"  '  that  it  was 
not  to  be  presumed  that  Congress  would  obtain  it  for 
Kentucky  alone,  or  even  for  the  entire  West  alone,  as  her 

1  The  Proceedings  of  this  Convention  are  pubHshed  in  Appendix  IX  of 
Brown's  "Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky."  They  are  also  quoted  very  ex- 
tensively by  Marshall  in  his  "History  of  Kentucky,"  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  316.  The 
original  MS.  Journal  is  in  the  Durrett  collection. 

2  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  318;  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  176. 


140        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

treaties  must  be  general.  "The  way  to  obtain  it,"  he 
continued,  "has  been  indicated  in  the  former  convention, 
and  every  gentleman  present  will  connect  it  with  a  dec- 
laration of  independence,  the  formation  of  a  constitu- 
tion and  the  organization  of  a  new  State,  which  may  be 
safely  left  to  find  its  own  way  into  the  Union  on  terms 
advantageous  to  its  own  interests."  He  concluded  with 
the  suggestive  remark,  "There  is  information  of  the  first 
importance  upon  this  subject  within  the  power  of  the  As- 
sembly, which  I  doubt  not  will  be  equally  agreeable  for 
the  members  to  hear  and  the  gentleman  who  possesses  it  to 
communicate."  ^  He  glanced  at  Brown,  and  the  eyes  of 
the  whole  Assembly  followed  his. 

Brown  at  once  arose  and  expressed  himself  ready  to 
give  such  information  as  was  desired;  but  said  that  he  did 
not  feel  at  liberty  to  disclose  what  had  passed  in  private 
between  the  Spanish  Minister,  Mr.  Gardoqui  and  himself, 
but  that  he  was  certain  that  he  could  safely  say  this  much, 
that,  "provided  we  are  unanimous,  everything  we  wish  for 
is  within  our  reach."  ^  He  did  not  mention  the  specific 
point  about  wjiich  they  must  be  unanimous;  but  it  was  evi- 
dent that  this  particular  body  was  not  likely  to  be  unani- 
mous upon  any  point  vital  to  the  discussion,  unless  some- 
thing very  decided  was  done. 

Wilkinson  therefore  arose  and  asked  permission  to  "read 
an  essay"  upon  the  subject  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. No  objection  being  made,  the  General  produced 
a  manuscript  of  some  twenty  sheets  and  began.  He  urged 
the  natural  right  of  the  Western  people  to  the  use  of  this 
great  highway,  and  pointed  out  the  vast  resources  of  the 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  270. 

2  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  177. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 


141 


District  of  Kentucky,  which  would  be  valueless  without 
this  means  of  securing  a  market.  He  recalled  the  general 
outcry  which  the  people  along  the  western  waters  had 
made,  when  Congress  had  threatened  to  abandon  the  navi- 
gation claim  for  twenty-five  years,  declaring  that  the  West- 
ern people  had  been  just  on  the  point  of  cutting  them- 
selves off  forever  from  the  Union  on  that  account.  He 
concluded  by  declaring  that  England  stood  ready  to  aid 
them  in  securing  their  right,  in  case  Spain  should  be  so 
blind  to  her  own  interests  as  to  refuse  it.^ 

Each  sheet,  as  it  was  read,  was  handed  over  to  Sebastian, 
a  man  who  was  soon  after  proved  to  be  a  pensioner  of 
Spain;  and  when  Wilkinson  had  finished  the  essay  a  vote 
of  thanks  was  extended  to  him. 

The  logical  moment  for  the  proposing  of  a  declaration 
of  independence  had  now  arrived;  but  no  such  suggestion 
was  made,  for  Wilkinson  and  his  colleagues  of  the  Court 
party  saw  clearly  that  such  a  step  would  find  no  favor 
before  this  Convention. 

Without  further  action,  therefore,  than  the  adoption  of 
the  customary  "addresses,"  the  Seventh  Assembly  ad- 
journed. 

News  had  meanwhile  reached  Virginia  that  the  action 
of  the  old  Confederate  Congress  had  made  it  impossible 
for  Kentucky  to  fulfill  the  conditions  of  separation  which 
had  been  laid  down  in  the  Second  Enabling  Act.  The  Vir- 
ginia Assembly  therefore  passed  a  "Third  Enabling  Act,"  ^ 

1  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  320,  taken  from  the  notes  of  Colonel  Thomas 
Marshall. 

2  This  act  was  passed  December  29,  1788,  and  is  entitled,  "An  act  concern- 
ing the  erection  of  the  District  of  Kentucky  into  an  Independent  State."  See 
Hening's  "Statutes  at  Large,"  12,  p.  788.  It  also  appears  in  full  in  the  "Ken- 
tucky Gazette"  for  February  4,  1789. 


142        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

which  arrived  in  Kentucky  during  the  month  of  January 
(1789),  showing  very  clearly  that  Virginia  was  perfectly 
willing  to  secure  the  regular  separation  of  Kentucky  as 
soon  as  possible.  This  act  however  caused  general  dis- 
satisfaction, by  reason  of  two  conditions  which  were  looked 
upon  as  unjust  and  uncalled  for.  The  first,  which  pro- 
posed to  subject  the  new  State  "to  payment  of  a  portion  of 
the  domestic  debt  of  Virginia  then  existing,"  seems  fair 
enough,  when  we  consider  that  a  large  part  of  this  debt 
had  been  incurred  by  military  expeditions  on  account  of 
the  District,  and  since  the  passage  of  the  First  Enabling 
Act;  but  the  second  had  no  such  justification.  It  pro- 
posed that  the  new  State  should  continue  "dependent 
upon  Virginia  as  to  the  time  for  completing  the  titles  and 
surve}s  to  lands  given  to  officers  and  soldiers  by  Virginia." 
This  seemed  to  allow  only  for  the  creation  of  a  partially  in- 
dependent State, ^  and  the  resentment  which  it  aroused 
was,  therefore,  just. 

This  act  provided  also  for  an  Eighth  Assembly  of  the 
District,  constituted  as  before,  which  was  to  meet  at  Dan- 
ville on  the  third  Monday  in  July,  1789,  decide  again  upon 
the  general  advisability  of  a  separation  from  Virginia  upon 
the  conditions  proposed,  and  provide  for  the  election  of  a 
Ninth  Convention,  to  frame  a  Constitution  and  organize 
the  new  government,  in  case  separation  should  be  deemed 
advisable. 

In  the  meantime,  the  "Old  Confederation"  with  its 
manifold  defects  and  weaknesses  had  given  way  to  the 
new  order  of  things.  The  new  Constitution  was  put  into 
operation,  according  to  the  plan  proposed  by  the  great  con- 
vention which  formed  it,  on  March  4,  1789;  and  notice  was 

1  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  342. 


General  James  Wilkinson 

'rom  a  life-size  portrait  by  Jarvis,  now   in   the   possession   of  Colonel  Reuben    T.  Durrett,  of  Louisville, 

Kentucky. 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION 


143 


at  once  given  to  the  District  of  Kentucky  that  no  time 
would  be  lost  in  effectually  protecting  her  from  the  In- 
dians, who  had  lately  become  so  bold  in  their  incursions 
that  no  part  of  the  District  was  secure. 

On  July  20  the  Eighth  Assembly  met  at  Danville,  and 
took  up  the  question  of  separation  upon  the  terms  re- 
quired by  Virginia  in  her  Third  Enabling  Act,  the  de- 
bate opening  with  the  consideration  of  the  two  obnoxious 
conditions.  After  some  discussion,  it  was  decided  that  a 
memorial  be  sent  to  the  Virginia  Assembly,  protesting 
against  these  conditions,  and  asking  that  they  be  with- 
drawn, and  that  the  terms  of  separation  be  made  "equal 
to  those  formerly  offered  by  Virginia,  and  agreed  to  on 
the  part  of  the  said  District."^ 

On  December  18,  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia, 
having  carefully  considered  these  remonstrances,  and  hav- 
ing decided  that  they  were  just,  passed  a  "Fourth  Ena- 
bling Act,"^  which  contained  practically  the  same  con- 
ditions as  had  been  laid  down  in  the  first  two,  but  which 
omitted  the  two  provisions  contained  in  the  third,  to  which 
the  Assembly  and  the  people  had  made  such  vigorous  ob- 
jections. It  furthermore  required  the  election  of  a  Ninth 
Assembly  to  meet  at  Danville,  on  July  26,  1790,  and 
decide  again  the  question,  "whether  it  is  expedient  and 

'"MS.  Journal  of  the  Assembly,"  Durrett  collection,  contains  the  Ayes 
(25)  and  the  Nays  (13)  on  this  question.  It  also  contains  a  full  list  of  the  mem- 
I  bers  of  the  Convention,  and  an  interesting  set  of  rules  drawn  up  for  governing 
!  the  meeting.  One  of  these  is  quite  suggestive,  viz.:  "That  any  member  con- 
ducting himself  indecently  towards  the  President  or  any  of  the  members  in  the 
Convention— shall  be  subject  to  such  reproof  from  the  chair,  as  the  Convention 
may  think  proper  to  direct." 

2  Hening's  "Statutes  at  Large,"  12,  p.  17.     The   act  is    entitled    "An  act 
,  concerning  the  erection  of  the  District  of  Kentucky  into  an  Independent  State." 
It  was   passed  on   December   18,   1789.     See   also  "Kentucky  Gazette"  for 
March  29,  1790. 


144        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  will  of  the  good  people  of  the  District,"  that  Kentucky 
become  a  separate  State  upon  condition  that,  prior  to  the 
first  of  November,  in  the  year  aforesaid,  the  government 
of  the  United  States  release  Virginia  from  the  Federal 
obligations  arising  from  the  District,  and  agree  that  the 
proposed  State  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Federal  Union, 
upon  a  certain  day  to  be  set  by  the  Convention. 

If  this  convention  should  decide  in  favor  of  separation 
upon  these  conditions,  it  was  required  to  make  arrange- 
ments for  a  Tenth  Assembly,  which  should  frame  a  Con- 
stitution and  declare  what  laws  should  be  in  force  in  the 
new  State. 

Accordingly,  on  the  appointed  day,  the  Ninth  Assembly 
met  at  Danville,  and  passed  a  resolution  declaring  their 
acceptance  of  the  conditions  laid  down  in  the  Fourth  En- 
abling Act  of  Virginia,  naming  June  ist,  1792,  as  the  day 
upon  which  the  separation  should  occur.  It  next  ap- 
pointed a  committee,  to  draw  up  an  address  to  the  As- 
sembly of  Virginia,  announcing  their  acceptance  of  the 
conditions,  and  desiring  their  aid  in  obtaining  the  admis- 
sion of  the  new  State  into  the  Union. ^ 

James  M.  Marshall  then  submitted  a  memorial  address 
to  "The  President  of  the  United  States  and  to  Congress," 
expressing  the  warmest  attachment  to  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment and  Constitution,  stating  the  grounds  upon  which 
Kentucky  had  secured  independence,  and  asking  for  an 
act  admitting  her  into  the  Union  within  the  time  prescribed 
by  Virginia."  ^    Having  adopted  this  memorial,  the  Con- 

1  North  Carolina's  sad  experiences  with  John  Sevier  and  the  State  of  Frank- 
lin, was  the  real  cause  for  Virginia's  refusal  to  loosen  her  grasp  upon  Kentucky 
"until  it  was  fully  organized  and  ready  for  admission  into  the  Union."  Fiske's 
"Critical  Period  of  Amer.  Hist.,"  p.  202. 

2  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  February  12  and  19,   1791.     Also  Marshall,  1824 


KENTUCKY  ENTERS  THE  UNION  145 

vention  concluded  its  work  by  providing  for  the  election 
of  a  Tenth  Assembly,  to  choose  officers,  frame  a  Constitu- 
tion, and  decide  what  laws  should  remain  in  force  until 
altered  or  set  aside  by  the  new  Legislature. 

The  plots  against  the  Union,  so  common  during  the  early 
part  of  the  struggle,  had  now  been  generally  abandoned, 
and,  at  the  time  of  the  meeting  of  this  last  Assembly  on 
separation,  there  is  found  no  trace  of  dissatisfaction  with 
the  Union,  or  of  desire  to  remain  "  Independent  and  Sover- 
eign" for  any  purpose  whatsoever.  A  letter  written  by 
Washington  to  Colonel  Marshall  about  this  time,  shows 
how  thoroughly  the  spirit  of  secession  had  been  conquered 
by  the  new  order  of  things.  It  reads:  "  In  acknowledging 
the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  eleventh  of  September 
(1790),  I  must  beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks  for  the  pleas- 
ing communication  which  it  contains  of  the  good  disposi- 
tion of  the  people  of  Kentucky  toward  the  government  of 
the  United  States.  I  never  doubted  but  that  the  opera- 
tions of  this  government,  if  not  prevented  by  prejudice  or 
evil  designs,  would  inspire  the  citizens  of  America  with 
such  confidence  in  it  as  effectually  to  do  away  with  these 
apprehensions  which,  under  our  former  Confederation,  our 
best  men  entertained,  of  divisions  among  ourselves  or  al- 
lurements from  other  nations.  I  am  therefore  happy  to 
find  that  such  a  disposition  prevails  in  your  part  of  the 
country  as  to  remove  any  idea  of  that  evil  which,  a  few 
years  ago,  you  so  much  dreaded."  ^ 

A  few  v/eeks  after  this  letter  was  written,  Washington, 
in  his  communication  to  Congress,  strongly  recommended 

Ed.,  I,  pp.  361-362.  Also  MS.  Journal  of  the  Assembly.  Durrett  col- 
lection. 

1  Washington's  Works,  edited  by  Sparks,  X,  p.  137. 
Kentucky — 10 


146        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  adoption  of  Kentucky  into  the  Union. ^  In  answer, 
the  Senate  announced  their  disposition,  "to  concur  in 
givino-  the  requisite  sanction  to  the  admission  of  Kentucky 
as  a  distinct  member  of  the  Union;"  and  the  House,  a  few- 
days  later,  declared,  "We  shall  bestow  on  this  important 
subject  the  favorable  consideration  which  it  merits;  and, 
with  the  national  policy  which  ought  to  govern  our  de- 
cision, shall  not  fail  to  mingle  the  affectionate  sentiments 
which  are  awakened  by  those  expressed  in  behalf  of  our 
fellow  citizens  of  Kentucky."  - 

On  February  4th,  1791,  both  branches  of  the  National 
Legislature  fulfilled  this  pledge,^  and,  on  June  i,  1792, 
Kentucky  was  admitted  into  the  Union  of  States.'* 

1  Ibid.,  XII,  p.  13. 

2  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  367. 

3  The  act  admitting  Kentucky  is  printed  in  "  Kentucky  Gazette"  of  March  19, 
1791.    It  was  signed  by  President  Washington,  on  February  4,  1791. 

4  Text  of  Kentucky's  first  Constitution,  Durrett  MSS.  Reprint,  Marshall, 
1824  Ed.,  I,  pp.  396-413. 


CHAPTER  V 

HARMAR,    WILKINSON    AND    ST.    CLAIR 

While  Kentucky  is  adjusting  herself  to  the  duties  of 
statehood,  and  preparing  to  put  her  new  Constitution  into 
operation,  we  may  pause  for  a  few  moments  to  consider 
the  growth  of  the  District  during  the  long  years  of  conflict 
for  separation  from  Virginia;  for  which  purpose,  and  in 
lieu  of  official  census,^  we  may  conveniently  make  use  of 
the  diary  of  Major  Erkuries  Beatty,  Paymaster  of  the 
Western  Army,^  who  saw  fit  to  record  his  impressions  of 
Kentucky  during  the  year  1786.  "  In  the  latter  end  of  the 
year  1779,"  he  writes,  "this  whole  extent  of  country  only 
contained  one  hundred  and  seventy  souls,  and  now  they 
say  there  are  thirty  thousand  in  it,"  hastening,  however, 
to  add  that,  in  his  opinion,  this  estimate  is  some  five  thou- 
sand in  excess  of  the  truth. 

If  we  may  venture  to  assume  that  Major  Beatty's  ap- 
parently conservative  estimate  is  approximately  accurate, 
and  that  Captain  John  Cowan's  conclusions^  of  nine 
years  earlier  are  equally  trustworthy,  we  shall  have  a 
basis  upon  which  to  figure  the  rate  of  growth.  Cowan 
fixed  the  total  population,  in   1777,  at  one  hundred  and 

*  We  have  a  detailed  census  of  Kentucky  from  1790  to  the  present  day. 
See  Collins,  II,  pp.  25S-271,  for  table  up  to  1870. 

2  Durrett  MSS.,  unpublished. 

3  When  the  first  court  ever  held  in  the  region  now^  embraced  within  the  State 
of  Kentucky  was  convened  at  Harrodsburg,  in  September,  1777,  Captain  John 
Cowan  estimated  the  total  population  at  iq8  souls.  Table  showing  various 
elements  of  this  population,  Collins,  II,  606. 

147 


148        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ninety-eight;  by  1786  it  had  increased  to  twenty-five  thou- 
sand, and,  when  the  first  regular  census  of  the  District 
was  taken  in  1790,  it  showed  a  total  population  of  seventy- 
three  thousand  six  hundred  and  seventy-seven.^  These 
figures  imply  that,  during  the  nine  years  from  1777  to  1786, 
immigration  to  Kentucky  averaged  about  two  thousand 
seven  hundred  a  year,  and,  from  1786  to  1790,  twelve 
thousand  a  year.^ 

This  vast  army  of  immigrants  had  begun,  long  before 
1786,  to  make  use  of  the  great  Ohio  river  route  into  Ken- 
tucky, not  only  because  it  was  safer  and  more  convenient 
to  travel  by  water,  but  also  because  it  had  become  gener- 
ally known  that  the  richest  lands  lay  in  the  northern  dis- 
tricts, and  were  more  easily  reached  by  the  river  than  by 
either  the  old  Wilderness  Road,  or  the  new  road  which  the 
Virginia  surveyors  had  opened  up  over  the  Cumberland 
mountains."^ 

This  change  of  route  had  not  escaped  the  savages,  who, 
alarmed  by  the  ever  increasing  white  man's  invasion  of 
their  hunting  ground,  had  so  persistently  haunted  the 
wooded  banks  of  the  Ohio,  that,  during  all  those  years, 
scarcely  a  boat  had  escaped  unmolested.^ 

1  By  the  first  of  June,  1792,  when  Kentucky  was  admitted  to  the  Union,  her 
population  numbered  100,000  souls. 

2  Justin  Winsor,  in  his  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  136,  mentions  these 
figures  with  a  touch  of  skepticism.  It  may  be  argued  that  a  considerable  part 
of  this  increase  may  be  accounted  for  by  natural  generation,  but,  to  offset  this, 
we  have  to  consider  the  very  large  mortality  of  the  District  during  these  years 
of  Indian  warfare.  In  1790  Judge  Innis  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  that 
the  Indians  alone  had  killed  1,500  persons  during  his  seven  years  of  residence 
in  Kentucky.    Durrett's  "  Kentucky  Centenary,"  p.  45;  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  195. 

■*  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  136.  For  detailed  description  of  the 
roads  to  Kentucky  at  this  early  period  see  Durrett's  "  Kentucky  Centenary, 
PP-  75-76. 

^  Burnett's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  p.  83. 


HARMAR,  WILKINSON  AND  ST.  CLAIR  149 

It  had  been  the  evident  duty  of  the  State  of  Virghiia  to 
do  all  in  her  power  to  render  safe  the  routes  of  migration 
into  her  western  possessions,  but  she  had  never  been  in  a 
position  to  devote  much  attention  to  the  matter,  and  had 
rather  resented  the  obligation.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  the 
new  Federal  Constitution  had  been  put  into  operation, 
Governor  Randolph  had  taken  action  which  was  calcu- 
lated to  throw  this  responsibility  upon  the  National  Gov- 
ernment. In  June,  1789,  he  had  issued,  to  the  county 
Heutenants  of  the  District  of  Kentucky,  an  order,^  direct- 
ing them  to  discharge  all  their  scouts  and  rangers,  and  de- 
claring, "in  cases  of  any  future  incursions  of  Indians,  you 
will  give  as  early  information  of  them  as  possible  to  the 
officer  commanding  the  Continental  post  on  the  Ohio, 
nearest  the  point  of  attack.  I  have  communicated  to  the 
President  the  instructions  now  sent  you,  and  have  no 
doubt  but  effective  measures  will  be  taken  to  protect  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  frontiers." 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  Federal  Government,  it 
had  been  necessary  for  her  to  accept  this  duty,  both  be- 
cause the  new  Constitution  gave  her  sole  charge  of  Indian 
affairs,^  and  because  the  Indian  depredations  along  the 
Ohio  frontier  were  notoriously  the  result  of  the  failure  of 
England  to  remove  her  troops  from  the  Northwest  posts: 
but  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Kentucky  people,  such  a 
change  was  a  disaster,  as  the  Federal  troops  along  the  Ohio 
were  too  few  to  be  of  any  real  service  in  the  defence  of  so 
large  a  frontier.  The  Eighth  Assembly  upon  separation, 
then  in  session,  had  therefore,  ventured  to  turn  aside  from 
the  specific  object  for  which  it  had  been  elected,  to  enter  a 

1  Copy  of  this  order,  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  pp.  352-353- 

2  Section  VIII,  Clause  3. 


150        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

spirited  protest  against  this  policy,^  and  to  dispatch  to  the 
President  a  complaint  of  the  defenceless  condition  of  the 
frontiers. 

This  complaint  had  been  reinforced  by  a  letter  from 
General  Arthur  St.  Clair,^  which  declared,  "The  constant 
hostilities  between  the  Indians  who  live  upon  the  river 
Wabash,  and  the  people  of  Kentucky,  must  necessarily  be 
attended  with  such  embarrassing  circumstajices  to  the 
Government  of  the  Western  Territory,  that  I  am  induced 
to  request  you  will  be  pleased  to  take  the  matter  into  con- 
sideration, and  give  me  the  orders  you  may  think  proper. 

"  It  is  not  to  be  expected.  Sir,  that  the  Kentucky  people 
will  or  can  submit  patiently  to  the  cruelties  and  depre- 
dations of  the  savages — they  are  in  the  habit  of  retali- 
ation, perhaps  without  attending  precisely  to  the  nations 
from  which  the  injuries  are  received.  They  will  continue 
to  retaliate,  or  they  will  apply  to  the  Governor  of  the  West- 
ern Country  (through  which  the  Indians  must  pass  to 
attack  them)  for  redress;  if  he  cannot  redress  them  (and 
in  the  present  circumstances  he  cannot),  they  also  will 
march  through  that  country  to  redress  themselves,  and 
the  Government  will  be  laid  prostrate. 

"The  United  States  on  the  other  hand  are  at  peace  with 
several  of  the  nations;  ^  and  should  the  resentment  of  these 

1  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  353,  quotes  their  resolution  appointing  a  com- 
mittee, "to  draw  up  and  transmit  to  the  executive,  a  remonstrance  on  the  sub- 
ject," and  "to  state  to  his  excellency,  the  President  of  Congress,  the  defenceless 
state  of  our  frontiers." 

2  St.  Clair  had  recently  been  appointed  the  first  Governor  of  the  Northwest 
Territory,  in  payment,  it  is  said,  for  the  support  which,  as  President  of  Congress, 
he  had  given  to  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  See  Winsor's  "Critical  and  Narrative 
History,"  VII,  p.  539.  Full  text  of  letter,  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  January  2, 
1790.    The  letter  is  dated  September  14,  1789. 

3  St.  Clair  had  just  completed  treaties  with  several  Indian  tribes  within  the 


HARMAR,  WILKINSON  AND  ST.  CLAIR  151 

people  fall  upon  any  of  them,  which  is  likely  enough  to 
happen,  very  bad  consequences  may  follow;  for  it  must 
appear  to  them  that  the  United  States  either  pay  no  regard 
to  their  treaties,  or  that  they  are  unable  or  unwilling  to 
carry  their  engagements  into  effect — they  will  unite  with 
the  hostile  nations,  prudently  preferring  open  war  to  a  de- 
lusive and  uncertain  peace.   .   .   . 

"The  handful  of  troops.  Sir,  that  are  scattered  in  that 
country,  though  they  may  afford  protection  to  some  settle- 
ments, cannot  possibly  act  offensively  .   .   . 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be.  Sir,  Your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant, 

"Arthur  St.  Clair. 

"The  President  of  the  U.S." 

This  letter,  together  with  the  protest  from  Kentucky, 
called  forth  the  President's  message  of  September  16, 
1789,^  in  which  he  suggested  to  Congress,  "  the  expediency 
of  making  some  temporary  provision  for  calling  forth  the 
militia  of  the  United  States  for  the  purposes  stated  in  the 
Constitution,  which  would  embrace  the  cases  appre- 
hended by  the  Governor  of  the  Western  Territory,"  and 
it  was  not  long  before  the  people  of  Kentucky  were  assured 
that  their  cause  was  receiving  careful  attention.  "It  has 
been  a  great  relief  to  our  apprehensions  for  the  safety  of 
our  brethren  on  the  frontiers,"  they  declared,  a  little  later, 
in  an  address  to  Washington,  "to  learn,  from  the  commu- 
nications of  the  Secretary  of  War,  that  their  protection 
against  the  incursions  of  the  Indians  has  occupied  your 
attention."  ^ 

Territory,  and  they  were  proclaimed  by  the  President  on  September  29,  1789. 
Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  354. 

1  Full  text  in  "Kentucky  Gazette"  of  January  2,  1790. 

2  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  January  16,  1790. 


152        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

They  showed,  however,  no  disposition  to  trust  the  mat- 
ter wholly  to  the  National  Government,  but  began  per- 
fecting and  extending  their  local  militia  system,^  preparing 
to  defend  themselves,  in  case  the  new  Federal  Government 
should  prove  as  incompetent  as  the  old  Confederacy  had 
been;  and  these  precautions  were  not  abandoned,  even 
after  the  receipt  of  a  communication  from  the  War  De- 
partment, which  declared  that,  "  such  measures  as  are 
within  the  power  and  consistent  with  the  general  duty  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States  will  be  adopted  for  the 
protection  of  the  frontiers."  - 

On  May  30th,  1790,  Governor  St.  Clair  arrived  at  Louis- 
ville, on  his  way  to  meet  General  Harmar  and  arrange  an 
expedition  to  the  Indian  country,  which,  it  was  hoped, 
would  check  all  hostility  for  the  future.^  Their  plans  were 
soon  settled  and,  toward  the  end  of  September,  Harmar, 
with  three  hundred  and  twenty  regulars,'*  took  up  his 
march  toward  the  Miami  villages.  In  Western  Pennsyl- 
vania five  hundred  troops  had  been  enlisted,^  troops  as 
unfit  for  the  service  as  any  that  the  land  could  afford. 
So  impotent  were  they  that,  "  the  crowd  of  discarded,  un- 
just serving  men,  and  revolted  tapsters  that  followed  Fal- 
staff  to  the  field  of  Shrewsbury,"  says  Professor  McMas- 
ter,''  "would  have  put  it  to  shame."  Instead  of  soldiers 
accustomed  to  bearing  arms,  came  old  men  tottering  on 

1  For  the  new  Mililia  Law,  see  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  January  30,  1790. 

2  This  document,  dated  December  15,  1789,  was  in  reply  to  the  complaint 
sent  to  New  York  on  September  8.  It  appears  in  full  in  the  "Kentucky  Ga- 
zette" of  March  15,  1790. 

3  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  360;  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Ter- 
ritory," p.  93. 

*  Irving's  "Washington,"  1875  Ed.,  p.  639. 

5  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  p.  gg. 

8  "History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,"  I,  p.  598. 


HARMAR,  WILKINSON  AND  ST.  CLAIR  153 

their  legs,  or  beardless  youths,  nervously  fingering  their 
first  firelocks,  half  of  them,  "too  ignorant  to  take  off  a 
lock  to  oil  it,  or  put  in  a  flint  so  as  to  be  of  use."  ^ 

At  Fort  Washington,^  a  band  of  stout  Kentucky  volun- 
teers,^ under  Colonels  Hardin  and  Trotter,  joined  him, 
raising  his  numbers  to  about  one  thousand  four  hundred 
men;  and  the  army  began  its  march  of  seventeen  days 
toward  the  Miami  villages.  Their  advance  was  so  slow 
that  ample  warning  was  given  the  Indians,  who  leisurely 
abandoned  their  towns  and  took  refuge  in  the  forest,  where 
they  planned  an  ambuscade,  into  which  the  invading  army 
promptly  blundered.  Harmar,  having  encamped  with  his 
main  force  at  the  deserted  Indian  towns,  sent  Colonel 
Hardin  with  thirty  regulars,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
Kentucky  militia  '^  to  follow  and  hunt  down  the  fugitive 
savages.  Hardin  was  confident  that  the  Indians  would 
not  offer  battle,  and  was  explaining  the  reasons  for  this  be- 
lief, when  his  army  reached  the  edge  of  a  large  flat  plain, 
bordered  on  either  side  by  thick  clusters  of  underbrush, 
a  place  where  any  cautious  Indian  fighter  would  have 
paused  to  reconnoiter.^  He,  however,  took  no  such  pre- 
caution, and  the  surprise  and  panic  were  complete,  when 
the  army  suddenly  found  itself  assailed  from  both  sides 
by  bands  of  savage  warriors.  The  scene  of  Blue  Licks  was 
repeated.  Little  Turtle,  the  famous  Miami  chief,  with 
some  seven  hundred  warriors,  had  planned  the  encounter, 
and  now  rose  up  to  take  advantage  of  the  confusion  of 

1  McMaster,  I,  p.  598;  Burnet's  "Notes,"  p.  102. 

2  On  the  site  of  Losantiville,  or  Cincinnati. 

3  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  362,  puts  theirnumberat  1,133.  Burnet's  "Notes," 
p.  99,  says  1,000. 

4  McMaster,  I,  p.  599;  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  363. 

5  Irving's  "Washington,"  1875  Ed.,  p.  689. 


154        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

their  enemies.  The  militia  fled  without  firing  a  shot,  and 
Hardin  with  them;  ^  while  the  thirty  regulars,  under  Cap- 
tain Armstrong,  and  Ensign  Hartshorn,  stood  their  ground 
until  all,  except  the  two  officers^  and  two  or  three  privates, 
had  fallen. 

Meanwhile,  the  Indian  villages  and  winter  stores  hav- 
ing been  destroyed.  General  Harmar  with  his  main  army 
had  begun  the  return  march  toward  Fort  Washington, 
(October  21,  1790).  Hardin  soon  overtook  him  and 
begged  permission  to  return  with  a  detachment,  and  strike 
another  blow  at  the  enemy.  It  was  a  foolish  request,  and 
Harmar  at  first  refused  it,  but  he  finally  yielded,  and  placed 
four  hundred  militia  at  Colonel  Hardin's  disposal.^  With 
this  army  Hardin  returned  to  the  ruins  of  the  Indian  vil- 
lages, and,  having  profited  nothing  by  his  late  disaster,  he  at 
once  allowed  his  militia  to  scatter  in  pursuit  of  a  band  of 
loitering  savages.  The  Indian  leaders  had  expected  this,"* 
and,  as  soon  as  the  militia  were  safely  out  of  the  way, 
they  suddenly  assailed  the  little  body  of  regulars,  now  left 
alone,  and  cut  them  to  pieces.  Not  one  escaped,^  and, 
when  the  militia,  recalled  from  their  pursuit  by  the  noise 
of  the  battle,  returned  to  give  aid,  it  was  too  late.  The  day 
was  irretrievably  lost.  Colonel  Hardin  with  the  shattered 
remnant  of  his  militia,  effected  an  escape,  leaving  his 
dead  and  wounded  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  or  packed 
with  the  fallen  savages  in  the  ford  of  the  Maumee  River, 

1  McMaster,  I,  p.  jgg. 

2  Hartshorn  fell  behind  a  log  and  escaped  the  notice  of  the  savages,  while 
Armstrong  lay  all  night,  sunk  up  to  the  neck  in  a  neighboring  swamp.  But- 
ler, 1834  Ed.,  p.  192. 

3  McMaster,  I,  p.  600. 

4  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  364. 

5  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  193. 


HARMAR,  WILKINSON  AND  ST.  CLAIR  155 

where,  it  is  said,  one  could  cross  dry  shod,  treading  upon 
the  corpses  of  the  slain  and  the  writhing  bodies  of  the 
wounded.^ 

Still  was  Hardin  undismayed.  Having  reached  the 
main  army,  he  again  begged  Harmar  for  men,  once  more 
to  try  his  fortunes  against  the  victorious  enemy:  but  Har- 
mar, who  had  at  last  learned  a  lesson,  refused,  and  has- 
tened to  lead  his  army  back  to  Fort  Washington. 

The  expedition  excited  comment,  unfavorable  both  to 
Harmar  and  to  Hardin,  and  a  court-martial '  was  held, 
in  which,  however,  both  were  honorably  acquitted,  though 
even  this  verdict  could  not  wholly  silence  the  suspicion 
that  Harmar  had  "  shown  the  white  feather,"  and  he 
shortly  afterwards  surrendered  his  commission.^ 

In  the  case  of  Hardin  the  acquittal  was  followed  by  a 
new  court-martial,  held  at  Young's  tavern  in  Lexington, 
and,  although  the  verdict  declared,  "We  do  unanimously 
agree  that  Colonel  John  Hardin's  conduct  on  the  said  ex- 
pedition, was  that  of  a  brave  and  active  officer  and  that 
we  approve  his  conduct,"  '^  the  facts  seem  rather  to  bear 
out  the  statement  of  James  Brown,^  that,  "  Personal 
bravery  is  the  only  part  of  the  character  of  Hardin 
which  stands  unimpeached.  .  .  .  When  you  hear,"  he 
adds,  "that  the  Indians,  with  half  or  less  than  half  the 
loss  of  the  whites,  kept  the  field  and,  by  that  means,  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  scalps  and  plunder,  you  will  cer- 

1  Schouler,  I,  p.  154. 

2  Burnet's  "Notes,"  p.  104. 

3  Schouler,  I,  p.  155. 

4  An  account  of  this  hearing,  with  the  names  of  the  judges  and  witnesses, 
appears  in  the  "Kentucky  Gazette"  for  December  11,  1790. 

8  Brown  MSS.,  James  Brown  to  his  brother,  dated  Danville,  November  29, 
1790. 


156        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tainly  call  it  a  defeat.  .  .  .  Much  of  the  blame  .  .  . 
will  be  fixed  on  the  militia  of  this  country  whose  misbe- 
havior was  as  much  the  effect  of  the  misconduct  of  the 
officers  as  of  their  own  want  of  spirit.   .  .   ." 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  was  the  true  state- 
ment of  the  case.  General  Harmar  had,  indeed,  proved 
himself  weak  and  incompetent,  by  yielding  to  the  impor- 
tunities of  Hardin,  a  subaltern,  and  in  permitting  ventures 
which  his  own  judgment  could  not  sanction;  but  the  defeat 
had  been  due  to  Colonel  Hardin,  the  commander  of  the 
Kentucky  militia,  and  he  should  have  borne  a  larger  part 
of  the  blame  which  was  so  mercilessly  meted  out  to  General 
Harmar. 

The  people  of  Kentucky,  however,  took  no  such  view. 
In  their  minds  the  disasters  had  been  due  to  the  fact  that 
an  officer  of  the  regular  army  had  commanded  the  ex- 
pedition, and  a  petition,  signed  by  a  number  of  prominent 
Kentuckians,  was  forwarded  to  President  Washington, 
pleading  that  no  more  regular  officers  be  sent  to  command 
expeditions  against  an  enemy  of  whom  they  knew  nothing. 

Washington  and  Knox,  his  Secretary  of  War,  carefully 
considered  this  unreasonable  demand,  and  even  consulted 
John  Brown,  the  only  congressional  delegate  of  what  was 
then  the  District  of  Kentucky.  At  this  conference  it  was 
arranged  that,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  people  of  Kentucky, 
a  local  board  of  war  should  be  appointed  in  the  District, 
which,  in  conjunction  with  the  commander  of  the  United 
States  Army  in  the  West,  should  have  power  to  call  out  the 
local  militia  for  expeditions  against  the  Indians,  and  to  post 
scouts  at  certain  points  throughout  the  Kentucky  District.^ 

1  Scott,  Innis,  Shelby,  Logan  and  Brown  composed  this  board.  Collins, 
I.  P-  -73- 


HARMAR,  WILKINSON  AND  ST.  CLAIR  157 

When  General  Knox  announced,  however,  that  General 
Arthur  St.  Clair  was  to  be  appointed  commander  of  the 
United  States  Army  in  the  West,  Brown  protested.  He 
declared  that  the  appointment  of  St.  Clair  would  be  ex- 
ceedingly distasteful  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  not  only 
on  account  of  his  unfortunate  career  during  the  Revolution- 
ary War,  but  also  because  of  his  radical  views  concerning 
western  affairs.^ 

But  St.  Clair  received  the  appointment,  in  spite  of 
Brown's  protests,  and  at  once  began  preparations  for  an 
expedition  against  the  Wabash  tribes. 

The  Kentuckians,  meanwhile,  chafing  under  the  recol- 
lection of  the  ill  conduct  of  their  troops  during  the  Harmar 
campaign,  determined  to  conduct  an  expedition  of  their 
own,  in  order  to  "wipe  away  the  stain,"  and  to  "prove 
to  the  general  government  that  expeditions  can  be  con- 
ducted with  less  expense  and  greater  success."  " 

In  May,  1791,  a  call  was  made,  and  the  eight  hundred 
mounted  volunteers  who  responded  were  placed  under 
Brigadier  General  Charles  Scott,^  with  Wilkinson  as  sec- 
ond in  command.  They  marched  at  once  toward  the 
Wabash  towns  and,  on  June  ist,  came  into  their  imme- 
diate neighborhood.  Colonel  John  Hardin,  with  sixty 
mounted  infantry  and  a  troop  of  light  horse  under  Cap- 
tain M'Cay,  was  detached  to  attack  a  village  to  the  left, 
while  the  main  body  pushed  on,  in  order  of  battle,  toward 
a  town  which  the  guides  said  was  just  in  front  of  them. 
Having  passed  a  strip  of  woodland  which  had  impeded 
the  view,  Scott  found  that  the  guides  had  been  mistaken 

1  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  196;  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  377. 

2  Letter  of  James  Brown,  dated  November  29,  1790.    Brown  MSS. 

3  Details  of  Scott  expedition  given  in  "Kentucky  Gazette"  of  June  25,  1791. 


158        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  fflSTORY 

as  to  the  location  of  the  main  town,  and  pressed  on  to  the 
top  of  the  next  elevation,  from  which  he  could  see  the  vil- 
lage nestling  in  the  bottom  land  beside  the  Wabash,  and 
the  inhabitants  embarking  in  canoes  with  the  evident  in- 
tention of  making  good  their  escape.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Wilkinson,  hastening  forward  with  the  first  battalion, 
opened  fire  upon  the  fugitives,  and,  "  in  two  minutes  un- 
loaded five  canoes  crowded  with  savages." 

News  now  came  that  Colonel  Hardin  had  made  a  suc- 
cessful attack  upon  the  settlements  to  the  left,  and,  en- 
cumbered with  prisoners  though  he  was,  had  passed  on 
to  a  still  stronger  village  beyond.  Aid  was  instantly  dis- 
patched to  him,  but  before  it  could  arrive  Hardin  had 
carried  that  town  also,  and  was  marching  to  join  the  main 
army,  bringing  a  picturesque  array  of  fifty-two  savage 
captives.^ 

The  next  morning  Wilkinson  marched,  with  a  detach- 
ment of  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,^  against  a  large  set- 
tlement on  the  Eel  River,  and  utterly  destroyed  it. 

By  June  the  fourth  the  object  of  the  expedition  had  been 
fully  accomplished,  and  the  whole  army  started  for  the  fort 
at  the  Rapids  of  the  Ohio,  where  it  arrived,  ten  days  later, 
without  the  loss  of  a  single  man  at  the  enemies'  hands,' 
and  with  only  five  wounded.  They  had  killed  thirty-two 
warriors,  taken  fifty-eight  prisoners,  burned  a  number 
of  important  villages,  and  destroyed  considerable  stores. 
"We  sincerely  lament,"  says  the  writer  of  the  account 
in  the  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  "that  the  weather  and  the 

1  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  197,  from  General  Scott's  report. 

2  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  374. 

3  Three  of  our  men  were  drowned  in  the  White  River  on  their  return.  "Ken- 
tucky Gazette,"  June  18,  1791. 


HARMAR,  WILKINSON  AND  ST.  CLAIR  159 

consequences  it  produced,  rendered  it  impossible  to  carry 
terror  and  desolation  to  the  head  of  the  Wabash." 

The  complete  success  of  this  expedition,  together  with 
the  memory  of  General  Harmar's  defeat,  caused  the  Ken- 
tuckians  to  look  with  increased  disfavor  upon  the  prep- 
arations of  General  St.  Clair,  and  his  call  for  volunteers 
secured  no  response  from  them.  Not  a  general  officer, 
and  scarcely  a  private,  offered  his  services,  one  and  all 
openly  avowing  their  preference  for  such  desultory  ex- 
peditions as  Wilkinson  had  just  conducted,^  and  their 
distrust  of  the  leader  whom  the  Federal  administration  had 
appointed.  A  draft  of  one  thousand  Kentuckians  was  ac- 
cordingly made,^  and,  in  lieu  of  a  general  officer  from  the 
district,  command  of  this  unwilling  band  was  entrusted  to 
Colonel  Oldham,  under  whom,  cursing  their  fate,  and 
ready  to  desert  at  the  first  opportunity,  they  sullenly  pro- 
ceeded to  Fort  Washington  (now  Cincinnati),  to  join  St. 
Clair's  army  of  two  thousand  regulars.^ 

Their  reluctance  and  apprehension  were  not  diminished 
when,  on  October  1st,  they  left  Fort  Washington,  and 
began  their  march  "  to  attack  the  most  cunning  of  foes;  yet 
led  by  a  general,  wrapped  in  flannels,  unable  to  stand, 
lying  in  a  car  bolstered  with  pillows,  surrounded  with 
physic,  and  groaning  at  every  jolt  of  the  wagon."  "*  As 
occasion  offered  itself,  one  band  after  another  deserted  the 
army,  like  rats  escaping  from  a  sinking  ship,  and,  when  the 
day  of  reckoning  for  St.  Clair  finally  came  (November  4, 
1 791),  but  two  hundred   and   fifty  of  the  one  thousand 


1  Marshall's  "Washington,"  1850  Ed.,  II,  p.  193. 

2  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  p.  200. 

3  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  378;  Collins,  I,  p.  273. 

*  McMaster's  "History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,"  II,  p.  68. 


l6o        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

drafted  Kentuckians  remained  to  receive  the  commands 
of  their  gallant  leader,  Colonel  Oldham.^ 

On  November  3d,  St.  Clair  encamped  his  men  upon 
the  banks  of  a  small  creek,  which  he  mistook  for  the  St. 
Mary's  River,'  little  suspecting  that  the  enemy  was  at 
hand  in  full  force.  The  few  remaining  Kentucky  militia 
were  advanced  a  quarter  of  a  mile  beyond  the  creek,  while, 
beyond  them  still,  lay  Captain  Slough  with  his  company 
of  regulars.  The  main  body  of  the  army  had  the  creek  in 
front,  while  its  "  right  flank  was  pretty  well  secured  by  the 
creek,  a  steep  bank  and  Faulkner's  corps;  some  of  the 
cavalry  and  their  pieces  covered  the  left  flank."  ' 

"I  had  determined,"  writes  St.  Clair,^  "to  throw  up  a 
slight  work  .  .  .  wherein  to  have  deposited  the  men's 
knapsacks,  and  everything  else  that  was  not  of  absolute 
necessity  .  .  .  but  they  [the  savages]  did  not  permit 
me  ...  on  the  fourth,  about  half  an  hour  before  sun- 
rise ...  an  attack  was  made  upon  the  militia;^  those 
gave  way  in  a  very  little  time  and  rushed  into  camp  .  .  . 
which  .   .   .  they  threw  into  considerable  disorder." 

In  explanation  of  this  sudden  and  unexpected  attack,  the 
"Western  World  "  declares  ^  that  one  Sweezy  had  given 
the  Indians  information  as  to  the  best  point  of  attack,  and 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  274. 

2  St.  Clair's  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  Fort  Washington,  No- 
vember 9,  1791.    Printed  in  full  in  "  Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  3  and  10,  1792. 

3  St.  Clair's  official  report.    Marshall,  1S24  Ed.,  I,  p.  380. 

4  Official  report. 

5  The  militia  now  constituted  the  farthest  outpost,  as  Slough,  soon  after 
taking  up  his  advanced  position  the  previous  night,  had  seen  so  many  Indians) 
moving  toward  the  tents,  that  he  had  prudently  led  back  his  little  band  into  thei 
main  camp,  and  reported  his  observations  to  a  general  officer,  who  thanked  himi 
for  his  vigilance,  but  made  no  use  of  the  information.     McMaster,  II,  p.  45. 

8  This  article  of  the  "  Western  World  "  is  quoted  in  full  in  the  "Palla-i 
dium"  of  August  21,  1806. 

I 


HARMAR,  WILKINSON  AND  ST.  CLAIR  16 1 

broadly  hints  that  Wilkinson  was  responsible  for  Sweezy's 
treachery,  being  eager  for  the  defeat  of  the  army,  in 
order  that  "some  more  experienced  officer,  (i.  e.,  he, 
(Wilkinson)  "  may  have  "  an  opportunity  of  signalizing 
himself." 

Perhaps  this  is  libelous,  but,  if  it  be  true,  Wilkinson 
had  reason  to  be  proud  of  his  success,  for  the  wreck  of  St. 
Clair's  army  was  pitifully  complete.^  Mad,  disorderly 
Ipanic  followed  the  hrst  gallant  resistance  of  the  regulars. 
INo  attempt  was  made  either  to  check  the  enemy  or  to 
icover  the  retreat  of  the  flying  army,  each  man  striving 
only  to  escape  with  his  life.  The  road  was  soon  strewn 
[with  loaded  muskets,  coats,  hats  and  boots,  everything 
(which  impeded  the  speed  of  the  fugitives  having  been  cast 
iaside.-  So  great  was  their  haste  that,  in  the  sunlight  of  that 
short  November  day,  the  remains  of  St.  Clair's  recently  for- 
Imidable  army  covered  the  twenty-nine  miles  to  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, a  march  which,  in  the  advance,  had  occupied  ten 
days.^ 

St.  Clair  himself,  although  prostrated  by  a  severe  attack 
lof  gout,  had,  at  the  opening  of  the  battle,  directed  his 
;attendants  to  carry  him  into  the  field  of  action,  and  there 
{had  given  his  orders  with  a  coolness  which  proved  his 
courage,  if  not  his  military  wisdom.  When  it  had  become 
evident,  however,  that  he  could  not  stay  the  panic,  he  had 

1  "It  was  long  supposed  that  the  leader  of  the  tribes  on  that  terrible  day  was 
'Little  Turtle,  a  noted  chief  of  the  Miamis.  But  it  is  now  known  that  they  were 
led  to  the  fight  by  Thayendanegea,  whom  the  English  called  Joseph  Brant. 
'Many  have  supposed  him  to  have  been  a  half-breed;  some  have  thought,  the  son 
of  Sir  William  Johnson.  There  can  be  little  doubt,  however,  that  he  was  a 
Mohawk,  and  that  his  mother  bore  him  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  River." 
McMaster,  II,  p.  46. 

-  Schouler,  I,  p.  195. 
J       •*  McMaster,  II,  p.  46. 
Kentucky — 11 


1 62        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

made  his  escape,  upon  a  pack  horse  which  he  could  neither 
mount  nor  dismount  without  assistance.^ 

This  disaster,  which  was  even  more  overwhelming  than 
that  of  Harmar,"  proved  conclusively  the  necessity  for  more 
care  in  the  selection  of  commanding  officers  for  Indian 
expeditions,  a  lesson  which  the  Federal  Government  at 
last  learned,  as  will  appear  from  the  history  of  the  final 
campaign  against  the  Wabash  country  some  eighteen 
months  later. 

1  Marshall,  1824  Ed.,  I,  p.  383.  Of  his  army,  seventy  ofEcers  and  seven 
hundred  soldiers  were  killed  or  wounded.  In  a  letter  from  St.  Clair  to  Major 
Brown,  commander  of  the  militia  of  Kentucky,  written  a  few  days  later,  he 
laments  the  death  of  the  "gallant  commander  Lieutenant-Colonel  Oldham," 
but  attributes  the  defeat  to  the  desertion  and  bad  conduct  of  the  Kentucky 
militia,  whom  Oldham  had  led.  Text  of  letter  in  "Kentucky  Gazette"  for 
December  10,  1791. 

2  St.  Clair  himself  was  exculpated  by  a  committee  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, appointed  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  failure  of  the  expedition.  Mar- 
shall's "Washington,"  1850  Ed.,  II,  p.  223. 


CHAPTER  VI 

ONE    PHASE    OF    THE    GENET    MISSION 

The  fate  of  the  Harmar  and  the  St.  Clair  expeditions, 
which  had  cast  a  gloom  over  the  last  days  of  conflict  for 
independent  statehood,  and  over  the  deliberations  of  the 
first  Constitutional  Convention  of  Kentucky,  served  also 
to  chill  the  enthusiasm  with  which  the  Kentucky  people 
might  otherwise  have  regarded  the  approach  of  the  first 
day  of  June,  1792,  the  date  fixed  for  the  entrance  of  Ken- 
tucky into  the  Union.  The  places  left  vacant  in  many  a 
household  served  as  a  perpetual  reminder  that  the  new 
Federal  Government  had,  as  yet,  done  nothing  to  convince 
the  frontiersmen  of  its  superiority  over  the  old  Confed- 
eracy which  it  had  superseded. 

This  date  being  passed,  however,  and  the  first  elections 
having  been  held,  the  new  state  officials  assembled  in  Lex- 
ington; and,  as  soon  as  the  preliminary  work  of  organiza- 
tion was  completed,  and  the  two  Houses  ready  for  busi- 
ness, a  joint  committee  was  sent  to  inform  Isaac  Shelby, 
the  Governor,  that  they  were  ready  to  receive  such  com- 
munications as  he  might  choose  to  make. 

At  noon  the  next  day  (June  6,  1792)  the  Governor, 
following  the  custom  then  observed  by  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, presented  himself  before  the  General  Assembly 
of  both  Houses  and  delivered  his  message  in  person.^  He 
then  presented   a   copy  of  the   message  to  the   Speaker 

1  Text  of  Message,  "  Kentucky  Gazette,"  June  23,  1792. 
163 


164        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  each  House,  and  retired,  leaving  the  Legislature  to 
begin  the  work  of  making  laws  for  the  new  Common- 
wealth. 

Of  interest,  as  showing  the  value  of  money  in  those  re- 
mote days,  is  an  act  for  compensating  the  members  of  the 
late  Constitutional  Convention,  which  provided  that  the 
President  should  receive  the  sum  of  twenty  dollars;  each 
member  and  the  sergeant-at-arms,  twelve  dollars;  the 
clerk, fifty  dollars;  and  the  doorkeeper,  twelve  dollars,  "in 
full  for  all  demands."  ^  The  real  meaning  of  these  fig- 
ures appears  when  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  extraordi- 
nary prices  which  then  prevailed  on  the  Kentucky  frontier. 
Beef  sold  at  two  cents  a  pound;  buffalo  meat  at  one  and 
one-half;  and  venison  at  one  and  a  quarter.  Butter  was 
eight  cents  a  pound,  and  turkeys  fifteen  cents  apiece.  Ar- 
ticles of  manufacture  v/ere  of  course  relatively  high,  but 
most  of  these  were  luxuries,  enjoyed  only  by  the  well-to- 
do. 

While  the  Legislature  was  organizing  the  new  State 
government,-  alarming  stories  of  Indian  depredations  were 
constantly  arriving  from  the  frontier.  The  marauding 
bands  were  small,  it  is  true,  but  so  sudden  and  so  secret 
were  their  movements  that  they  wrought  great  destruc- 
tion with  comparatively  little  loss  to  their  own  forces,  and 
so  skillfully  were  their  tracks  concealed  that  it  was  well- 
nigh  impossible  to  overtake  them.     Pursuing  parties  often 

1  Equally  astonishing  are  the  salaries  of  public  officials  fixed  by  the  Legis- 
lature at  its  session  of  November,  1793.  The  Governor's  salary  was  to  be  $1,000; 
that  of  the  Judges  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  $6663;  that  of  the  Judges  of 
Oyer  and  Terminer,  $100;  while  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Treasurer,  the  Audi- 
tor, and  the  Attorney-General  were  each  to  receive  the  princely  sum  of  $333^. 
Collins,   I,  p.  23,  and  II,  p.  182. 

2  The  "Kentucky  Gazette"  for  June  30,  1792,  gives  a  list  of  34  Acts  passed 
during  the  first  session. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  165 

found  themselves  attacked  when  they  least  suspected  the 
presence  of  the  enemy,  and  frequent  and  heavy  losses  re- 
sulted from  these  surprises.^ 

In  May,  1792,  General  Wilkinson,  who  had  taken  ser- 
vice in  the  regular  army  and  was  commanding  at  Fort 
Washington,  despatched  Colonel  John  Hardin  and  Major 
Truman  upon  the  dangerous  mission  of  carrying  a  flag  of 
truce  to  the  hostile  tribes  of  the  Northwest.  His  intention 
was  to  persuade  the  savages  to  attend  a  peace  conference 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Miami  River,  but  it  sadly  miscarried. 
Hardin  and  Truman,  messengers  of  peace  though  they 
were,  were  treacherously  murdered  by  unofficial  represent- 
atives of  the  tribes  to  whom  they  had  been  sent.^ 

Faith  in  the  possible  effectiveness  of  peaceful  negoti- 
ations was  thus  weakened,  even  in  minds  which  still  cher- 
ished the  sentiment,  then  so  common  in  the  unexposed, 
eastern  sections  of  the  nation,  that  the  Indian  was  by  na- 
ture noble,  and  inclined  to  respond  to  generous  treatment.^ 
Out  of  respect  for  this  sentiment,  Washington  had  ap- 
pointed, during  the  month  of  April,  1793,  certain  commis- 
sioners to  reopen  the  question  of  peace  with  the  hostile 
tribes,  and,  much  to  the  disappointment  of  Kentucky,  had 
forbidden  all  hostilities  against  them  pending  the  negoti- 
ations.'' It  was  now  evident,  however,  that  such  a  plan  of 
procedure  was  the  vainest  of  delusions,  and  the  commis- 

1  For  example,  the  defeat  of  Major  John  Adair  on  November  6,  1792,  at 
the  camp  near  Fort  St.  Clair.    Marshall,  II,  p.  41. 

2  These  murders,  Colonel  Marshall  ventures  to  hint,  ("Kentucky,"  II,  p.  42), 
were,  perhaps,  committed  with  the  connivance  of  General  Wilkinson  and  the 
Spanish  plotters,  who  had  never  completely  abandoned  their  secret  intrigues 
with  the  servants  of  his  most  CathoUc  Majesty. 

3  Butler,  p.  221,  comments  upon  this  sentiment,  and  Smith,  pp.  314-317, 
more  elaborately. 

■*  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  p.  157. 


1 66        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

sioners  soon  returned,  announcing  their  mission  unsuccess- 
ful.^   Nothing  remained,  therefore,  but  war. 

General  Anthony  Wayne,  "Mad  Anthony,"  as  he  was 
commonly  called,  had  been  chosen  to  succeed  General  St. 
Clair,  in  the  conduct  of  the  war  for  the  defence  of  the  fron- 
tier. Wayne's  heroic  career  during  the  Revolution  had 
fully  proved  his  daring;  but  there  was  still  some  question 
as  to  his  military  skill  and  wisdom.  Jefferson  records  that 
Washington  regarded  him  as,  "brave  but  nothing  else," 
and  Washington  himself  has  left  a  written  estimate,  de- 
scribing him,  in  no  very  flattering  terms,  as,  "more  active 
and  enterprising  than  judicious  and  cautious,  no  econo- 
mist .  .  .  open  to  flattery,  vain;  easily  imposed  upon  and 
liable  to  be  drawn  into  scrapes."-  The  appointment  had 
been  by  no  means  popular,  as  public  opinion  concerning 
his  character  corresponded  very  closely  with  that  of  Wash- 
ington, and  the  latter  felt  considerable  anxiety  lest  the 
new  leader  should,  through  his  rashness,  bring  new  dis- 
credit upon  the  administration.  The  English  also  re- 
garded the  appointment  with  solicitude,  but  for  very 
different  reasons.  Knowing  Wayne's  daring  nature,  they 
feared  that  he  might  be  tempted  into  an  attack  upon 
British  posts,  and  thus  bring  to  a  sudden  crisis  the  already 
strained  relations  between  the  tvv^o  nations.^ 

But  the  selection  of  James  Wilkinson,  as  the  first  of 
four  brigadier-generals  ^  to  serve  in  the  Northwestern 
army,  was  even  more  astonishing  than  the  appointment  of 
Wayne  as  Commander-in-chief,  for  Washington  must  have 

1  Stille's,  "Major-General  Wayne  and  the  Pennsylvania  Line,"  p.  326. 

'  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  439. 

s  Ibid.,  p.  440. 

*  Wilkinson  had  been  made  a  Brigadier-Genera!  in  1792. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  167 

recalled  his  somewhat  shadowy  career  in  Kentucky,  and, 
according  to  Jefferson,  spoke  of  him  in  cabinet  meeting 
as,  "brave,  enterprising  to  excess;  but  [with]  many  un- 
approvable  points  in  his  character." 

During  the  months  occupied  by  the  organization  of  Ken- 
tucky's new  government,  the  great  European  conflict 
known  as  the  French  Revolution  had  been  causing  much 
excitement  in  the  Coast  States.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  the  American  colonies,  when  attempting  to  secure 
the  aid  of  France  in  their  struggle  with  the  mother-country, 
had  bound  themselves  to  join  France  in  any  defensive 
war  against  England  in  which  she  might  later  become  in- 
volved. Now,  after  fifteen  years,  the  United  States  was 
called  upon  to  fulfill  this  agreement,  which  she  promptly 
refused  to  do,  urging  the  very  lame  excuse,  that  a  treaty 
made  with  the  King  of  France  did  not  bind  the  United 
States  to  give  aid  to  the  government  which  had  destroyed 
the  French  Monarchy.^  To  the  leaders  responsible  for 
the  conduct  of  American  affairs,  this  appeared  the  only 
course  open  to  the  United  States.  Our  new  Federal  Gov- 
ernment was  not  yet  in  thorough  working  order,  and  the 
land  had  by  no  means  recovered  from  the  effects  of  the 
long  and  exhausting  struggle  for  independence.  To  en- 
gage in  another  war  under  such  conditions  seemed  an  act 
of  national  suicide.  They  had  even  submitted  to  the  open 
violation  of  the  treaty  of  peace  on  the  part  of  England, 
who  still  held  the  Northwestern  posts  which  she  had 
pledged  herself  to  abandon,  and  they  felt  themselves  fully 
justified  in  refusing  to  rise  at  the  call  of  France,  even  at 
the  risk  of  offending  our  old  allies.     On  the  other  hand, 

!       1  This  was  one  line  of  argument  adopted  by  Hamilton  in  the  cabinet  con- 
ference on  the  subject  of  neutrality.    Cf.  Schouler,  I,  p.  245. 


1 68        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  Federal  Government  had  not  yet  succeeded  in  con- 
quering the  suspicion  with  which  it  was  regarded  by  a 
large  percentage  of  its  citizens,  and  these,  as  soon  as  the 
neutral  attitude  of  the  administration  began  to  show  itself, 
displayed  their  distrust,  in  an  open  and  violent  French 
partizanship. 

The  Kentucky  people  had,  in  addition  to  their  natural 
attachment  to  France  and  their  implacable  hatred  of  Eng- 
land, another  strong  reason  for  desiring  to  enter  the  con- 
flict. The  Spaniards,  who  still  held  Louisiana  and  refused 
to  grant  to  the  United  States  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  River,  were  allied  with  England  in  the  war 
against  France;  and  it  was  felt  that,  only  by  joining  with 
the  latter  and  crushing  this  dual  league,  was  there  any  hope 
of  opening  up  that  natural  highway,  so  essential  to  the 
prosperity  and  commercial  life  of  the  West. 

All  over  the  country  were  springing  up  organizations  of 
French  sympathizers  called  "  Democratic  Clubs,"  com- 
posed of  the  extreme  Anti-Federalists,  who  demanded 
alliance  with  France.  They  were  modeled  after  the  famous 
Jacobin  Clubs  of  Europe,  styled  themselves  the  "patrons 
and  protectors  of  the  people's  rights  and  liberties,"  and 
were  bitterly  opposed  to  Washington's  administration, 
with  regard  both  to  foreign  and  domestic  affairs. 

In  August,  1793,  one  of  these  clubs  was  organized  at 
Lexington,  Kentucky,  and  among  its  earliest  deHveranccs 
was  a  violent  resolution,  declaring, — "That  the  right  of 
people  on  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  to  the  navigation, 
is  undoubted;  and  .  .  .  ought  to  be  peremptorily  de- 
manded of  Spain,  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States."  ^     Similar  clubs  were  organized  at  Georgetown, 

1  Marshall,  II,  p.  92;  Collins,  I,  p.  23. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  169 

Paris,  and  other  places  in  the  State,  and  they  were  not 
backward  in  announcing  their  censure,  and  their  contempt 
for  a  government,  so  obtuse  to  the  most  pressing  needs  of 
its  citizens,  and  so  deaf  to  the  calls  of  duty  and  honor;  to 
duty,  because  it  had  failed  to  secure  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  River;  to  honor,  because  it  refused  to  go  to 
war  with  England,  at  the  call  of  France. 

Meanwhile,  Edmund  Charles  Genet,  accredited  repre- 
sentative of  the  new  French  Republic,  had  landed  at 
Charleston  (April  8,  1793),  and  had  begun  enlisting  sea- 
men, commissioning  officers,  and  fitting  out  privateers,  to 
prey  upon  British  commerce.  Upon  the  announcement 
of  Washington's  Proclamation  of  Neutrality  (April  22, 
1793),  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  task  of  exciting  hatred 
and  opposition  against  the  Federal  Government,  his  aim 
being  to  enlist  the  American  Nation  upon  the  side  of 
France,  whether  the  Federal  authorities  liked  it  or  not. 

This  scheme  being  speedily  frustrated  by  the  vigorous 
action  of  the  Federal  Administration,  Genet  formed  a  plan 
for  using  a  promise  of  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  as  a  lever  by  which  to  move  Kentucky  and  the  West, 
to  an  attack  upon  Spanish  territory,  thus  forcing  America 
into  a  war  with  Spain,  and,  in  consequence,  with  Spain's 
ally,  England.  He  accordingly,  in  November,  1793,  dis- 
patched four  French  agents,  Delpeau,  LaChaise,  Ma- 
thurin,  and  Gignoux,^  to  Kentucky,  to  cooperate  with 
Michaux,  who  was  already  on  the  ground,  ^  in  raising  a 

1  McMaster,  II,  p.  142;  Butler,  p.  222.  Marshall,  II,  p.  96,  gives  the  names 
spelled  differently. 

2  Michaux's  instructions  appear  in  the  "Seventh  Report  of  the  Historical 
Manuscripts  Commission,"  p.  221;  "Annual  Report  of  American  Historical 
Association,"  II,  1903.  For  Jefferson's  remarks  on  his  mission  to  Kentucky, 
see  "  Anas  "  for  July  5,  1793. 


I70 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 


force  to  attack  the  Spanish  possessions  at  New  Orleans  and 
along  the  Mississippi.  There  was  no  attempt  to  make  a 
mystery  of  this  mission.  The  French  agents,  having  in- 
structions to  hold  out  every  inducement  for  enlisting  Ken- 
tuckians  for  the  expedition,  acted  quite  in  the  open  from 
the  first,  and  for  a  while  success  seemed  assured. 

The  hero,  George  Rogers  Clark,  was  easily  prevailed 
upon  to  accept  the  high-sounding  title  of,  "Major-General 
in  the  armies  of  France,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
revolutionary  legions  on  the  Mississippi."  Indeed,  from 
the  Genet  correspondence  recently  published  by  the  Gov- 
ernment,^ it  seems  probable  that  Clark  suggested  the  whole 
scheme,  and  that  Jefferson,  the  Secretary  of  State,  de- 
liberately encouraged  it."  In  one  of  his  earlier  reports  to 
the  French  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Genet  says  that, 
when  he  first  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  to  take  up  the  work 
of  his  mission,  he  found  a  letter  from  General  Clark,  offer- 
ing, "a  well  conceived  plan,  and  satisfactory  details,  of  the 
means  which  he  could  employ  to  make  the  conquest  of 
Louisiana."  ^  Jefferson,  Genet  adds,  encouraged  the  plan, 
as  he  was  engaged  in  the  attempt  to  secure  from  Spain  a 
port  of  deposit  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  thought 
that  such  an  uprising  "*  might  hasten  matters. 

1  "Correspondence  of  the  French  Ministers  of  the  United  States,  1791-1797," 
edited  by  Frederick  J.  Turner;  "Seventh  Report  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts 
Commission;"  "Annual  Report  of  American  Historical  Association,"  1903,  II, 
pp.  220-221. 

2  See  also  Jefferson's  "  Anas  "  July  5,  1793,  for  account  of  his  interview  with 
Genet  relative  to  his  schemes  for  Kentucky  and  the  West. 

3  ".  .  .  un  plan  bien  confu  et  des  details  satisfaisants  sur  les  moyens  dont  il 
peut  dispo.ser  pour  faire  la  conquete  de  la  Louisiane";  "Seventh  Annual  Report 
of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission,"  IV;  Correspondence  of  Genet, 
p.  221. 

*  "Une  petite  irruption  spontan^e  des  habitants  de  Kentukey  dans  la  nou- 
velle  Orleans."    Ibid. 


George  Rogers  Clark 

From  a  life-size  portrait  by  Mattheiv   Harris  Jouett,  now  in  the  possession  of  Colonel  Reuben  T.  Durrett, 

of  Louisville,  Kentucky. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  171 

Upon  receiving  his  commission,  Clark  issued,  over  his 
own  signature,  a  set  of  "  Proposals  for  raising  volunteers 
for  the  reduction  of  the  Spanish  posts  on  the  Mississippi, 
for  opening  the  trade  of  that  river  and  giving  freedom  to 
all  its  inhabitants,"  etc.  "All  persons  serving  on  the 
expedition,"  he  announced,  are  "to  be  entitled  to  one 
thousand  acres  of  land.  Those  that  engage  for  one  year 
will  be  entitled  to  two  thousand  acres — if  they  serve  two 
years,  or  during  the  present  war,  with  France,  they  will 
have  three  thousand  acres,  of  any  unappropriated  land 
that  may  be  conquered — the  officers  in  proportion;  pay, 
etc.,  as  other  French  troops.  All  lawful  plunder  to  be 
equally  divided  according  to  the  custom  of  war.  .  .  . 
Those  that  serve  the  expedition  will  have  their  choice  of 
receiving  their  land,  or  one  dollar  per  day."  This  docu- 
ment was  printed  in  the  "  Kentucky  Gazette  "  of  Febru- 
ary 8th,  1794,^  and  Clark's  fame,  together  with  these  glit- 
tering promises,  induced  many  to  volunteer  for  the  ex- 
pedition, little  realizing  what  momentous  consequences 
would  result,  if  it  were  carried  out,  and  confident  that 
Clark  would  engage  in  no  enterprise  which  he  believed  to 
be  contrary  to  the  best  interests  of  his  State  and  of  his 
country. 

Their  estimate  of  Clark's  character  was  probably  cor- 
rect. It  is  unfair  to  conclude  that,  because  he  undertook 
to  lead  such  an  expedition,  he  was  a  traitor.  If  we  as- 
sume this  attitude,  we  condemn  a  large  percentage  of  the 
American  citizens  of  that  day.  It  was  a  time  of  bitter 
party  feeling,  so  bitter,  indeed,  that  even  Washington 
did  not  escape  charges  of  disloyalty,  and  even  of  personal 
dishonesty.     Genet  had  turned   the  Coast  States  upside 

1  Reprinted  from  the  "Sentinel"  of  the  Northwestern  Territory. 


172 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 


down,  with  his  hberty  caps  and  his  revolutionary  motto. 
He  had  felt  himself  so  strong  that  he  had  even  dared 
openly  to  resist  the  decrees  of  American  law,  and  to 
threaten  to  appeal  from  Washington  to  his  people,  if 
his  demands  were  not  speedily  complied  with:^  and 
Clark,  in  his  willingness  to  accept  a  commission  under 
France,  stood,  if  not  with  the  majority,  at  least  among 
a  very  respectable  minority  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and 
acted  upon  what  he  believed  to  be  the  best  policy  for 
his  country. 

When  Washington  learned  what  Clark  and  his  associates 
were  planning,  he  at  once  notified  Governor  Shelby  that 
he  "should  take  those  legal  measures  which  might  be 
necessary  to  prevent  such  enterprise,"  -  as  negotiations 
were  already  under  way  to  gain  for  Kentucky  the  navi- 
gation which  she  so  much  desired;  and  that  any  rash  act, 
such  as  the  one  now  contemplated,  would  render  these 
negotiations  ineffective,  as  well  as  expose  the  participants 
therein  to  punishment. 

Governor  Shelby's  reply  was  to  the  effect  that  no  such 
attempt  had  come  to  his  knowledge,  but  that  he  would  be 
particularly  attentive  to  prevent  one.^  Whether  Governor 
Shelby  was  perfectly  open  and  honest  in  this  statement  may 
be  justly  questioned.  It  seems  impossible  that  he  could 
have  failed  to  discover  that  such  an  expedition  was  pre- 
paring, and  that  quite  openly,  for  the  "  Kentucky  Gazette" 
freely  published  articles  calculated  to  encourage  it  and  to 

1  In  the  "  Kentucky  Gazette"  of  September  28,  1793,  appears  a  communica- 
tion signed  John  Jay  and  Rufus  King,  asking  that  the  editor  make  public  their 
assertion  that  "Mr  Genet,  the  French  minister,  said  he  would  appeal  to  the 
people  from  certain  decisions  of  the  President." 

'  Marshall,  II,  p.  94. 

'  Ibid.    Letters  quoted. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  173 

justify  disobedience  to  the  orders  of  the  nation's  constituted 
authorities.  It  told  the  people,  "that  they  had  too  long 
placed  an  implicit  dependence  on  the  impartiality  and 
virtue  of  the  general  government;"  which,  however,  did 
not  at  all  represent  the  facts,  the  desire  to  trust  the  Govern- 
ment, in  the  matter  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
never  having  been  very  apparent  in  Kentucky  or  the  West. 
The  Secretary  of  State  had  written  (November  6,  1793), 
telling  him  of  the  departure  from  Philadelphia,  of  the  four 
French  agents  whose  duty  it  was  to  serve  France  by  inciting 
the  western  settlers  to  defy  the  orders  of  their  own  govern- 
ment, and  requesting  that  Governor  Shelby  would  prevent 
their  carrying  out  their  designs  within  the  State  of  Ken- 
tucky. Next,  the  Secretary  of  War  had  empowered  him, 
in  the  name  of  the  President,  to  use  military  force  if  neces- 
sary, to  prevent  the  contemplated  breach  of  neutrality;  at 
the  same  time  pledging  the  United  States  for  payment  of 
all  expense  incurred  in  so  doing.  The  Governor  of  the 
Northwest  Territory  had  sent  a  similar  warning;  ^  but  all 
alike  had  been  disregarded. 

General  Wayne,  however,  having  received  full  infor- 
mation of  what  was  transpiring  in  Kentucky,  acted  with 
promptness  and  decision,  thus  forcing  Governor  Shelby 
to  declare  his  position.  On  January  6th,  1794,  he  wrote 
to  Shelby,  enclosing  a  letter  to  the  commander  of  the 
United  States  Cavalry,  stationed  near  Lexington,  directing 
him  to  give  assistance  in  suppressing  the  expedition,  in 
case  Governor  Shelby  should  request  it.  He  also  enclosed 
a  letter  which  he  had  received  the  previous  month  from 
Governor  St.  Clair,  stating  the  general  nature  of  the  plans 
of  "certain  Frenchmen,"  and  declaring  that  he  had  duly 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  278. 


174        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

informed  Governor  Shelby  of  them.^  In  addition  Gen- 
eral Wayne  wrote,  "should  the  force  now  offered  be 
deemed  insufficient,  or  should  more  be  wanted,  it  shall 
not  be  withheld  upon  this  interesting  occasion,  notwith- 
standing our  proximity  to  the  combined  force  of  the  hos- 
tile Indians." 

One  week  later  Governor  Shelby  made  plain  his  attitude 
toward  the  matter,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 
"  I  have,"  he  declared,  "great  doubts  even  if  they  attempt 
to  carry  this  plan  into  execution  (provided  they  manage 
the  business  with  prudence),  whether  there  is  any  legal  au- 
thority to  restrain  or  to  punish  them,  at  least  before  they 
have  actually  accomplished  it."  "If,"  he  argues,  "it  is 
lawful  for  any  one  citizen  of  this  State  to  leave  it,  it  is 
equally  so  for  any  number  of  them  to  do  it.  It  is  also 
lawful  for  them  to  carry  with  them  any  quantity  of  pro- 
visions, arms  and  ammunition.  ...  If  the  act  is  law- 
ful in  itself  there  is  nothing  but  the  particular  inten- 
tion .  .  .  that  can  possibly  make  it  unlawful, — but  I 
know  of  no  law  which  inflicts  a  punishment  on  intention 
only  ...."-  Then,  in  ardent  language,  he  declined  to 
stretch  his  constitutional  powers,  in  order  to  oppose  the 
plans  and  wishes  of  his  friends,  against  an  enemy  and 
a  tyrant,  "  a  prince  who  openly  withholds  from  us  an 
invaluable  right,  and  who  secretly  instigates  against  us  a 
most  savage  and  cruel  enemy." 

This  letter  convinced  the  President  that  the  Governor 
of  Kentucky  was  not  likely  to  take  any  steps  toward  pre- 
venting the  contemplated  breach  of  the  peace  with  Spain 
He  therefore  wisely  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hands 

1  Texts  of  these  three  letters  j^iven  in  Marshall,  II,  pp.  102-103. 

2  Marshall,  II,  pp.  105-106  for  text. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION 


175 


and  (March  24,  1794),  issued  a  proclamation  ^  declaring: 
"Whereas  I  have  received  information  that  certain  per- 
sons in  violation  of  the  laws,  have  presumed,  under  color 
of  a  foreign  authority,  to  enlist  citizens  of  the  United  States 
and  others  within  the  State  of  Kentucky,  and  have  there 
assembled  an  armed  force  for  the  purpose  of  invading 
and  plundering  the  territory  of  a  nation  at  peace  with 
the  said  United  States,  ...  I  have  therefore  thought 
proper  to  issue  this  proclamation,  hereby  solemnly  warn- 
ing every  person  not  authorized  by  the  laws,  against  en- 
listing any  citizen  or  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  levy- 
ing troops  or  assembling  any  persons  within  the  United 
States  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  or  proceeding  in  any 
manner  to  the  execution  thereof,  as  they  will  answer  the 
same  at  their  peril." 

Similar  wholesome  advice  having  been  given  to  those 
contemplating  enlistment,  "for  such  unlawful  purposes," 
Washington  directed  General  Wayne  to  "establish  a 
strong  military  post  at  Fort  Massac  on  the  Ohio,  and 
prevent  by  force,  if  necessary,  the  descent  of  any  hostile 
party  down  that  river." 

In  the  meantime  Genet's  recall  ^  had  been  diplomat- 
ically requested,  and  a  sudden  change  in  French  affairs 
had  thrown  his  friends,  the  Girondists,  out  of  power, 
leaving  him  without  support.  Knowing  that  the  fiends, 
who  had  succeeded  to  the  leadership  in  France,  had  dis- 
avowed his  acts,  and  would  probably  behead  him  if  he 
ij  should  return,  Genet  wisely  withdrew  from  public  life,  and, 
il  having  married  the  daughter  of  Governor  Clinton  of 
;j  New  York,  settled  down  to  a  life  of  ease  and  comfort. 

1  Durrett  MSS. 

2  His  successor,  Fauchet,  appeared  in  February,  1794. 


176        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Little  was  heard  of  him  until  his  death,  in  1836,  when 
people  were  interested  to  look  back  through  happy  years 
of  peace,  and  recall  the  stormy  days  of  the  neutrality 
conflict  of  1793. 

The  prompt  and  vigorous  action  of  the  President  and 
the  fall  of  Genet,  the  genius  of  the  whole  mad  movement, 
completely  wrecked  the  hopes  of  Clark  and  his  followers. 
The  "Revolutionary  legions  on  the  Mississippi  River" 
were  quickly  disbanded,  and  citizen  La  Chaise  announced 
to  the  Lexington  Democratic  Society  that,  "Causes  un- 
foreseen had  put  a  stop  to  the  march  of  two  thousand 
brave  Kentuckians,  who  were  about  to  go  and  put  an 
end  to  the  Spanish  despotism  on  the  Mississippi;  where 
Frenchmen  and  Kentuckians,  united  under  the  banner  of 
France,  might  have  made  one  nation,  the  happiest  in  the 
world,  so  perfect  was  their  sympathy."  ^ 

While  the  foreign  relations  of  Kentucky,  as  being  a 
byplay  of  the  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States,  were 
thus  creating  great  excitement,  her  domestic  affairs  were 
arousing  almost  equal  interest.  Chief  among  the  latter, 
was  still  the  question  of  General  Wayne  and  the  savage 
tribes  of  the  Northwest.  Rumors  had  become  current, 
at  the  opening  of  the  new  year,  that  the  Indians  would 
make  peace,  and  that  a  campaign  would  be  unnecessary. 
This  idea  was  by  no  means  popular  in  Kentucky,  where 
the  people  were  anxious  for  an  opportunity  to  avenge  the 
injuries  already  received;  while  those  who  wished  to 
plunge  the  United  States  into  war  with  England,  saw,  in 
this  expedition,  a  chance  to  accomplish  their  ends.  Still 
others  hoped  by  it  to  discountenance  the  use  of  regular 
troops,  in  case  the  expedition  should  turn  out  disastrously, 

1  Marshall,  II,  p.  120. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION 


11 


to  say  nothing  of  another  defeat  to  lay  to  the  credit  of  an 
administration,  which  a  large  part  of  the  Kentucky  people 
regarded  with  undisguised  hatred. 

All  idea  of  a  bloodless  peace  was,  however,  soon  dis- 
pelled by  the  reappearance,  in  various  parts  of  the  State,  of 
parties  of  Indians,  stealing  horses,  killing  travelers,  and 
burning  cabins.  The  State  authorities  could  offer  little 
resistance,  nor  did  the  activity  of  individual  citizens  ac- 
complish much  of  a  decisive  character,  and  speculation 
was  rife  as  to  how  General  Wayne  would  use  the  author- 
ity given  him  by  the  Federal  Government.  The  question 
was  soon  answered.  Wayne  called  for  volunteers  from 
Kentucky,  and  sixteen  hundred  men,  under  the  command 
of  General  Charles  Scott,  at  once  marched  to  join  his 
army,  already  consisting  of  about  that  number. 

The  British  authorities  in  Canada  were  alarmed  at  the 
news  of  Wayne's  preparations,  as  it  was  rumored  that  he 
was  not  averse  to  the  idea  of  paying  a  hostile  visit  to  some 
of  their  posts  within  the  limits  of  American  territory.^ 
This  was  indeed  true,  and  for  the  best  of  reasons.  From 
prisoners  taken  during  the  spring,  Wayne  had  learned 
that  the  British  commanders  were  giving  the  Indians  every 
possible  aid  and  encouragement,  short  of  actual  participa- 
tion in  their  expeditions,  and  he  was  inclined  to  doubt 
whether  they  refused  even  that  assistance.  He  knew  that 
Simcoe,  acting  under  orders  from  Lord  Dorchester,  had 
recently  constructed  a  new  fort  at  the  rapids  of  the  Miami, 
and  that  Dorchester  himself  had,  early  in  April,  1794, 
openly  predicted  war  between  the  United  States  and 
England,  before  the  close  of  the  year."     In  view  of  this 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  453. 

2  Schouler,  I,  p.  276. 

Kentucky — 12 


1 78        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

advance,  into  what  was  confessedly  American  territory, 
Secretary  Knox  had  instructed  Wayne:  "If,  in  the  course 
of  your  operations  against  the  Indian  enemy,  it  should  be- 
come necessary  to  dislodge  the  party  (the  English  garrison 
at  the  rapids  of  the  Miami),  you  are  hereby  authorized,  in 
the  name  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  do  it."  ^ 

Thus  was  Wayne,  the  "  Mad  Anthony"  of  former  years, 
given  discretionary  power  which  placed  in  his  hands  the 
choice  of  peace  or  war  with  England;  for  had  he  ven- 
tured to  attack  the  fort  at  the  Miami  rapids,  in  all  proba- 
bility Jay's  treaty  would  never  have  been  signed,  and  our 
second  war  with  England  would  have  taken  place  as  early 
as  1794. 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  July,  General  Scott  and  his 
detachment  of  Kentucky  volunteers  entered  Wayne's  camp 
at  Fort  Greeneville,^  and,  two  days  later,  the  army  took  an 
obscure  path  toward  Fort  Recovery.  Wayne's  plan  was 
to  hasten  on  from  the  latter  point  to  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
Mary's  River,  and  to  surprise  the  important  Indian  vil- 
lages clustered  there;  but  his  efforts  were  abortive.  A 
worthless  Kentucky  volunteer,  named  Newman,  deserted, 
and  revealed  the  plans  to  the  Indians,  who  were  thus 
enabled  to  leave  their  villages  before  Wayne's  arrival,^  and 
to  retire  to  a  point  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids  of  the  Miami, 
under  the  very  guns  of  the  new  British  fort. 

Wayne  therefore  pushed  on  up  the  river,  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Au  Glaize,  where  he  constructed  a  fort,  called  very 
appropriately  Fort  Defiance,"*  on  account  of  its  proximity 

1  Still6's  "Major-General  Wayne  and  the  Pennsylvania  Line,"  p.  329. 
'  Marshall,  II,  p.  136;  Collins,  I,  p.  24. 
'  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  p.  169. 
*  The  fort  was  constructed  August  9,  1794.     For  plan  of  fortifications  see 
Winsor's  "Narrative  and  Critical  History,"  VII,  p.  452. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  179 

to  the  British  fort  at  the  Rapids.  From  this  point  he 
sent  his  final  overtures  of  peace  to  the  savages,  who  agreed 
to  treat,  in  case  Wayne  w^ould  promise  to  remain  where 
he  was  for  ten  days.  As  their  object  was  evidently  to  gain 
time  for  gathering  their  allies  together,  and  as  Miller,  who 
bore  Wayne's  proposals  of  peace,  declared  that  the  savages 
were  already  tricked  out  in  full  war  regalia,  Wayne  re- 
sumed his  march  toward  the  British  fort.  The  distrust 
which  had  marked  his  appointment  as  Major  General 
had  now  completely  disappeared,  and  the  army,  regulars 
and  volunteers  alike,  felt  the  security  and  confidence  which 
comes  from  the  knowledge  that  its  commander  is  both 
competent  and  watchful. 

On  August  19th  the  army  halted  to  construct  a  tempo- 
rary post  for  the  reception  of  the  stores  and  extra  baggage;^ 
and  the  next  morning  at  eight  o'clock  resumed  the  advance, 
one  brigade  of  Kentucky  volunteers  on  the  left  under 
Brigadier  General  Todd;  and  the  other  in  the  rear  under 
Brigadier  General  Barbee.  A  select  battalion  of  the  Ken- 
tucky volunteers,  commanded  by  Major  Price,  moved  in 
front  of  "  the  Legion,"  so  as  to  give  timely  notice  to  form 
in  case  of  action,"  ^  as  it  was  as  yet  uncertain  whether  the 
Indians  would  decide  for  peace  or  war. 

They  had  advanced  thus  about  five  miles  when  Major 
Price's  battalion  suddenly  received  a  severe  fire  from  the 
enemy,  "posted  in  a  thick  brushwood  encumbered  with 
fallen  timber,  the  effect  of  a  hurricane."  ^  Price  instantly 
ordered  a  retreat,  which  was  made  with  such  precipita- 
tion as  to  carry  the  front  guard  of  "the  Legion"  with  it. 

1  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  p.  172. 

2  General  Wayne's  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  Stille's  "Major-General 
Wayne  and  the  Pennsylvania  Line,"  pp.  331-334  for  full  text. 

3  Samuel  L.  Metcalf's  "Indian  Wars  of  the  West,"  p.  158. 


l8o        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

These  in  turn  rushed  into  Captain  Lewis'  company  of 
hght  infantry  on  the  left,  and  threw  them  into  confusion. 
It  began  to  look  as  if  the  terror  of  the  hidden  savages  had 
put  an  end,  in  a  moment,  to  all  confidence  and  discipline; 
but  Captain  Lewis  rallied  his  men,  after  a  retreat  of  forty 
yards,  and  advanced  to  the  side  of  the  right,  which  had 
stood  its  ground.  Captain  Springer's  battalion  of  riflemen 
joined  them,  and  the  charge  was  sounded,^  "the  Legion" 
advancing  in  two  lines,  formed  principally  in  the  region  of 
the  fallen  timbers,  which  extended  for  miles  on  Wayne's 
left.  "  I  soon  discovered,"  wrote  Wayne,  in  his  official  re- 
port," "from  the  weight  of  the  fire  and  the  extent  of  their 
line,  that  the  enemy  were  in  full  force  in  front,  in  posses- 
sion of  their  favorite  ground,  and  endeavoring  to  turn  our 
left  flank.  I  therefore  gave  orders  for  the  second  line  to 
advance  to  support  the  first,  and  directed  Major-General 
Scott  to  gain  and  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  savages  with 
the  whole  of  the  mounted  volunteers." 

While  the  Kentucky  troops  were  using  every  exertion  to 
accomplish  this  maneuver,  "the  Legion"  advanced  "with 
trailed  arms,"  roused  the  savages  jfrom  their  coverts  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  and  drove  them  in  utter  rout.  Ere 
the  mounted  volunteers  reached  the  point  assigned  to 
them,  the  day  was  won,  and  the  enemy  *'  dispersed  with 
terror  and  dismay,  leaving  our  victorious  army  in  full 
and  quiet  possession  of  the  field  of  battle,  which  termi- 
nated under  the  influence  of  the  guns  of  the  British 
garrison." 

In  signaling  out  the  heroes  of  this  battle  of  Fallen  Tim- 

1  "A  Journal  of  General  Wayne's  Campaign."    Durrett  MSS.,  unpublished 
It  gives  a  list  of  the  daily  occurrences,  and  is  unsigned. 

2  Stille's  "Major-General  Wayne,"  p.  332,  for  te.xt. 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  i8i 

bers,  as  history  has  learned  to  call  it,  Wayne,  in  his  official 
report  ^  gives  the  first  place  to  "  Brigadier-General  Wilkin- 
son .  .  .  whose  brave  example  inspired  the  troops."  Of 
the  Kentucky  volunteers  he  writes,  "I  never  discovered 
more  true  spirit  and  anxiety  for  action  than  appeared  to 
pervade  the  whole  of  the  mounted  volunteers,  and  I  am 
well  persuaded  that,  had  the  enemy  maintained  their 
favorite  ground  for  one-half  hour  longer,  they  would  have 
most  severely  felt  the  prowess  of  that  corps." 

The  Indians,  thus  disposed  of,  Wayne  proceeded  to 
reconnoiter  the  British  fort,  suspecting  that  it  might 
have  offered  shelter  to  some  of  the  refugees;  but  found 
no  sign  of  any  attempt  to  offer  them  succor.^  There  was 
abundant  evidence,  however,  that  the  British  had  not  only 
furnished  the  savages  with  ammunition,  but  had  actually 
served  with  them  in  the  battle.^  This  close  inspection 
angered  the  British  commander,  Major  Campbell,  who 
dispatched  a  curt  note  to  Wayne  declaring  that  he  was 
"surprised  to  see  an  American  army  so  far  advanced  in 
this  country,"  ^  and  demanding  to  know  how  they  had  the 
assurance  to  encamp  under  the  mouths  of  his  Majesty's 

1  Wayne  places  the  number  of  the  enemy  at  about  2,000  and  the  number  of 
his  own  troops  actually  engaged  at  about  900.  The  "Anonymous  Journal"  of 
the  expedition  (Durrett  MSS.)  gives  the  number  of  the  enemy  as  about  1,500, 
"one-third  of  which  are  supposed  to  be  Canadians." 

2  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  458;  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  North- 
western Territory,"  p.  176. 

3  "The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  more  than  double  that  of  the  Federal  army. 
The  woods  were  strewed  for  a  considerable  distance  with  the  dead  bodies  of  the 
Indians  and  their  white  auxiliaries,  the  latter  armed  with  British  muskets  and 
bayonets."  Wayne's  "Official  Report  ";  Stille's  "Wayne,"  p.  333;  see  Burnet's 
"Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  pp.  179-182  (note),  for  evidence 
elicited  from  prisoners  taken  by  Wayne  before  and  after  the  battle,  relative  to 
the  extent  of  the  British  aid,  etc. 

*"  Journal  of  General  Wayne's  Campaign;"  Durrett  MSS. 


l82        KENTUCKY  IX  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

cannon.  To  which  Wayne  replied  ^  with  spirit,  "that  the 
affair  of  )estcrclay  might  well  inform  him  why  this  army 
was  encamped  in  its  present  position,  and  had  the  flying 
savages  taken  shelter  under  the  walls  of  the  fort,  his 
Majesty's  cannons  should  not  have  protected  them." 
He  then,  in  his  turn,  inquired  why  the  British  fort  had 
been  erected  upon  territory  recognized  as  American  prop- 
erty, and  demanded  its  surrender.  Campbell  declined  to 
comply,  without  orders  from  his  superiors;  but  gave  warn- 
ing that,  if  the  insults  to  the  British  flag  continued,  and 
the  Americans  came  within  range  of  his  guns,  he  would 
fire  upon  them.  Both  commanders,  however,  recognized 
the  fact  that  an  attack  from  either  side  would  mean  the 
instant  breaking  off  of  negotiations  between  the  two  na- 
tions, followed,  probably,  by  the  speedy  declaration  of 
war;  and  so  they  managed  to  keep  the  peace,  in  spite  of 
the  Kentucky  volunteers,  who  showed  their  hatred  of  the 
British  by  firing  their  rifles  within  range  of  the  fort,  though 
not  venturing  to  turn  them  against  it.^ 

For  three  days  and  nights,  Wayne's  army  remained 
"on  the  banks  of  the  Miami  in  front  of  the  field  of  battle; 
during  which  time  all  the  houses  and  cornfields  were  con- 
sumed and  destroyed  for  a  considerable  distance,  both 
above  and  below  Fort  Miami,  as  well  as  within  pistol  shot 
of  that  garrison,  who  were  compelled  to  remain  tacit 
spectators  of  this  general  devastation  and  conflagration."  ' 

1  The  correspondence  is  quoted  in  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern 
Territory,"  pp.  176-179,  five  letters  being  reproduced  in  full. 

3  "Journal  of  General  Wayne's  Campaign;"  Durrett  MSS. 

3  Wayne's  "Official  Report;"  Stilk-'s  "Major-General  Wayne  and  the  Penn 
syivania  Line,"  p.  334.  "We  have  destroyed  all  the  property  within  100  yards 
of  the  Garrison.  The  volunteers  were  sent  down  eight  miles  below  the  fort  and 
have  destroyed  and  burnt  all  the  possessions  belonging  to  the  Canatlians  and 


ONE  PHASE  OF  THE  GENET  MISSION  183 

They  then  retired  to  Fort  Defiance  where,  apparently, 
mihtary  discipline  was  temporarily  relaxed,  in  order  to 
allow  a  celebration  in  honor  of  the  victory,  as  an  anony- 
mous journal  ^  of  the  campaign  has  this  interesting  entry 
for  August  27th: 

"The  quartermaster-General  will  issue  one  gill  of  whis- 
key to  every  man  belonging  to  the  Federal  Army  (this 
morning),  as  a  small  compensation  for  the  fatigues  they 
have  undergone  for  several  days  past.   .   .   ," 

Wayne  supposed  that  another  engagement  would  be 
necessary  before  the  Indians  could  be  brought  to  the  point 
of  signing  a  treaty,  and  so,  after  spending  some  time  in 
strengthening  the  defences  at  Fort  Defiance,  he  proceeded 
up  the  River  Miami  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Mary's,  where 
he  arrived  on  September  17th.  Here  he  began  the  con- 
struction of  a  fort,  to  be  called  Fort  Wayne,  the  volunteers 
consenting  to  work  on  it  only  upon  condition  of  receiving 
"  three  gills  of  whiskey  per  man  per  day,"  ^  the  result  of 
which  unmilitary  bargain  appears  in  the  entry  for  the  next 
day  (October  7th):  "The  Volunteers  are  soon  tired  of  work, 
and  have  refused  to  labor  any  longer;  they  have  stolen 
and  killed  17  beeves  in  the  course  of  these  two  days  past." 

Such  being  the  conduct  of  the  mounted  volunteers,  it 
does  not  astonish  us  to  learn  that,  when  news  came,  a  few 
days  later,  that  Girty  and  McKee,  Brandt,  Little  Turtle, 
Simcoe,  and  other  leading  counsellors  of  the  Northwestern 
tribes,^  were  gathering  at  the  mouth  of  the  Detroit  River, 
eager  to  begin  negotiations  for  peace,  Wayne  ordered  "the 

savages."  Entry  of  August  22,  1794,  in  a  "Journal  of  General  Wayne's  Cam- 
paign;" Durrett  MSS. 

1  "A  Journal  of  General  Wayne's  Campaign;"  Durrett  MSS. 

a  Ibid. 

3  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Territory,"  p.  183. 


184        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

mounted  volunteers  of  Kentucky  marched  off  for  Greene- 
ville,  to  be  mustered  and  dismissed  .  .  .  there  being  no 
further  service"  for  them.' 

On  October  15th,  they  returned  to  their  homes,  flushed 
with  the  glory  of  a  successful  campaign,  and  fully  con- 
vinced that  regulars  were  not  so  bad  a  source  of  defence 
for  the  frontier  as  they  had  supposed. 

General  Wayne  and  his  regulars  retired  to  Fort  Greene- 
ville  for  the  winter,  and  entered  upon  the  long  and  tedious 
negotiations  which  finally  resulted  in  the  treaty  of  that 
name  ^  (August  3,  1795),  by  which  the  Northwestern 
tribes  surrendered  all  claims  south  of  the  Ohio  River. ^ 

1  "  Journal  of  General  Wayne's  Campaign;  "     Durrett  MSS. 

2  Full  details  of  the  negotiations,  Burnet's  "Notes  on  the  Northwestern  Ter- 
ritory," Chs.  10-12. 

3  Butler,  p.  239. 


CHAPTER  VII 

CONFLICTS  OVER  THE  COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST 

The  anti-federal  sentiment  in  Kentucky,  which  had 
been  pronounced  from  the  first,  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
been  measurably  weakened  by  the  successful  termination 
of  Wayne's  expedition  against  the  Indian  country,  as  that 
expedition  had  shown  not  only  the  good  intention,  but 
the  admirable  efficiency,  of  the  new  government.  Two 
serious  obstacles,  however,  still  stood  in  the  way  of  the 
creation  of  a  strong  and  loyal  feeling  for  the  central  gov- 
ernment. As  long  as  the  British  were  allowed  to  keep 
possession  of  the  military  posts  in  the  Northwest,  and  as 
long  as  Spain  was  permitted  to  impede  the  progress  of  the 
West,  by  interfering  with  the  free  use  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  so  long  might  the  Federal  Government  expect 
unstinted  abuse  from  the  Kentucky  people.  She  might 
achieve  limitless  glory  and  success,  in  other  directions,  but 
these  were  the  questions  which  concerned  the  daily  life 
and  present  safety  of  Kentucky,  and  Kentucky's  estimate 
of  the  government  depended,  in  the  last  analysis,  upon  her 
solution  of  them.  The  satisfactory  adjustment  of  these 
questions  was,  indeed,  a  pretty  fair  test  of  the  govern- 
ment's efficiency,  for  England  was  not  inclined  to  treat 
her  treaty  obligations  with  any  great  consideration,  being 
well  aware  that  the  United  States  had  also  failed  to 
carry  out  certain,  not  less  important,  features  of  the  treaty. 
Spain  also  felt  that  she  had  been  unfairly  dealt  with,  as 

i8s 


1 86        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

England  and  the  United  States  had  agreed  upon  a  secret 
clause  in  the  treaty,  providing  that  the  Yazoo  Creek 
should  be  the  Northern  boundary  of  West  Florida,  in  case 
England  should  succeed  in  holding  it,  but  the  thirty-first 
parallel  in  case  West  Florida  should  go  to  Spain.'  His 
Catholic  Majesty  vv^as,  therefore,  m  no  mood  to  grant  con- 
cessions to  the  new  republic,  more  especially  as  he  still 
hoped  to  use  his  control  over  the  Mississippi  River  as  a 
lever  to  cut  off  the  western  settlements  from  the  Union, 
and  to  annex  them  to  his  own  vast  dominions  in  America. 
Of  these  two  matters,  the  question  of  the  tree  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  was  of  niuch  the  greater  import- 
ance to  Kentucky,  especially  after  Wayne's  victory  had 
checked  the  Indian  hostilities  along  her  borders.  The  fact, 
therefore,  that  the  Federal  Government  found  it  necessary 
to  arrange  affairs  v/ith  England  first,  was  exceedingly  dis- 
tasteful to  the  Kcntuckians.  They  felt  that  a  war  against 
Great  Britain  would  open  to  them  the  opportunity  of 
forcibly  assuming  control  of  the  Mississippi;  while  a  war 
with  France,  which  seemed  the  alternative,  had  not  this 
attraction.  The  enthusiasm  with  which  Genet's  agents 
had  been  received  in  the  western  country,  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  Democratic  clubs,  and  the  creation  of  George 
Rogers  Clark's  "  Revolutionary  Legions  on  the  Missis- 
sippi," had  all  indicated  this  feeling.  There  were  few  of 
the  more  reputable  sort,  it  is  true,  who  had  been  willing 
to  go  the  length  of  entirely  supporting  Genet;  but  his 
actions  had  been  disavowed  by  France,  and,  under  the 
wise  management  of  his  successor,  Fauchet,  French  en 
thusiasm  had  reawakened,  and,  with  it,  an  intensified 
hatred  of  the  British. 

'  Fiske's  "Critical  Period  of  American  Historj',"  pp.  ^^,  208. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST         187 

Under  these  conditions,  the  wise  pohcy  for  England 
would  have  been  to  conciliate  America,  but  England  has 
never  known  much  about  conciliation.  As  she  saw  the 
enthusiasm  for  France  reasserting  itself  throughout  the 
States,  her  natural  conclusion  was  that  these  two  countries 
were  preparing  to  form  another  alliance  against  her,  and, 
as  if  to  show  how  little  she  cared  for  such  an  alliance,  she 
at  once  began  a  course  of  aggression  against  our  commerce, 
which  daily  added  strength  to  the  French  party  in  America, 
and  soon  brought  us  to  a  point  where  a  declaration  of 
war  against  her  seemed  almost  inevitable.  This  prospect 
was  most  pleasing  to  the  people  of  Kentucky.  Their 
consternation  and  anger  were,  therefore,  intense,  when 
news  came  that  Washington  had  determined,  if  possible, 
to  avert  the  war,  by  sending  an  envoy  to  England,  for  the 
purpose  of  attempting  to  negotiate  a  treaty;  and  this  anger 
was  heightened  into  rage,  when  the  name  of  the  envoy 
was  made  known. 

Chief  Justice  John  Jay  was  regarded  by  Kentuckians 
as  an  arch  conspirator  against  the  interest  of  the  western 
country.  They  had  never  forgotten  the  proposition,  made 
by  him  in  the  summer  of  1785,  to  concede  to  Spain,  for  a 
period  of  twenty-five  years, ^  the  control  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  in  return  for  certain  commercial  concessions  which 
would  have  benefited  the  Eastern  States  alone,  and  his  ap- 
pointment was  regarded  in  Kentucky  as  a  direct,  and  de- 
liberate insult  from  the  Federal  Government.  On  May  24, 
1794,  before  Jay  was  halfway  across  the  Atlantic,  a  large 

1  The  object  of  this,  v.rote  Monroe  to  Governor  Henry  of  Virginia,  "is  to 
break  up  the  settlements  on  the  western  waters  ...  so  as  to  throw  the  weight 
of  the  population  eastward  and  keep  it  there,  to  appreciate  the  vacant  lands  in 
New  York  and  Massachusetts,"  (Quoted  in  Dixon's  "Missouri  Compromise  and 
its  Repeal,"  p.  38). 


1 88        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

public  meeting  was  held  at  Lexington,  representing  various 
parts  of  the  State,  and  bent  upon  expressing  the  indignation 
of  the  Commonwealth.  After  an  impassioned  discussion, 
a  set  of  resolutions  was  drawn  up  and  delivered  to  the 
*'  Kentucky  Gazette  "  for  publication.^ 

Goino-  straight  to  the  point  upon  which  the  greatest 
interest  was  felt,  these  resolutions  read  as  though  Jay  had 
been  sent  out  with  the  express  purpose  of  resigning  all 
claims  to  the  control  of  the  Mississippi.  They  declare,  in 
the  first  section, 

"That  the  inhabitants  West  of  the  Appalachian  Moun- 
tains are  entitled  by  nature  and  by  stipulation  to  the  free 
and  undisturbed  navigation  of  the  River  Mississippi. 

"That  we  have  a  right  to  expect  and  demand  that  Spain 
should  be  compelled  immediately  to  acknowledge  our 
right,  or  that  an  end  be  put  to  all  negotiations  on  that  sub- 
ject. 

"That  the  injuries  and  insults  done  and  offered  by 
Great  Britain  to  America  call  loudly  for  redress,  and  that 
we  will  to  the  utmost  of  our  abilities  support  the  General 
Government  in  any  attempt  to  obtain  redress. 

"  That  the  recent  appointment  of  the  enemy  of  the  West- 
ern Country  to  negotiate  with  that  nation,  and  the  tame 
submission  of  the  General  Government  when  we  alone 
were  injured  by  Great  Britain,  make  it  highly  necessary 
that  we  should  at  this  time  state  our  just  demands  to  the 
President  and  Congress."  ^ 

The  same  number  of  the  "  Gazette  "  reports,  with  evi- 
dent satisfaction,  certain  overt  insults  offered  to  the  envoy 

1  Full  text  of  the  Resolutions  in  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  May  31,  1794. 

2  For  an  impassioned  statement  of  the  causes  of  this  hatred  of  Jay  in  Ken- 
tucky Cf.  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  January  25,  1794;  also  February  8,  1794.  See 
also  Littell's  "Political  Transactions,"  Ch.  IV. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST         189 

in  Lexington,  beginning  the  account  with  the  following 
poetic  effusion: 

"  Suppose  you  had  a  wound  and  one  had  show'd 
An  herb  which  you  apply'd  but  found  no  good, 
Would  you  grow  fond  of  this,  increase  your  pain 
And  use  the  poisonous  medicine  again  ? 

"The  late  appointment  of  John  Jay  as  envoy  extraor- 
dinary to  the  Court  of  London,  brought  so  strongly  to 
the  recollection  of  the  people  of  this  country  his  former 
iniquitous  attempt  to  barter  away  their  most  valuable 
right,  that  they  could  not  refrain  from  openly  testifying 
their  abhorrence  of  the  man  whose  appointment  at  this 
critical  period  of  their  affairs  they  consider  as  tragically 
ominous.  Although  they  have  not  forgotten,  nor  even 
faintly  remembered,  his  former  act  of  treason  against  them, 
yet  they  hoped  from  the  office  he  filled,  he  was  in  as 
harmless  a  situation  as  he  could  be  placed,  and  that  no 
effort  of  power  or  policy  could  drag  him  forward  so  long 
as  he  held  this  office,^  and  set  him  once  more  to  chaffer- 
ing with  our  rights.  With  these  impressions,  a  number  of 
respectable  citizens  of  this  place  and  its  vicinity,  on  Satur- 
day last  (May  14),  ordered  a  likeness  of  this  evil  genius  of 
Western  America  to  be  [made]  which  was  soon  well  exe- 
cuted. At  the  appointed  hour  he  was  ushered  forth  from 
a  barber's  shop,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the  people,  dressed 
in  a  courtly  manner,  and  placed  erect  on  the  platform  of 
the  pillory.  In  his  right  hand  he  held  uplifted,  a  rod  of 
iron.     In  his  left  he  held  extended  Swift's  late  speech  in 

1  This  expression  indicates  how  Httle  importance  was  attached  to  the  office 
of  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States,  before  the  days  of  John  Marshall,  "the 
Great  Chief  Justice." 


I90        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Conc^ress  on  the  subject  of  British  depredation.  On  one 
side  of  which  was  written : 

'  Klemo  repcutefuit  tiir  pi  ssi  wits' — Juv., '  Sat.,'  2,  V,  p.  7^1^. 

'No  man  e'er  reached  the  heights  of  vice  at  first.' 
"And  on  the  other: 

'No7^  deficit  alter.'— Yirg.,  '  JEn.,'  6. 

'A  second  is  not  wanting.' 

"  About  his  neck  was  suspended  by  a  hempen  string, 
'Adam's  defence  of  the  American  Constitution';  on  the 
cover  of  which  was  written: 

' Scrihere  jussit  aurum.' — Ov.,  'Ep.' 

'Gold  bade  me  write.' 

"  After  exhibiting  him  in  this  condition  for  some  time,  he 
was  ordered  to  be  guillotined,  which  was  soon  dexterously 
executed,  and  a  flame  instantly  applied  to  him,  which, 
finding  its  way  to  a  quantity  of  powder  which  was  lodged 
in  his  body,  produced  such  an  explosion  that  after  it  there 
was  scarcely  to  be  found  a  particle  of  the  disjecti  membra 
Plenipo."  ^ 

These  are  but  examples  of  the  insults  which  were  heaped 
upon  the  name  of  the  noble  envoy,  by  the  people  of  Ken- 
tucky, even  before  he  had  reached  the  scene  of  his  diplo- 
matic mission.  They  had  not  waited  to  discover  what  sort 
of  a  treaty  he  would  propose;  it  was  enough  for  them  to 
know  that,  if  the  mission  should  prove  successful,  a  French 
alliance  and  a  war  against  England  would  be  averted. 
They  did  not  stop  to  consider  that  one  point,  which  Jay's 
instructions  required  of  him,  was  to  secure  the  surrender 
of  the  Northwest  posts;  their  sole  idea  being  that,  as  the 
enemy  of  the  West,  he  could  be  depended  upon  to  negotiate 
a  treaty  which  would  injure  them. 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  May  31,  1794. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST 


191 


Meanwhile  Jay  was  exerting  all  his  faculties  to  secure 
the  utmost  concessions  from  England.  His  success,  though 
not  perfect,  satisfied  Washington  and  the  friends  of  the  ad- 
ministration, and  the  Senate,  after  making  a  few  changes 
which  England  at  once  accepted,  ratified  the  treaty. 
Washington  had  carefully  withheld  its  contents  from  the 
public,  having  heard  rumors  that  the  British  ministry  had 
renewed  its  irritating  aggressions  upon  our  commerce,  even 
while  the  treaty  was  in  process  of  ratification;  but  the  mis- 
guided zeal  of  a  Southern  Senator  made  public  the  text.' 
It  was  printed,  in  pamphlet  form,  by  Benjamin  Franklin 
Bache,  editor  of  the  "Aurora,"  and  was  at  once  copied  by 
the  newspapers  and  spread  broadcast  over  the  country. 
Then  the  attacks,  which  had  been  based  upon  its  probable 
contents,  began  in  earnest,  upon  its  actual  provisions. 

The  "Kentucky  Gazette  "  of  August  i,  1795,  contained 
the  full  text  of  the  treaty;  and  when  it  became  known 
that  Humphrey  Marshall,  one  of  Kentucky's  Senators,  had 
dared  to  vote  for  its  ratification,  his  action  was  regarded, 
among  his  constituency,  as  a  gross  violation  of  duty,  and 
an  attempt  was  made,  at  the  succeeding  session  of  the 
Kentucky  Legislature,  to  instruct  him  by  name  to  oppose 
it,  should  it  again  come  before  the  Senate.  This  instruc- 
tion was,  after  some  discussion,  made  slightly  less  insult- 
ing by  declaring  that  both  the  Kentucky  Senators  should 
oppose  the  treaty  at  any  subsequent  opportunity.  How- 
ever, as  Mr.  Marshall  writes  in  his  History,  the  acceptance 
by  England  of  the  amendments  which  the  Senate  had  pro- 
posed in  the  treaty,  made  it  unnecessary  for  the  Senate 
again  to  act  upon  it,  which  fact,  he  curtly  explains,^  "  saved 

1  Schouler,  I,  p.  295;  McMaster,  II,  p.  216. 

2  "History  of  Kentucky,"  II,  p.  172. 


192        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  erratic  Senator  from  another  offence:^  .  .  .  for  certain 
it  is,  that  with  the  impressions,  under  the  influence  of  which 
he  acted,  he  would  have  disobeyed  the  instructions."  - 

Marshall's  stand  was  one  which  required  the  utmost 
courao^e.  He  stood  alone  among;  his  fellow-Kentuckians  of 
prominence,  "the  only  advocate  in  this  State,"  as  a  hostile 
antagonist  declared,  "  of  that  most  infamous  production."  ^ 
And  \  et  he  was  right,  and  his  numerous  antagonists  wrong. 
It  would  be  hard  to  find  a  serious  student  of  our  his- 
tory, at  the  present  day,  who  would  deny  that  Jay's 
Treaty,  though  by  no  means  perfect,  was  the  best  which 
could  have  been  hoped  for,  and  was,  moreover,  of  great 
advantage  to  the  country  at  large,  and  to  Kentucky  in 
particular.  In  the  first  place,  it  enabled  the  government 
honorably  to  avoid  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  which  would 
have  brought  about  the  renewed  organization  of  the  hostile 
Indian  tribes,  for  massacre  and  plunder  along  the  Ken- 
tucky frontier:  and  secondly,  it  provided  for  the  removal, 
although  the  too  leisurely  removal,  of  British  "troops  and 
garrisons,  from  all  posts  and  places  within  the  boundary 
lines  assigned  by  the  treaty  of  peace  to  the  United  States,"  i 
including,  of  course,  those  ancient  sources  of  Kentucky's 

1  Marshall's  views  on  the  treaty  are  fully  set  forth  in  a  series  of  articles  pub- 
lished in  the  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  beginning  in  September,  1795,  and  running 
well  into  the  next  year.  These  articles,  with  the  replies  called  forth  by  them, 
constitute  the  most  elaborate  debate  which  had  yet  appeared  in  the  newspapers 
of  the  commonwealth.  They  show  how  deeply  interested,  in  the  details  of  this 
treaty,  were  tlie  inhabitants  of  the  Western  country. 

2  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  October  3,  1795,  contains  the  resolutions  of  a  Mer- 
cer County  mass  meeting,  declaring  that  Marshall  had,  "betrayed  the  trust  re- 
posed in  h'm  by  voting  for  the  conditional  ratification  of  the  treaty,"  and  sug- 
gesting that  the  Legislature  instruct  the  Kentucky  members  of  Congress  to 
propose  an  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  making  it  lawful  for  two- 
thirds  of  a  .State  Senate  to  recall  the  United  States  Senators  at  any  time. 

3  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  October  10,  1795. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST 


193 


misery,  the  Northwest  posts.  June,  1796,  was  assigned 
as  the  date,  on  or  before  which  these  removals  should  take 
place,  and  it  represented  the  greatest  concession  that 
England  could  be  induced  to  grant  on  this  long  disputed 
question. 

The  outcry  against  the  treaty,  even  after  its  approval 
by  the  Senate,  was  fierce  in  the  strongly  Democratic  re- 
gions of  Kentucky.  A  meeting  of  free  citizens  of  Clark 
County  ventured  to  send  a  petition  and  remonstrance  to 
the  President,  with  the  hope  of  helping  to  prevent  his  sign- 
ing it.  "Should  you,  sir!"  ran  the  petition,  "concur  with 
the  Senate  in  the  signature  of  that  treaty,  our  prognostica- 
tion is,  that  Western  America  is  gone  forever  .  .  .  lost  to 
the  Union,  and  grasped  by  the  voracious  clutches  of  that 
insatiable  and  iniquitous  George,  the  Third,  of  Britain."  ^ 
In  the  "Political  Creed  of  a  Western  American,"  ^  reap- 
pears the  tendency,  before  manifested,  to  insult  everyone 
who  showed  any  disposition  to  favor  the  treaty.  "I  be- 
lieve," it  reads,  "that  the  treaty  formed  by  Jay  and  the 
British  King,  is  the  offspring  of  a  vile  aristocratic  few,  who 
are  enemies  to  the  equality  of  man,  friends  to  no  govern- 
ment, but  that  whose  funds  they  can  convert  to  their  pri- 
vate emolument.  ...  I  believe  that  the  political  dotage  of 
our  good  old  American  Chief  has  arrived;  ...  I  do  sin- 
cerely believe  (from  a  knowledge  of  the  man),  that  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky,  who  voted  in  favor  of  the  treaty, 
was  actuated  by  motives  the  most  dishonorable  .  .  .  that 
he  is  a  stranger  to  virtue,  either  private  or  public,  and  that 
he  would  sell  his  country  for  a  price,  easily  to  be  told. 

"I  do  also  believe  that  Kentucky  has  as  little  reason  to 

*  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  September  19,  1795. 
'  Ibid.,  September  26,  1795. 
Kentucky — 13 


194        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

complain  on  this  important  occasion,  as  any  of  her  sister 
States;  as  she  had  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  character 
of  the  man  she  delegated  to  represent  her,  knew  that  he 
possessed  a  soul  incapable  of  good,  and  sentiments  op- 
posed ...  to  her  interest."  ^ 

Washinc^ton,  meanwhile,  having  satisfied  himself  that 
the  alarming  rumors  which  had  caused  him  to  hesitate, 
were  false,  signed  the  treaty,  ^  which  thus  became  the  law 
of  the  land. 

But  even  now  the  opposition  could  not  submit,  and  a 
daring  plan  was  formed  to  nullify  the  treaty  in  the  national 
House  of  Representatives,  by  declining  to  appropriate  the 
money  necessary  to  carry  out  its  provisions.  This  plan  was 
happily  defeated,  largely  through  a  masterly  speech  of 
Fisher  Ames,  made  before  the  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
which  ranks  as  one  of  America's  greatest  forensic  and 
oratorical  triumphs.^ 

In  his  next  message  to  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  Gov- 
ernor Shelby  proceeded  to  show  that  he,  at  least,  did  not 
even  yet  consider  the  incident  closed. 

"I  should  not  discharge  the  duty  I  owe  my  country," 
he  said,  "...  if  I  did  not  call  your  attention  to  the  treaty 
lately  concluded  between  America  and  Great  Britain. 
If  this  treaty  contained  stipulations  which  were  only  con- 
trary to  good  policy,  although  it  would  be  the  undoubted 
right  of  the  State  Legislatures  to  express  their  opinions 
of  those  stipulations,  it  might  be  a  mat"  t  of  doubt  whether 

•  A  systematic  defence  of  the  treaty,  article  by  article,  was  ma  le  in  the  "  Ken- 
lucky  Gazette"  of  October,  1795,  but  people  were  swayed  by  emotions  and  did 
not  readily  listen  to  reason. 

2  For  the  documents  relating  to  the  ratification,  see  "  Kentucky  Gazette," 
March  26,  1796. 

'  "Works  of  Fisher  Ames,"  II,  pp.  37-71. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST 


'95 


it  would  be  expedient  for  them  to  do  so.  But  as  many 
stipulations  contained  in  this  treaty  are  evidently  con- 
trary to  the  Constitution  of  the  General  Cjovernment,  I 
consider  it  as  the  indispensable  duty  of  the  State  Legisla- 
tures to  express  their  sentiments  upon  such  parts  of  the 
treaty  as  are  unconstitutional,  with  the  firmness  and  de- 
cency becoming  the  representatives  of  freemen.  If  you 
view  this  important  question  in  the  same  light  as  I  do,  I 
have  no  doubt  but  that  you  will  act  upon  it  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  will  do  honor  to  yourselves  and  our  constituents."  ^ 

This  somewhat  radical  recommendation,  looking  un- 
mistakably in  the  direction  of  nullification  of  a  funda- 
mental federal  law,  was  fortunately  neglected  by  the 
Legislature,  and,  as  the  time  fixed  by  the  treaty  for  the 
evacuation  of  the  Northv/est  posts  approached,  the  Ken- 
tucky people  began  to  realize  that  at  last  the  Federal 
Government  had  adjusted  one  of  their  burdens,  and  to 
feel  that  Jay's  treaty  was  perhaps  not  wholly  bad  after 
all. 

On  May  lo,  1796,  Secretary  of  War  McHenry  arranged 
with  Dorchester  for  the  transfer  of  the  long  disputed  forts, 
and,  a  few  days  later,  orders  were  issued  to  the  British 
commanders  to  evacuate  them.^  Thus,  at  last,  the  govern- 
ment relieved  the  Kentucky  people  of  the  most  persistent 
abetters  of  their  savage  enemy,  and,  before  the  outcry 
against  the  great  patriots,  Jay  and  Washington,  had  fairly 
died  away,  Kentuc'y  had  begun  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of 
the  lasting  peace,  caused  by  Jay's  treaty. 

Meanwhile,  the  Federal  Government  had  turned  its 
attention  to  the  other  great  need  of  her  Western  citizens, 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  November  28,  1795. 

2  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  482. 


196        KENTUCKY  IX  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River.  From  the  days 
of  the  first  settlements  in  Kentucky,  this  question  had  been 
reo^arded  as  vital  to  progress,  and  almost  essential  to  ex- 
istence upon  the  Western  frontier,  and  out  of  it  had 
sprung  those  foreign  intrigues  which  darken  the  pages  of 
Kentucky's  early  history.  It  was  this  question  which  led 
Wilkinson  into  his  first  aberration  from  the  duty  which  he 
owed  his  adopted  home  in  the  West,  and  which  induced 
Clark  and  his  followers  to  lend  their  influence  to  Genet's 
schemes  for  forcing  America  to  join  France  against  the 
British-Spanish  Alliance.  The  interference  of  the  Federal 
Government,  upon  that  occasion,  had  been  productive  of 
much  unpatriotic  language  in  the  West,  and  men  had 
settled  down  to  endure  the  tyranny  of  Spanish  laws  over 
their  commerce,  with  anything  but  contented  spirits. 

What  those  Spanish  lav/s,  in  restraint  of  Kentucky 
commerce,  were,  is  briefly  indicated  by  the  newspaper 
articles  of  the  day,  of  which  the  following  extract  ^  is  an 
example.  "  How  long  will  America  submit  to  the  opera- 
tion of  paying  a  heavy,  degrading  tribute  to  a  Spanish 
officer,  for  a  license  (in  his  power  ever  to  deny)  to  proceed 
to  sea  with  their  vessels  and  produce,  and  under  restric- 
tions of  making  such  vessels  Spanish  bottoms.  .  .  .  ? 
If  they  wish  to  export  their  produce  they  must  not  only 
make  use  of  the  most  humble  solicitations,  but  they  are 
compelled  besides  to  pay  a  very  high  duty  for  the  permis- 
sion of  sailing  out  of  the  Mississippi  under  the  colors  of  a 
foreign  nation  at  war  with  our  allies.  How  degrading 
such  restrictions!     How  humiliating  to  an  American! 

"It  is  easy  to  foresee  what  will  be  the  consequences, 
if   a  treaty  be  not  soon,  and  very  soon,  negotiated  with 

1  From  the  "Kentucky  Gazette."  October  12,  1793. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST 


197 


Spain  .  .  ,  QuosQUE    tandem,   hispania,   abuteris    pa- 

TIENTIA  NOSTRA  ?  " 

In  the  same  issue  of  the  "Gazette"  appears  a  spirited 
resolution  of  the  Lexington  Democratic  Society: 

"Resolved,  that  the  free  and  undisturbed  use  and 
navigation  of  the  River  Miss,  is  the  natural  right  of 
the  Citizens  of  this  Commonwealth;  and  is  inalienable 
except  w^ith  the  soil;  and  that  neither  time,  tyranny  nor 
prescription  on  the  one  side,  nor  acquiescence,  w^eakness 
or  non-use  on  the  other  can  ever  sanctify  the  abuse  of  this 
right."  ' 

A  few  weeks  later  the  same  Democratic  Society  pub- 
lished its  view  of  the  steps  to  be  taken,  under  the  circum- 
stances then  existing:  "It  will  be  proper  to  make  an  at- 
tempt in  a  peaceable  manner  to  go  with  an  American 
bottom  properly  registered  and  cleared  into  the  sea  through 
the  channel  of  this  Mississippi,  that  we  may  either  pro- 
cure an  immediate  acknowledgment  of  our  right  from  the 
Spaniards;  or,  if  they  obstruct  us  in  the  enjoyment  of  that 
right,  that  we  may  be  able  to  lay  before  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment such  unequivocal  proofs  of  their  having  done  so, 
that  they  will  be  compelled  to  say  whether  they  will  aban- 
don or  protect  the  inhabitants  of  the  Western  country."  ^ 
Whether  this  suggestion  was  actually  carried  out,  we  do 
not  know,  but  the  agitation  continued,  and  the  Federal 
Government  was  besieged  by  demands  that  she  do  for  the 
West  what  she  had  prevented  their  doing  for  themselves; 
and,  when  no  immediate  response  was  returned,  the  Ken- 
tucky Legislature  proceeded  (on  December  20,  1794),  to 
instruct  her  representatives  in  the  United  States  Senate, 

1  Passed  October  7,  1793.     "Kentucky  Gazette,"  October  12,  1793. 

2  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  November  11,  1793. 


198        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

"to  require  information  of  the  steps  which  have  been 
taken  to  obtain  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  to 
transmit  such  information  to  the  Executive  of  this  State."  ^ 

It  then  appeared  that  the  Federal  Government  had 
(November  24,  1794)  commissioned  Thomas  Pinckney  as 
envoy  to  Madrid,  with  instructions  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
securing  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,^  and  when 
even  this  news  did  not  silence  the  outcry  from  Kentucky, 
the  United  States  Senate  took  the  unusual  course  of  pass- 
ing a  resolution  providing: 

"That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he 
hereby  is,  requested  to  cause  to  be  communicated  to  the 
Executive  of  the  State  of  Kentucky,  such  part  of  the  ex- 
isting negotiation  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, 
relative  to  this  subject,  as  he  may  deem  advisable  and 
consistent  with  the  course  of  negotiations."  ^ 

Accordingly,  the  President  appointed  James  Innes, 
"a  Special  Commissioner  to  detail  a  faithful  history  of  the 
negotiations  pending  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Court  of  Madrid  respecting  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi." The  announcement  of  his  appointment  was  made 
by  a  letter  from  Edmund  Randolph,  Secretary  of  State, 
to  "  His  Excellency,  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,"  in  which 
occur  these  words: 

"In  this  step  your  Excellency  will  discern  a  further 
proof  of  the  anxiety  of  the  President  to  remove  all  grounds 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  February'  7,  1795. 

2  Innes  to  Shelby:  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  14,  1795.  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son had  been  the  President's  first  choice  for  this  mission  and,  upon  his  declin- 
ing, Patrick  Henry  had  been  asked  to  serve,  but  had  pleaded  age  and  infirmity 
as  his  reasons  for  declining.  See  also  Fuller's  "Purchase  of  Florida,"  p.  67; 
and  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  548. 

3  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  14,  1795. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST         199 

of  dissatisfaction:  and  indeed,  sir,  I  cannot  pass  by  this 
occasion  of  asserting  my  persuasion  that,  after  the  most 
ample  disclosure  of  the  public  conduct  respecting  the 
Mississippi,  you  will  find  that  nothing  has  been  left  un- 
attempted  by  him,  which  his  powers,  his  exertions,  and 
the  situation  of  our  country  would  permit."  ^ 

Innes'  first  communication  of  the  details  of  the  nego- 
tiations was  an  elaborate  synopsis  of  the  entire  situation.^ 
He  pointed  out  the  fact  that  Spain  had  always  ranged 
herself  rather  with  the  enemies  than  with  the  friends  of 
the  United  States;  that,  even  during  the  Revolution,  al- 
though joining  France  against  England,  she  had  "made 
no  formal  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States;"  and  that,  in  spite  of  all  negotiation,  she  had  never 
consented  to  a  "pact  or  treaty  of  any  kind"  with  us. 

He  then  described  the  conditions  under  which  Pinckney 
was  appointed,  and  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
President  had  decided  not  to,  "enter  into  any  commercial 
relations  with  the  Court  of  Madrid,  'until  our  right  to  the 
free  use  of  the  Mississippi  shall  be  most  unequivocally  ac- 
knowledged and  established,  on  principles  never  hereafter 
to  be  drawn  into  contestation.'  " 

Besides  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  which 
Pinckney's  instructions  required  him  to  secure  at  once, 
on  account  of  the  impatience  and  hostility  of  the  Kentuck- 
ians,^  he  was  expected  to  gain  two  other  important  con- 
cessions. He  was  directed  to  secure  a  port  of  deposit 
within  Spanish  possessions  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 


1  Full  texts,  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  14,  1795. 

2  Dated  February  15,  1795.      Text  in  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  14,  1795. 

3  Fuller's  "Purchase  of  Florida,"  p.  67.    Spain  freely  admitted  that  this  was 
jurs  by  right.    Ibid.,  p.  72. 


200        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

without  which  the  free  navigation  would  have  been  com- 
paratively valueless;^  and  to  persuade  Spain  to  accept  the 
thirty-first  meridian  as  the  northern  boundary  of  her  West 
Florida  possessions,  instead  of  a  line  running  East  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  Creek,  which  she  claimed  as  her 
right. 

Pinckney  reached  Madrid,  June  28,  1795,  but  it  was 
August  loth  before  he  was  permitted  to  lay  his  proposi- 
tions before  the  representatives  of  the  King,  and  even  then, 
negotiations  dragged  heavily,  the  Spanish  representative 
claiming  that  the  United  States  should  pay  for  the  right 
of  navigation,  and  Pinckney  insisting  that  the  United 
States  would  never  consent  to  pay  for  a  right  which  was 
already  legally  hers,  citing  as  authority  the  Peace  of  1783. 

It  was  while  these  negotiations  were  in  progress  that  the 
last  Spanish  intrigue  to  separate  Kentucky  from  the  Fed- 
eral Union  developed.  Carondelet,  the  Spanish  Governor 
of  the  Louisiana  territory,  determined  to  make  one  more 
effort  to  take  advantage  of  the  restless  distrust  which  he 
believed  to  exist  in  Kentucky,  concerning  the  good  faith 
of  the  Federal  Government.  It  was  obvious  that  the  com- 
mercial interests  of  Kentucky  were  more  nearly  akin  to 
those  of  Louisiana  than  to  those  of  the  Eastern  States. 
The  wealth  of  the  West  and  of  Louisiana,  was  easily  ac-j 
cessible  to  Kentuckians,  if  only  they  could  have  free  use, 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  free  deposit  at  its  mouth;  while  the' 
American  markets  beyond  the  Alleghanies,  were  as  )et 
almost  inaccessible  during  a  large  part  of  the  year.'     Itj 

1  James  Innes  to  Gov.  Isaac  Shelby,  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  14,  1705 

2  As  late  as  January  12,  1798,  Sam.  Brown  wrote  to  his  brother,  John,  whc 
was  attending  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  "...  I  hope  we  may,  with  some  de 
gree  of  certainty,  count  on  receiving  weekly  information  from  the  Atlantic 
States."    Brown  MSS. 


I 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST        201 

was,  therefore,  natural  for  the  Governor  of  Louisiana  to 
suppose  that  self-interest  would  lead  the  Kentucky  people 
to  accept  Spanish  advances,  disown  their  connection  with 
the  distant  and  unsympathetic  Federal  Government,  and 
enjoy  the  fruits  of  their  natural  connection  with  the  power 
which  controlled  their  only  commercial  highway. 

It  was  a  scheme  founded  upon  sound  commercial  facts, 
but  it  failed  to  take  into  account  one  important  item.  The 
people  of  Kentucky  were  proud  of  the  possession  of  liberty, 
and  were  always  most  complacent  when  comparing  their 
freedom  with  the  servile  condition  of  the  French  Creoles. 
Had  Carondelet  been  able  to  appreciate  this  fact,  he  would 
have  seen  at  once  the  utter  futility  of  his  schemes.  As  it 
was,  he  acted  upon  his  own  conception  of  the  situation, 
and,  in  June,  1795,  addressed  a  letter  to  Judge  Sebastian, 
an  ex-Episcopal  clergyman,  British  born,  and  none  too 
loyal  to  his  adopted  country,  who  had  worked  himself  into 
the  responsible  position  of  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  Kentucky.  In  this  letter  Carondelet  offered  to  send 
Colonel  Gayoso  to  New  Madrid,  to  meet  such  men  as 
Sebastian  might  send  thither,  for  the  purpose  of  talking 
over  the  question  of  the  Mississippi;  ^  and  later,  in  July  of 
the  same  year,  he  dispatched  Thomas  Power  with  a  second 
communication  to  Sebastian,  in  which  he  writes:  "The 
confidence  imposed  in  you  by  my  predecessor,  Brigadier 
General  Miro,  and  your  former  correspondence,  have  in- 
duced me  to  make  a  communication  to  you,  highly  inter- 
esting to  the  country  in  which  you  live  and  to  Louisiana." 
After  describing  the  Spanish  Monarch  as  willing  to  grant 
the  Kentucky  claim  to  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
and,  as  "desirous  to  establish  certain  regulations  recipro- 

1  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  553. 


202        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

cally  beneficial  to  the  commerce  of  both  countries,"  ^  the 
writer  asks  Sebastian  to,  "procure  agents  to  be  chosen  and 
fully  empowered  by  the  people  of  your  country  to  negotiate 
with  Colonel  Gayoso  on  the  subject,  at  New  Madrid  .  .  . 
in  October  next." 

Sebastian  having  considered  the  proposition,  decided 
to  look  into  the  question  farther,  and  arranged  that  Judge 
Innis  -  should  meet  him  at  the  house  of  Colonel  Nicholas, 
in  Mercer  County,  to  consider  what  steps  should  be  taken 
by  way  of  preliminary  investigation. 

They  agreed  that  Sebastian  should  meet  Gayoso  and 
ascertain  exactly  what  Spain  wanted,  and  what  con- 
cessions she  was  willing  to  make  to  Kentucky.  Accord- 
ingly, with  no  authority  from  either  the  governm.ent  or 
the  people  of  Kentucky,  he  descended  the  Ohio,  and 
opened  negotiations  with  Gayoso:  but  they  soon  disa- 
greed and,  in  order  to  settle  the  points  in  dispute,  repaired 
to  New  Orleans  and  laid  them  before  the  Spanish  Governor 
himself.  Carondelet  at  once  offered  to  grant  to  Kentucky 
liberal  concessions  in  the  matter  of  import  duties:  but,  be- 
fore any  definite  agreement  was  entered  into,  news  reached 
New  Orleans  that  Pinckney's  negotiations,  after  dragging 
along  for  four  months,  had  suddenly  proved  successful, 
and  that,  on  October  27,  1795,^  a  treaty  had  been  signed  at 
San  Lorenzo  el  Real,  v/hich  yielded  practically  everything 
which  the  United  States  had  desired. 

The  boundary  question  had  been  settled  so  as  to  fix  the 
thirty-first  parallel  as  the  line  separating  the  United  States 

1  But'cr,  p.  344,  for  extracts  from  this  correspondence. 

2  Cf.  Articles  in  "Western  World,"  signed  "Voice  in  the  West,"  Marshall, 
II,  p.  445. 

'•>  "  Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  26,  1796.  Treaty  te.xt,  sec  Snow's  "American 
Diplomacy,"  p.  106. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST        203 

from  the  Florida  territories.  The  middle  of  the  channel 
of  the  Mississippi  River  had  been  declared  the  western 
boundary  of  the  United  States,  and  the  treaty  further 
stated  (Article  4),  that,  "  His  Catholic  Majesty  has  likewise 
agreed  that  the  navigation  of  the  said  river,  in  its  whole 
breadth,  from  its  source  to  the  ocean,  shall  be  free  only  to 
his  subjects,  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  unless 
he  should  extend  this  privilege  to  the  subjects  of  other 
powers  by  special  convention."  Of  the  other  articles,  the 
eighth  applied  most  closely  to  the  needs  of  the  people  of 
the  West,  as  it  gave  to  them  and  to  all  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  the  right  to  deposit  their  goods  in  New  Orleans, 
and  to  export  them  thence  without  paying  any  duty,  other 
than  a  fair  price  for  storage.  This  right  was  to  continue 
for  three  years,  the  King  agreeing  to  assign  an  equivalent 
port,  in  case  he  should  see  fit  to  refuse  the  privilege  for  New 
Orleans,  after  the  expiration  of  the  specified  time. 

"There  can  be  no  doubt,"  wrote  one  of  the  Senators 
from  Kentucky,  in  communicating  the  provisions  of  the 
treaty,  "but  that  the  Senate  will  advise  and  consent  to  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty,  which  presents  such  important 
advantages  to  the  Western  Country;"  ^  and  apparently  the 
Spanish  officials  were  of  the  same  opinion,  for  they 
promptly  informed  Judge  Sebastian  that  any  further  ne- 
gotiations with  him  were  out  of  the  question.  Sebastian, 
after  vainly  urging  the  Governor  to  continue  negotiations, 
returned  to  Kentucky  to  await  developments,  hoping 
against  hope  that  the  new  treaty  would  fail  of  ratification. 

So  far  as  the  formal  action  of  the  two  nations  was  con- 
cerned, his  hopes  were  soon  blasted.  Ratifications  were  ex- 
changed at  Aranjuez,  on  April  25,  1796,  and,  on  August  2, 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  26,  1796. 


204        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

by  Presidential  proclamation,  the  treaty  became  the  law 

of  the  land. 

However,  the  fact  that  Spain  had  unaccountably  (dur- 
ing the  last  three  days  of  the  negotiations),  yielded  to 
Pinckney  the  points  which  she  had,  for  four  months,  stub- 
bornly denied,  soon  raised  the  question  as  to  whether  she 
was  sincere  in  the  transaction.  Both  Hamilton  and  Pinck- 
ney thought  that  her  change  of  attitude  had  been  due  to 
her  belief  that  Jay's  treaty  pointed  to  a  close  alliance  be- 
tween England  and  the  United  States,  with  perhaps  a 
joint  declaration  of  war  against  France  and  Spain;  and 
that,  this  proving  untrue,  she  would  refuse  to  carry  out 
her  agreement  with  the  United  States. 

But,  whatever  the  cause  which  had  induced  Spain  to 
make  concessions,  the  actions  of  the  Spanish  authorities 
of  Louisiana  soon  convinced  the  watchful  Sebastian  that 
the  treaty  was  not  going  to  be  carried  into  effect.  In- 
deed, Gayoso  openly  boasted  that  its  concessions  would 
never  become  operative,  and  Carondelet,  after  a  brief  de- 
lay, proceeded  to  reopen  negotiations  with  Sebastian,  this 
time  making  his  propositions  unequivocal,  as  he  felt  cer- 
tain that  the  man  to  whom  he  spoke  could  be  trusted, 
where  his  own  reward  was  assured.  Thomas  Power,  the 
medium  of  the  former  negotiations,  was  dispatched  to 
Louisville  (summer,  1797),  to  convey  to  Sebastian  a  letter 
from  Carondelet,^  asking  that  he  consider  its  contents,  and 
then  call  together  his  friends,  Innis,  Nicholas  and  Murray, 
to  decide  upon  them.  The  definite  propositions,  thus  to  be 
laid  before  these  four  men,  were:" 

(i)  These  gentlemen,   "are   immediately    to    exert    all 

1  Butler,  p.  246. 

2  Text  of  the  Proposals,  Marshall,  IT,  pp.  220-222. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST 


205 


their  influence  in  impressing  on  the  minds  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Western  Country,  a  conviction  of  the  necessity 
of  their  withdrawing  themselves  from  the  Federal  Union 
and  forming  an  independent  government.  .  .  .  :  "  while, 
in  order  to  compensate  them  for  the  loss  of  time,  and  the 
expenditure  of  energy  required  in  this  important  work, 
Carondelet  was  to  deliver  to  them  the  sum  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars,  and  to  pay,  in  addition,  to  anyone 
who  should  forfeit  a  public  office  by  this  service,  a  sum, 
"equal  at  least  to  the  emoluments  of  the  office." 

(2)  The  second  article  proposed  that,  as  soon  as  a  decla- 
ration of  Independence  should  have  been  issued.  Fort 
Massac  should  be  seized  and  held  by  the  troops  furnished 
by  the  Spanish  King,  who  agreed  to  supply,  at  this  point 
in  the  Revolution,  an  additional  one  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  for  the  expense  of  the  enterprise. 

(3)  Spain's  compensation  for  her  aid  to  the  proposed 
revolution,  is  pointed  out  in  the  third  article.  She  was 
to  have,  as  the  Northern  boundary  of  the  Floridas,  a  line 
starting,  "on  the  Mississippi,  at  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Yazoo.  .  .  ."  In  other  words,  with  the  help  of  Kentucky, 
she  would  disregard  the  agreement  made  in  the  Pinckney 
treaty,  and  return  to  her  old  claim  which  had  been 
definitely  abandoned  when  that  treaty  was  ratified.  His 
Catholic  Majesty  further  proposed  to  defend  the  new  na- 
tion against  the  Indian  tribes  South  of  the  Ohio,  and  to 
aid  in  reducing  the  latter  to  the  condition  of  dependents 
and  subjects,  in  case  the  new  nation  should,  in  future,  con- 
sider such  a  course  desirable.  He  also  pledged  his  honor 
not  to  interfere,  "directly  or  indirectly,"  in  the  framing 
of  a  Constitution  or  laws  for  the  new  nation,  and  to  "de- 
fend and  support  it,  in  preserving  its  independence." 


206        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Such  were  the  inducements  which  Power  laid  before 
Judge  Sebastian,  and  he  stated,  in  addition,  that  he  would 
(dadly  present  to  his  master  any  objections  which  the  Ken- 
tuckians  might  have  to  the  propositions,  and  that  he  de- 
sired them  to  feel  that  their  wishes  would  be  favorably 
considered.  The  crowning  temptation  was  the  promise 
that,  if  they  should  separate  from  the  Union  and  form  an 
independent  State,  as  above  indicated,  Spain  would  grant 
them  greater  privileges  and  advantages  than  they  could 
possibly  hope  for,  even  if  Pinckney's  treaty  should  be 
fully  carried  out  in  all  of  its  details. 

Armed  with  this  dangerous  communication,  the  very 
consideration  of  which  stamps  him  as  a  traitor  to  his 
adopted  country,  Sebastian  paid  a  visit  to  Judge  Innis  at 
his  home  near  Frankfort,  while  Power  passed  on  to  Detroit 
to  ascertain  whether  James  Wilkinson,  now  General-in- 
Chief  of  the  American  army,  was  still  in  a  humor  for 
Spanish  intrigue. 

Innis,  after  hearing  what  Sebastian  had  to  say,  de- 
clared the  project  to  be  dangerous,  and  refused  to  coun- 
tenance it.  Sebastian  professed  to  entertain  the  same 
views,  but  persuaded  Innis  to  consult  Colonel  Nicholas 
before  the  final  ansvv^er  should  be  sent  to  Power.  Nich- 
olas' opinion  was  also  decidedly  against  entering  into  any 
such  treasonable  project,  and  it  was  he  who  drafted  the 
reply  to  Power,  declaring  that  they,  "would  not  be  con- 
cerned ...  in  any  attempt  ...  to  separate  the  West- 
ern Country  from  the  United  States."  It  added  also  that 
they  believed  the  Federal  Government  would  look  out  for 
their  interests  in  the  important  matter  of  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  that,  in  any  event,  it  was  obviously 
for  the  best  interest  of  Spain   to  encourage  free  inter- 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST        207 

course  between  her  American  subjects  and  the  inhabitants 
of  the  western  parts  of  the  United  States.^ 

Up  to  this  point,  therefore,  it  is  fair  to  say,  with  Butler, 
that,  "the  whole  tenor  of  the  conduct  of  Messrs.  Innis 
and  Nicholas  cannot  justify  the  slightest  suspicion  of 
their  fidelity  to  the  Union  of  the  American  States."  ' 

The  same  cannot,  however,  be  said  of  General  Wilkin- 
son. In  spite  of  the  high  command  with  which  he  had 
been  honored  by  the  Federal  Government,  he  was  as 
ready  as  ever  to  intrigue  for  his  own  ends,  and  as  cunning 
as  ever  in  covering  his  tracks.  Power  arrived  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Detroit  on  August  16,  and  Wilkinson 
gave  him  the  desired  intervievv^  but  showed  at  once  that  his 
fears  had  been  aroused  by  the  news  of  President  Adams' 
recent  order  to  the  Governor  of  the  Northwestern  Terri- 
tory, to  watch  for  Power  and  send  him  to  Philadelphia 
for  investigation.  As  investigation  was  what  General  Wil- 
kinson desired  to  avoid,  he  hastily  informed  Power  that 
he  must  permit  himself  "to  be  conducted  immediately, 
under  a  guard,  to  Fort  Massac,  and  from  there  to  New 
Madrid."  ' 

Wilkinson's  conduct  in  this  matter  reminds  one  strongly 
of  his  dealings  with  Burr  a  few  years  later.  Although  he 
had  long  enjoyed  the  doubtful  honor  of  leadership  in  the 
Spanish  intrigues  in  the  West,  he  now  declared  such 
projects  chimerical,  insisting  that,  as  the  inhabitants  of 
the   West   had   gained,    by   means   of  Pinckney's   treaty, 

1  Mr.  Marshall  labors  hard  to  implicate  Innis  and  Nicholas  with  Sebastian 
and  Wilkinson  in  this  conspiracy,  but  fails  to  bring  forward  convincing  proof. 
Even  he,  however,  admits  that  Murray  was  not  implicated,  as  the  communica- 
tion was  not  presented  to  him.    Marshall,  II,  p.  223. 

2  Butler,  p.  248;  Marshall,  II,  pp.  224-225,  takes  opposite  view. 

3  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  pp.  567-568. 


2o8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

all  that  they  wanted,  they  would  not  consent  to  form 
any  commercial  alliances,  or  to  consider  the  question 
of  separating  themselves  from  the  Union  of  States,  even 
under  the  most  tempting  conditions.  In  his  opinion  Spain 
could  do  nothing  but  surrender  the  territory  abandoned 
by  that  treaty.  He  said  that  he  had  known  for  some  time 
that  Spain  would  not  voluntarily  carry  out  the  stipulations 
of  the  treaty,  but  that  she  would  be  forced  to  do  so;  add- 
ing, however,  that  he  expected  soon  to  be  appointed  Mili- 
tary Governor  of  Natchez,  and  would  then,  perhaps,  be 
in  a  position  to  carry  out  the  projects,  which  for  the  pres- 
ent had  been  frustrated  by  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty. 

With  Wilkinson  it  was  a  double  treason.  In  intention, 
at  least,  he  had  long  been  an  enemy  to  the  Union  which 
he  was  supposed  to  serve;  but  he  knew  that  the  spirit  of 
Wayne  still  pervaded  the  army  which  he  had  the  un- 
merited honor  to  command,  and  that,  upon  any  sign  of 
treachery  to  the  United  States,  his  own  officers  and  men 
would  be  the  first  to  denounce  him.  He  showed  his 
sympathy,  or  perhaps  his  instinct  of  self-preservation,  by 
conducting  the  Spanish  agent  beyond  the  danger  of  arrest, 
while  his  refusal  to  accept  Power's  advances  served  only 
to  show  that  he  considered  the  time  for  treachery  to  be  ill 
chosen. 

But  even  while  Power  and  Wilkinson  discussed  the 
failure  of  their  plans,  Andrew  Ellicott  was  endeavoring 
to  carry  out  the  orders  of  the  President,  to  survey  the 
boundary  lines  agreed  upon  in  Pinckney's  treaty.  On  Feb- 
ruary 24,  1797,  he  had  reached  Natchez,  and  had  de- 
manded to  know  why  the  forts  had  not  been  evacuated.^ 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  July  5  and  12,  1797,  gives  the  details  of  his  diffi- 
culties. 


COMMERCIAL  HIGHWAY  OF  THE  WEST        209 

Gayoso,  who  was  in  command,  had  replied  that  the  evac- 
uation had  been  delayed  for  want  of  suitable  vessels;  but, 
on  March  i,  Carondelet  himself  had  arrived  and  declared 
that  the  forts  could  not  be  given  up  until  he  should  be  in- 
formed from  Madrid  whether  they  were  to  be  surrendered 
as  they  stood,  or  should  be  first  dismantled.^ 

This  was  obviously  a  pretext,  and  the  real  reason  of 
Spain's  sudden  anxiety  to  retain  the  forts  soon  appeared. 
England  and  Spain  had  declared  war  upon  one  another, 
and  it  was  rumored  that  a  British  expedition  was  shortly 
to  start  from  Canada,  for  the  invasion  of  Louisiana.  In 
September,  Ellicott  received  from  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment as  precise  information  concerning  this  projected 
expedition  as  could  be  furnished  under  the  circumstances. 
He  was  informed  that  the  British  plans  included  an  at- 
tempt to  join  the  West  in  alliance  with  England  against 
Spain,"  and  that  Colonel  William  Blount,  of  Tennessee,  had 
been  convicted  of  complicity  in  the  plot,  and  had  (July  8, 
1797)  been  expelled  from  the  United  States  Senate,  with 
only  one  dissenting  voice. 

The  scheme,  as  matured,  was  that  a  British  fleet  should 
ascend  the  Mississippi,  and  cooperate  with  an  army  of 
four  thousand  frontiersmen,  under  the  direction  of  Blount 
and  Orr  of  Tennessee,  Whitely  of  Kentucky,  and  cer- 
tain others,  among  whom  was  a  Captain  Chesholm, 
vaguely  referred  to  in  the  letter  which  had  convicted 
Blount.^ 

The  real  object  of  England  was  doubtless  to  prevent  the 

1  Message  of  John  Adams,  June  12,  1797,  published  in  "Kentucky  Ga- 
zette," July  5,  1797. 

2  Winsor's  "Westward  Movement,"  p.  568. 

3  Copy  of  the  letter  from  Blount  to  Carey,  dated  Colonel  King's  Iron  Works, 
April  ai,  1797,  in  G.  S.  Taft's  "Senate  Election  Cases,"  pp.  76-77. 

Kentucky — 14 


2IO        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

wily  French  minister,  Talleyrand,^  from  consummating  a 
plan  for  securing  possession  of  Florida  and  Louisiana;  but 
whatever  it  was,  the  United  States  did  not  consider  it 
sufficient  cause  to  justify  Spain  in  refusing  to  live  up  to 
the  terms  of  the  recent  Pinckney  treaty.  In  December 
Ellicott's  little  force  in  Natchez  was  increased  by  a  de- 
tachment of  United  States  troops,  a  circumstance  which 
convinced  Gayoso,  who,  during  the  previous  July,  had 
succeeded  Governor  Carondelet,  that  the  treaty  was  re- 
garded as  a  finality  by  the  United  States,  and  that  its 
provisions  would  be  insisted  upon,  even  at  the  cost  of  an 
open  rupture  with  His  Catholic  Majesty.  To  that  length 
Spain  was  not  prepared  to  go.  Orders  were  therefore 
issued  for  the  evacuation  of  Natchez,  Walnut  Hills,  and 
other  posts  north  of  the  thirty-first  meridian,  and,  after 
a  further  delay  of  several  months,  the  Spanish  troops 
marched  out  (March  30,  1798),  leaving  the  forts  intact.^ 
The  American  flag  was  raised  over  the  region  so  long  in 
dispute,  and  the  pioneers  of  the  West  found  themselves 
in  the  possession  of  the  long  coveted  right  of  freely  navi- 
gating the  great  River,  which  formed  their  only  highway 
to  the  markets  of  the  world. 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  May  20,  1797. 
-  Fuller's  "Florida  Purchase,"  p.  92. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE    KENTUCKY    RESOLUTIONS    OF    I798    AND     I799 

In  March,  1797,  John  Adams  found  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  nation,  stirred  by  violent  pohtical  excitement.  On 
the  one  side  were  the  Federahsts,  who,  though  broken  by 
factions,  were  responsible  for  his  election,  on  the  other, 
the  new  Democratic-Republicans,  who,  having  succeeded 
in  electing  Jefferson  as  Vice-President,  recalled  with  bit- 
terness that  the  rejection  of  four  disputed  votes  would 
have  placed  their  leader  in  the  White  House.  The  vast 
majority  of  the  Kentucky  people  belonged  to  this  new 
party,  which  had  been  saddled  with  the  blame  for  the 
Whiskey  Rebellion,  the  Jacobin  Clubs,  and  the  attempt  to 
defeat  the  carrying  out  of  Jay's  treaty.  In  spite  of  re- 
peated reverses,  however,  it  had  gradually  increased  in 
power,  until  it  was  now  fully  as  strong  as  the  Federalists, 
while  it  enjoyed  the  exceptional  advantage  of  being  led 
by  a  statesman,  ever  ready  to  profit  by  the  mistakes  of 
his  opponents. 

It  is  not  our  province  to  pass  judgment  upon  the  char- 
acter of  Thomas  Jefferson,  but  as  he  chose  to  use  the 
Kentucky  Legislature  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  po- 
litical ends,  we  must  trace,  in  outline  at  least,  the  events 
in  national  affairs  which  gave  him  his  opportunity. 

As  no  absorbing  subject  of  domestic  policy  at  this  time 
presented  itself,  to  serve  as  a  battle  ground  between  the 
two  parties,  foreign  affairs  continued  to  hold  the  atten- 


212        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tion  of  both;  and  if  we  seek  for  the  central  fact  of  John 
Adams'  administration  we  shall  find  it  in  the  single  word, 
France.  Washington  and  Jay  had,  temporarily,  settled 
the  English  question;  but  just  so  fast  as  our  relations  with 
that  country  improved,  our  relations  with  France  and 
Napoleon  grew  worse.  Jay's  treaty  had  enraged  France, 
and  we  must  admit  that  her  anger  was  not  wholly  unjust. 
She  charged  us  with  the  willful  violation  of  two  solemn 
treaties,  the  first,  of  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  the 
second,  of  friendship,  navigation  and  commerce;  and 
claimed  that,  far  from  keeping  our  sacred  agreements,  we 
had,  without  a  word  of  notice  to  her,  signed  a  treaty  with 
her  enemy,  England,  which  placed  that  nation  in  a  posi- 
tion of  favor,  denied  to  her. 

This  was,  undoubtedly,  a  reasonable  complaint,  from 
the  point  of  view  of  the  French  Directory,  and  they  at  once 
selected  an  heroic  method  of  showing  their  displeasure. 
They  passed  a  law  which  declared,  in  effect,  that  "as  neu- 
trals suffer  themselves  to  be  treated  by  England,  so  shall 
they  be  treated  by  France." 

James  Monroe,  a  follower  of  Jefferson,  whom  Washing- 
ton had  sent  to  France  to  soothe  her  anger,  had  shown  his 
democratic  spirit  by  exhibiting  sympathy  with  France,  and 
by  listening  to  remarks  such  as  no  American,  in  govern- 
mental service,  has  a  right  to  hear.  Washington  had, 
therefore,  just  before  his  retirement,  recalled  him,  and  sent 
Chas.  C.  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  to  take  his  place. 
France  objected  to  the  change,  and  refused  to  recognize 
Pinckney,  or  to  receive  his  credentials,  while,  a  little  later, 
it  was  learned  that  she  had  gone  so  far  as  to  threaten  him 
with  arrest  if  he  remained  in  France.  Here,  then,  was  a 
critical  condition  of  affairs,  and  war  seemed  unavoidable; 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  213 

but  Alexander  Hamilton,  the  founder  and  genius  of  the 
Federalist  party,  was,  as  usual,  ready  with  a  solution. 
If  war  should  be  declared  against  France,  he  argued, 
without  a  strong  effort  at  reconciliation,  the  Government 
would  lose  the  support  of  a  large  body  of  the  Republican 
party,  whose  tendency  had  always  been  to  favor  that 
country;  and  he  therefore  urged  President  Adams  to  ap- 
point a  commission  of  three  men  to  be  sent  to  France, 
with  instructions  to  make  an  honorable  settlement,  if 
such  were  possible.  Pinckney,  John  Marshall  and  Gerry, 
were  accordingly  selected,  and  departed  upon  this  mission, 
upon  the  outcome  of  which  peace  or  war  was  believed  to 
depend. 

As  little  hope  of  a  peaceful  adjustment  was  felt  by  the 
Federalist  leaders,  they  considered  it  the  part  of  wisdom 
to  prepare  for  war;  but  the  Republicans  in  Congress  op- 
posed all  measures  looking  tovv^ard  armament,  and  Presi- 
dent Adams  was  almost  in  despair,  when  dispatches  ar- 
rived from  France  which  proved,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
Administration,  that  the  last  hope  of  peace  had  failed. 

Our  ambassadors  had  been  subjected  to  persistent  and 
continued  insult.  Unofficial  personages  had  been  sent  by 
Talleyrand  (Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs),  to  demand 
that  large  sums  of  money  be  paid  to  the  French  Directory, 
before  any  official  communication  ^  would  be  held  with 
them,  and  to  make  other  proposals  equally  insulting  to 
the  dignity  and  honor  of  a  free  nation.' 

Adams  straightway  declared  that  he  saw  no  hope  of  a 
peaceful  and  honorable  settlement  with  France.  The  Re- 
publicans, however,  openly  questioned  the  honesty  of  the 

1  Compare  article  in  "  Kentucky  Gazette,"  April  25,  1798. 

'Detailed  account  of  these  insults,  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  May  2,  1798. 


214        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Administration,  and  continued  their  opposition  to  the  war 
measures.  Adams,  therefore,  consulted  the  leaders  of  his 
party  upon  the  advisability  of  exhibiting  the  dispatches 
themselves,  and  taking  his  stand  upon  the  whole  body  of 
facts.  This  was  especially  desirable  as  the  House  had 
already  passed  a  Resolution,  "That  the  President  be  re- 
quested to  communicate  to  this  House,  the  instructions 
to,  and  dispatches  from,  the  envoys-extraordinary  of  the 
United  States  to  the  French  Republic."  ^ 

His  confidential  advisers  agreeing  with  him,  that  this 
was  the  wisest  course  to  pursue,  Adams  sent  the  required 
papers  to  Congress,  with  the  request  that  they  be  "con- 
sidered in  confidence,  until  the  members  of  Congress  are 
fully  possessed  of  their  contents."  The  effect  was  imme- 
diate. The  Republicans  read  with  dismay  the  insults 
which  had  been  offered  to  our  representatives,  and  saw 
no  course  open  to  them  but  to  support  the  war  policy. 

Shortly  afterward,  by  the  sanction  of  the  President,  the 
dispatches  were  given  to  the  press,  and  published  through- 
out the  land,  adding  irresistible  strength  to  the  cause  of 
Federalism.^  Bills  preparing  the  country  for  war  were 
rushed  through  Congress  with  little  or  no  opposition,^  and 
Adams  suddenly  found  himself  riding  upon  the  crest  of 
the  wave,  classed  with  Washington  in  song  and  patriotic 
poem.  His  message  of  June  21,  1798,  committed  him  to 
a  policy  which  was  no  longer  the  policy  of  a  party 
but  of  a  nation.  "I  will  never  send  another  minister  to 
France  without  assurance  that  he  will  be  received,  re- 
spected,  and   honored   as  the   representative  of  a  great, 

»  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  April  25,  1798. 

2  Schouler,  I,  p.  387. 

3  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  May  33,  June  6,  etc.,  1798. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  215 

free,  powerful  and  independent  nation."  ^  Thousands  of 
men  who  distrusted  Adams  and  the  Federahsts,  were 
swept  along  by  the  current  of  excitement,  and  supported 
both  with  enthusiasm.  Bands  of  young  men  organized 
in  different  sections  of  the  country,  and  despatched  memo- 
rials of  sympathy  and  support  to  the  President.  Students 
in  the  great  seats  of  learning,  Princeton,  New  Haven  and 
Cambridge,  drew  up  addresses,  eagerly  pledging  their 
support  to  the  Federalist  party.'  One  Republican  leader 
after  another  was  carried  away  by  the  current  of  public 
opinion. 

"Giles,  Clopton,  Cabell  and  Nicholas  have  gone," 
Jefferson  wrote  to  Madison,^  "and  Clay  goes  to-morrow. 
Parker  has  completely  gone  over  to  the  war  party.  In 
this  state  of  things  they  will  carry  what  they  please. 
One  of  the  war  party  .  ,  .  declared  some  time  ago 
that  they  would  pass  a  citizen  bill,  an  alien  bill,  and  a 
sedition  bill." 

This  last  sentence  must  have  contained  a  gleam  of 
hope  for  these  tv/o  disconsolate  Republican  leaders.  They 
knew  that,  should  the  Federalists,  in  the  wantonness 
of  power,  venture  to  enact  oppressive  or  unconstitutional 
laws  against  the  freedom  of  the  press,  or  any  other  fun- 
damental doctrine,  Republicanism  might  well  hope  to 
come  out  victorious  in  this  apparently  unequal  contest;  and 
certain  well-known  facts  led  them  to  credit  the  assertion 
that  their  opponents  really  meant  to  carry  out  this  dan- 
gerous program.  The  long  continued  abuse  which  they 
had  received  from  the  Republican  press  had  stung  their 

1  Schouler,  I,  p.  391. 
2McMaster,  II,  p.  381. 

3  Jefferson  to  Madison,  April  26,  1798.  "  Jefferson's  Works,"  Memorial  Ed., 
1903,  X,  p.  31. 


2i6        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

leaders  to  madness,  and  they  were  burning  for  revenge.^ 
Most  of  the  immigrants,  since  the  adoption  of  the  Federal 
Constitution,  had  been  Frenchmen,  driven  out  by  political 
troubles,  or  British  subjects  with  ideas  too  Republican  for 
use  in  their  own  countries  (England,  Scotland  and  Ire- 
land). Many  had  been  journalists  at  home,  and  more 
than  one  had  fled  to  escape  prosecution  for  seditious  libel 
against  the  British  Government."  Upon  finding  them- 
selves safely  established  in  their  new  home,  some  of  these 
had  resumed  the  practice  of  their  profession,  and  that 
without  a  change  of  policy.  Their  admiration  for  the 
French  Revolution,  and  their  hatred  of  England  com- 
bined to  make  them  intense  supporters  of  Jeff^erson  and 
his  party,  and  just  as  intense  enemies  of  the  Federalists. 
Their  publications  were  often  indecently  insulting,  and 
sometimes,  maliciously  untrue. 

To  silence  these  men  and  to  guard  against  the  in- 
sidious influence  of  a  large  foreign  population  Vv^ere, 
therefore,  the  chief  causes  of  the  passage  of  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws,  which  called  forth  the  famous  Kentucky 
Resolutions  of  1798  and  1799.  There  was,  however, 
another  reason  why  the  Federalists  feared  the  influence 
of  French  sympathizers.  It  was  generally  believed  that 
France  was  planning  to  regain  Louisiana,  and  that  these 
foreign  Americans  were  operating  to  prepare  our  western 
territory  for  joining  her,  when  her  plans  should  come  to 
maturity. 

Accordingly,  on  June  18,  1798,  the  exultant  Federalists 
passed  the  first  act  of  their  disastrous  program.^     It  de- 

1  Hildreth,  "Second  Series,"  II,  p.  210. 

2  For  example,  Callender,  temporarily  editor  of  the  "Aurora,"  in  Bache's 
absence. 

3  Annals  of  Congress.     "This  Act  was  repealed  in  1802,  and  the  term  of 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  217 

clarcd  that  henceforth  naturaHzation  papers  should  be 
granted  only  to  such  foreigners  as  had  resided  fourteen 
years  in  this  country,  and  had  declared  their  intention  of 
becoming  citizens,  at  least  five  years  before  the  time  for  ob- 
taining their  papers.  Further,  that  aliens  coming  to  this 
country  after  the  passage  of  this  law,  must  be  registered, 
and  must  bring  their  certificates  of  registration,  when  they 
appeared  for  naturalization,  as  proof  that  they  had  lived 
fourteen  years  in  the  country:  and  that  "alien  enemies," 
(citizens  of  countries  hostile  to  the  United  States),  could 
not  become  citizens  at  all.^ 

Seeing  that  this  long  period  of  naturalization  would  nec- 
essarily increase  the  alien  class,  as  under  its  provisions  but 
few  foreigners  could  for  the  present  be  admitted,  the  next 
law^  was  designed  to  keep  them  safe  and  quiet  during 
their  long  term  of  uncertain  allegiance.  It  gave  the  Presi- 
dent full  power  to  order  all  aliens  whom  he  judged  danger- 
ous to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  United  States,  or  whom 
he  suspected  of  treasonable  or  secret  machinations  against 
the  Government,  to  leave  the  country  within  a  certain  def- 
inite period;  and,  if  any  alien  so  outlawed  were  found  in  the 
country  after  the  date  fixed  by  the  President,  he  was  liable 
to  imprisonment  for  three  years,  and  would  never  again 
be  eligible  for  citizenship.  If  one  thus  imprisoned  were 
deemed  better  out  of  the  country,  the  President  could 
send  him  out,  and,  if  he  returned  without  permission,  he 

naturalization  was  once  more  fixed  at  five  years,  from  which  it  has  not  since 
greatly  varied."     Schouler,  I,  p.  394,  note. 

1  The  law  had  previously  been  to  grant  naturalization  papers  to  aliens  who 
had  resided  five  years  in  the  United  States.  See  "Annals  of  Congress,"  Jan- 
uary 29,  1795. 

2  Act  of  June  25,  1798;  "Annals  of  Congress."  Its  operation  was  limited  to 
two  years;  McMaster,  II,  p.  395;  Schouler,  I,  p.  394. 


2i8         KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

might  be  imprisoned  for  as  long  a  time  as  the  President 
should  think  necessary  for  public  safety.  Besides  the 
registration  required  under  the  new  Naturalization  law, 
the  President  was  given  power  to  require  from  each  ship 
captain,  upon  his  arrival,  a  list  of  all  alien  passengers. 

In  the  case  of  the  so-called,  "alien  enemies,"  still  more 
stringent  legislation  was  thought  necessary.  The  law  ^ 
gave  the  President  powder,  in  time  of  war  or  invasion,  to 
apprehend,  restrain,  or  remove  all  natives,  citizens  or 
subjects  of  hostile  governments,  upon  such  terms  as  he 
should  see  fit  to  impose.  It  was  thus  an  act  deliberately 
setting  aside  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  in  the  case  of  foreign- 
ers, and  submitting  them  to  the  arbitrary  arrest  and 
imprisonment  of  a  single  man,  without  restraint  other 
than  his  own  conscience. 

The  Sedition  Act,  -  so  called,  was  even  more  despotic. 
The  first  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  declares  that, 
"Congress  shall  make  no  law  .  .  .  abridging  the  free- 
dom of  speech,  or  of  the  press;  or  the  right  of  the  people 
peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  Government 
for  a  redress  of  grievances."  But  this  bold  piece  of 
legislation  pronounced  it  a  high  misdemeanor,  punish- 
able by  fine  and  imprisonment,  "for  any  persons  unlaw- 
fully to  combine  and  conspire  together  with  intent  to 
oppose  any  measure  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  .  .  .  and  to  impede  the  operation  of  any  law  of 
the  United  States,  or  to  intimidate  persons  from  taking  or 
holding  public  offices,  or  to  commit,  advise  or  attempt  to 
procure  any  insurrection,  riot,  or  unlawful  assembly." 
Section  two  provides  a  fine  and  imprisonment  for  print- 

'  Act  of  July  6,  1798;  "  Annals  of  Congress." 
-  Act  of  July  14,  1798;  Ibid. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


219 


ing  or  publishing,  *'  any  false,  scandalous  and  malicious 
writing  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or 
either  House  of  Congress,  or  the  President,  with  intent  to 
defame  them,  or  bring  them  into  contempt  or  disrepute; 
or  to  excite  against  them  the  hatred  of  the  good  people  of 
the  United  States,  or  to  stir  up  sedition,  or  with  intent  to 
excite  any  unlawful  combination  therein  for  opposing  or 
resisting  any  law"  of  the  United  States  or  any  lawful  act 
of  the  President;  or  to  "aid,  abet,  or  encourage,  any  hostile 
design  of  any  foreign  nation  against  the  United  States." 
Section  three  declared  that  truth  should  be  given  as  evidence, 
and  that  the  Jury  should  be  judges  both  of  law  and  fact.^ 
Had  the  Federalist  leaders  sought  to  make  themselves 
detested,  they  could  not  have  found  a  surer  way  than  the 
passage  of  these  laws.  Jefferson  and  his  immediate  fol- 
lowers saw,  or  pretended  to  see,  in  them  the  beginning  of 
a  movement  toward  changing  the  Republic  into  a  Monar- 
chy. "For  my  own  part,"  the  former  wrote  to  S.  T. 
Mason,  "I  consider  these  laws  as  only  an  experiment  on 
the  American  mind,  to  see  how  far  it  will  bear  an  avowed 
violation  of  the  Constitution.  If  this  goes  down,  we  shall 
immediately  see  attempted  another  Act  of  Congress,  de- 
claring that  the  President  shall  continue  in  office  during 
life,  reserving  to  another  occasion  the  transfer  of  the  suc- 
cession to  his  heirs,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Senate 
for  life.  .  .  .  That  these  things  are  in  contemplation,  I 
have  no  doubt;  nor  can  I  be  confident  of  their  failure, 
after  the  dupery  of  which  our  countrymen  have  shown 
themselves  susceptible."  " 

1  Text  of  Sedition  Law,  "  Kentucky  Gazette,"  August  8,   1798;  Hildreth, 
"Second  Series,"  II,  pp.  226-227. 

2  Jefferson  to  S.  T.  Mason,  October  11,  1798.     "Jefferson's  Works,"  Me- 
morial Ed.,  1903,  X,  pp.  61-62. 


220        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

It  was  Jefferson's  obvious  duty,  if  he  really  cherished 
this  remarkable  belief,  to  show  the  people  the  insidious 
tendency  of  these  laws,  and  the  sinister  designs  against 
liberty  which  lurked  behind  them.  As  the  leader  of  a 
political  party,  furthermore,  it  was  his  duty  to  make  this 
exposure  in  the  way  most  likely  to  strengthen  his  own 
party.  With  these  ends  in  view,  he  conceived  the  plan  of 
persuading  such  State  Legislatures  as  still  remained  Re- 
publican, to  pass  resolutions,  pointing  out  the  character  of 
the  obnoxious  acts,  and  declaring  them  unconstitutional. 
North  Carolina  at  first  appeared  to  him  the  likeliest  field 
for  the  beginning  of  his  crusade,^  but  this  opinion  was 
soon  altered  by  the  fierce  and  open  hostility  against  the 
Alien  and  Sedition  laws  manifested  by  the  citizens  of 
Kentucky,  as  w  ell  as  by  the  fact  that  North  Carolina  began 
to  show  a  disposition  to  desert  the  faltering  standard  of 
Jeffersonian  Democracy. 

The  Kentucky  newspapers  for  the  latter  part  of  the 
summer  of  1798,  were  filled  with  accounts  of  meetings 
and  resolutions  against  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws, 
and  the  Administration  which  had  produced  them,  the 
"Gazette"  of  August  i,  for  example,  containing  a  series 
of  ten  resolutions  adopted  by  a  mass  meeting  of  Clark 
County,  which  are  very  like  what  Jefferson  himself  was 
planning.    They  read  thus: 

"  First.  Resolved,  That  every  officer  of  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, whether  legislative,  executive,  or  judicial,  is  the 
servant  of  the  people,  and  is  amenable  and  accountable  to 
them:  That  being  so,  it  becomes  the  people  to  watch  over 

1  Jefferson  to  W.  C.  Nicholas,  October,  1798.  Text,  Warfield's  "Kentucky 
Resolutions  of  1798,"  pp.  146-147.  This  letter  does  not  appear  in  Jefferson's 
published  works. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  221 

their  conduct  with  vigilance,  and  to  censure  and  remove 
them  as  they  may  judge  expedient:  .   .   . 

"Second.  Resolved,  That  war  with  France  is  impohtic, 
and  must  be  ruinous  to  America  in  her  present  situation. 

"Third.  Resolved,  That  we  will,  at  the  hazard  of  our 
lives  and  fortunes,  support  the  Union,  the  independence, 
the  Constitution,  and  the  liberty  of  the  United  States. 

"  Fourth.  Resolved,  That  an  alliance  with  Great  Britain 
would  be  dangerous  and  impolitic;  That  should  defensive 
exertions  be  found  necessary,  we  would  rather  support  the 
burthen  of  them  alone  than  embark  our  interests  and  hap- 
piness with  that  corrupt  and  tottering  monarchy. 

"Fifth.  Resolved,  That  the  powers  given  to  the  Presi- 
dent to  raise  armies  when  he  may  judge  necessary — with- 
out restriction  as  to  number — and  to  borrow  money  to 
support  them,  without  limitation  as  to  the  sum  to  be  bor- 
rowed, or  the  quantum  of  interest  to  be  given  on  the  loan, 
are  dano-erous  and  unconstitutional. 

o 

"Sixth.  Resolved,  That  the  Alien  bill  is  unconstitu- 
tional, impolitic,  unjust  and  disgraceful  to  the  American 
character. 

"Seventh.  Resolved,  That  the  privilege  of  printing 
and  publishing  our  sentiments  on  all  public  questions  is 
inestimable,  and  that  it  is  unequivocally  acknowleged  and 
secured  to  us  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States; 
That  all  the  laws  made  to  impair  or  destroy  it  are  void, 
and  that  we  will  exercise  and  assert  our  just  right  in  op- 
position to  any  law  that  may  be  passed  to  deprive  us  of  it. 

"Eighth.  Resolved,  That  the  bill  which  is  said  to  be 
now  before  Congress,  defining  the  crime  of  treason  and 
sedition,  and  prescribing  the  punishments  therefor,  as  it 
has  been  presented  to  the  public,  is  the  most  abominable 


222        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

that  was  ever  attempted  to  be  imposed  upon  a  nation  of 
free  men. 

"Ninth.  Resolved,  That  there  is  a  sufficient  reason  to 
beheve,  and  we  do  beHeve,  that  our  Hberties  are  in  danger; 
and  we  pledge  ourselves  to  each  other  and  to  our  country, 
that  we  will  defend  them  against  all  unconstitutional  at- 
tacks that  may  be  made  upon  them. 

"Tenth.  Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  resolutions  be 
transmitted  to  our  representative  in  Congress,  by  the  Chair- 
man, certified  by  the  Secretary,  and  that  he  be  requested 
to  present  them  to  each  branch  of  the  Legislature  and 
to  the  President,  and  that  they  also  be  published  in  the 
Kentucky  'Gazette.' 

"Jacob  Fishback,  Ch. 
"Attest:  R.  Higgins,  Sec." 

This  was  the  meeting  satirized  by  Peter  Porcupine,^  in 
the  following  account: 

"At  Lexington,  a  mob  assembled  on  the  24th  of  July, 
with  a  fellow  of  the  name  of  Fishback  at  their  head;  they 
got  pen,  ink,  and  paper,  and  to  work  they  went,  drawing 
up  resolves  to  the  number  of  ten,  among  which  is  the  fol- 
lowing one,  which,  for  sentiment  as  well  as  orthography, 
is  unequalled  even  in  the  Annals  of  American  Democracy. 
Resolvd,  that  thar  es  sufishunt  resen  to  beleev,  and 
wee  doe  beleev,  that  our  leebeerte  es  in  daingur,  and  wee 
plege  ourselves  too  eche  other,  and  too  ouer  countery, 
that  wee  will  defende  um  agenst  awl  unconstetushonal 
ataks  that  mey  bee  mede  upon  um.'  " 

Meetings  were  held  in  various  other  counties  at  which 
spirited  addresses,  and  threatening  resolutions  against  the 

1  "Porcupine's  Gazette,"  September  21,  1798.  Quoted  in  Warfield's  "Ken- 
tucky Resolutions  of  1798,"  pp.  46-47. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  223 

obnoxious  Federal  statutes  were  presented;  ^  but  the  speech 
in  which  the  American  pubhc  will  now  take  the  deepest 
interest  was  delivered,  toward  the  end  of  July,  at  a  Lexing- 
ton Anti-Sedition  law  rally,  by  a  tall  youth  of  twenty-one, 
who  bore  the  then  obscure  name,  Henry  Clay. 

Clay  was  a  native  of  Hanover  County,  Virginia,  having 
first  seen  the  light  of  day  on  April  12,  1777,  in  a  district 
familiarly  known  as  "the  Slashes."  His  father,  a  Baptist 
clergyman  of  eminent  respectability,  though  of  no  great 
prominence,  had  died  in  1782,  when  Henry  was  five  years 
old,  and  the  boy  had  received  only  the  common  school 
training  off'ered  in  the  little  log-cabin  schoolhouse  of  the 
district.  In  1792,  his  mother  had  married  a  second  hus- 
band, a  Mr.  Henry  Watkins  and  had  moved  with  him  to 
Woodford  County,  Kentucky,  taking  five  of  her  seven  chil- 
dren with  her.  Henry  and  his  eldest  brother  had  been  left 
in  Virginia  to  carve  out  their  own  fortunes.  Having  secured 
employment  at  Richmond,  in  the  office  of  Peter  Tinsley, 
Clerk  of  the  High  Court  of  Chancery,  Henry  had  attracted 
the  notice  of  the  venerable  Chancellor  Wythe,  who,  being 
unable  to  use  his  pen  by  reason  of  the  gout,  had  frequently 
employed  him  as  an  amanuensis."  This  employment  had 
brought  him  into  contact  with  the  distinguished  Attorney- 
General  and  ex-Governor  of  Virginia,  Robert  Brooke, 
and,  by  the  advice  of  these  two  eminent  statesmen,  he  had 
turned  his  attention  to  the  study  of  the  law.  In  1796, 
Brooke  had  taken  Clay  into  his  own  house,  and  had  given 
him  the  benefit  of  a  year  of  uninterrupted  study,  at  the  end 
of  which  time.  Clay  had  obtained  his  license  from  the  Vir- 

1  Accounts  of  such  meetings  in  Woodford,  Fayette  and  Montgomery  Coun- 
ties appear  in  the  "Kentucky  Gazette"  for  August  8  and  15,  1798. 

2  Sargent's  "Clay,"  p.  3. 


224        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ginia  Court  of  Appeals,  and  moved  to  Lexington,  Ken- 
tucky, to  begin  his  practice.^  There  he  had  been  readily 
admitted  as  a  practitioner  before  the  Fayette  Court  of 
Quarter  Sessions.  "Without  patrons,  without  the  favor 
or  countenance  of  the  great  or  opulent,"  he  afterwards 
declared,-  "without  the  means  of  paying  my  weekly  board, 
and  in  the  midst  of  a  bar  uncommonly  distinguished  by 
eminent  members,  I  remember  how  comfortable  I  thought 
I  should  be,  if  I  could  make  one  hundred  pounds,  Virginia 
money,  per  year." 

Upon  the  present  occasion.  Clay  stood  in  the  crowd, 
listening  to  the  long  and  eloquent  speech  of  George  Nicho- 
las, denouncing  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  and  the 
despotic  tendency  of  the  ruling  Federalists.  At  the  close 
a  wild  cheer  greeted  the  distinguished  orator,  and  then 
someone  shouted  the  name  of  Henry  Clay.  The  crowd, 
whose  anti-federal  enthusiasm  had  only  been  whetted  by 
what  they  had  just  heard,  at  once  took  up  the  cry,  de- 
manding that  the  young  stranger  from  Virginia  express 
his  views  upon  the  all-important  topic.  Fortunately  for 
the  future  "Great  Commoner,"  and  for  his  dream  of  a 
hundred  pounds  a  year,  he  was  in  complete  sympathy 
with  his  audience.  He  mounted  the  wagon  which  served 
as  a  speaker's  platform,^  and,  taking  up  the  theme  of  Fed- 
eral usurpation  which  Nicholas  had  used  to  such  good  ef- 
fect, he  poured  forth  a  torrent  of  invective,  so  remarkable 
and  so  unexpected,  that,  as  an  eyewitness  of  the  scene  de- 
clared, "it  would  be  impossible  to  give  an  adequate  idea 

1  Prentice's  "Clay,"  pp.  7-8;  Collins,  II,  pp.  205-206. 

2  Lexington  Speech,  June  9,  1842;  Mallory's  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry 
Clay,"  II,  p.  572. 

3Warfield's  "Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798,"  p.  43,  gives  a  somewhat 
different  account  of  the  meeting.  , 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  225 

of  the  effect  produced."  '  As  that  matchless  voice,  hitherto 
silent,  but  soon  to  become  a  controlling  and  compelling 
factor  in  national  and  international  affairs,  floated  over 
the  wondering  throng  of  hardy  frontiersmen,  "indignation 
came  like  a  dark  shadow  upon  every  countenance.  The 
flame  that  burned  in  his  own  heart  was  caught  up  and 
lighted  in  every  other.  He  ceased — but  there  was  no  shout. 
The  feelings  of  the  gathered  multitude  were  too  wild  and 
deep  for  applause."  ^'  He  had  voiced  the  prevailing  opinion 
of  his  fellow  citizens  as  no  other  livino-  man  could  have 
voiced  it,  and  no  more  words  v/ere  wanted.  The  leading 
Federalist  orator  of  the  region,  William  Murray,  came 
forward  to  the  support  of  the  Administration;  but  the 
crowd  refused  to  hear  him,  and  would  have  dragged  him 
from  the  stand  had  not  Nicholas  and  Clay  interfered. 
Next,  a  Federalist  named  M'Lean  attempted  to  secure  a 
hearing,  but  the  indignant  crowd  rushed  forward  with 
hostile  intent,  and  "  it  was  only  by  a  precipitate  flight  into 
the  country  that  he  escaped  being  treated  with  personal 
indignity."^  Then,  the  ugly  humor  of  the  crowd  sud- 
denly vanishing,  they  raised  the  heroes  of  the  day,  George 
Nicholas  and  Henry  Clay,  upon  their  shoulders,  and  bore 
them  away  in  triumphal  procession. 

In  the  comments  of  the  Federalist  newspapers  upon 
this  meeting,  Clay's  speech  and  personal  triumph  were 
omitted,  as  he  was  a  mere  boy,  with  no  political  influence; 
those  of  George  Nicholas,  a  man  with  a  man's  reputation, 
could  not  be  entirely  passed  over,  but  they  were  minimized, 
while  the  efforts  of  the  two  bold  Federalists,  Murray  and 

1  Prentice's  "Clay,"  p.  23. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  24. 

3  Ibid. 

Kentucky — 15 


226        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

M'Lean,  with  the  treatment  which  they  experienced,  were 
graphically  set  forth.  The  following  is  a  report  of  the 
meetini^  by,  "A  respectable  Gentleman  of  Pittsburg," 
printed  first  in  the  "Weekly  Advertiser"  of  Reading, 
Pennsylvania,  and  later  in  the  "Kentucky  Gazette"  of 
November  28,  1798. 

"You  no  doubt  have  heard  of  the  commotions  in  Ken- 
tucky. If  not,  the  story  is  this:  Meetings  were  called  in 
the  principal  towns  to  consider  of,  or  rather,  abuse  the 
measures  of  the  Government.  Seditious  speeches,  violent 
resolutions  entered  into,  and  a  flame  everywhere  kindled. 
At  Lexington,  George  Nicholas,  a  little,  indolent,  drunken 
lawyer,  of  some  talents,  but  no  principle,  loaded  with 
British  debts,  and  an  elder  brother  of  Le  beau  Citoyen 
Nicholas,  opened  the  business  of  the  meeting.  He  spoke 
for  hours  in  the  most  inflammatory  style — denounced  the 
President  as  a  perjured  villain,  a  traitor,  etc.  Declared  it 
as  his  intention  to  oppose  all  those  measures  of  the  execu- 
tive which  he  condemned — and  not  one  escaped  his  con- 
demnation— and  swore  if  he  could  not  say,  read  and 
publish  as  he  pleased  in  his  own  house — the  Govm.  of  the 
United  States  should  procure  him  another.  Mr.  Murray 
and  Mr.  M'Lean  opposed  him  ably.  The  former  was 
heard  without  insult,  but  the  latter  was  forced  to  take 
shelter  in  a  house  from  the  mobility.  Upwards  of  1000 
persons  were  present  at  the  Lexington  meeting." 

Such  demonstrations  served  to  show  the  trend  of  pub- 
lic opinion,  but  it  was  clearly  understood  by  the  Demo- 
cratic leaders  of  Kentucky  that  the  only  action  likely  to 
produce  real  results  was  action  by  the  State  as  a  political 
unit.  In  the  "  Kentucky  Gazette"  of  August  22,  1798,  an 
article  signed  "  Philo-Agis,"  explicitly  advises  this  course. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  227 

"My  plan  is  this,"  it  says,  "let  the  legislature  of  Kentucky 
be  immediately  convened  by  the  Governor,  let  them  pass 
resolutions  praying  for  a  repeal  of  every  obnoxious  and 
unconstitutional  act  of  Congress." 

This  v^as  a  suggestion  right  in  line  with  public  opinion, 
and  v^ould  probably  have  been  carried  out  promptly  had 
it  not  been  for  the  fact  that  George  Nicholas  was  out  of 
public  life,  and,  although  quite  willing,  as  his  effort  at 
Lexington  had  shown,  to  use  his  gifts  as  a  public  speaker 
against  the  obnoxious  laws,  he  was  not  disposed  to  shoulder 
the  burden  of  such  an  undertaking,^  while  his  young  and 
ardent  friend,  John  Breckinridge,  had  just  set  out  for  a 
prolonged  visit  to  Virginia.^ 

Breckinridge  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  a  number 
of  the  mass  meetings  called  to  denounce  the  Alien  and  Se- 
dition laws,  and,  although  leaving  Kentucky  for  a  short 
period,  had  no  intention  of  giving  up  the  fight.  While 
at  Botetourt,  he  sent  a  letter  to  Caleb  Wallace,  a  member 
of  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  urging  him  to  prepare  a  set 
of  resolutions  against  these  laws,  and  to  present  them  to 
the  Legislature  at  the  earliest  possible  moment.  The  letter 
was  not  delivered  for  some  two  or  three  weeks  after  it 
should  have  reached  its  destination,  and  then  Caleb  Wal- 
lace modestly  declined  the  honor  of  "drafting  any  thing 
of  so  great  importance."  ^ 

1  Warfield's  "Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798,"  p.  47. 

2  John  Breckinridga  was  born  in  Augusta  County,  Virginia,  on  December  2, 
1760,  but  at  an  early  age  was  taken  by  his  father  to  his  new  home  in  Botetourt 
County,  near  Fincastle.  In  1785  he  settled  in  Albemarle  County  where  he 
practiced  law  until  1793,  when  he  moved  to  Lexington,  Kentucky.  From  there 
he  went  to  "Cabell's  Dale,"  Fayette  County,  a  short  distance  from  Lexington, 
where  he  resided  until  his  death  in  1806.  For  biographical  sketch,  see  Collins, 
II,  pp.  98-100;  Warfield's  "Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798,"  Chap.  Ill,  etc. 

3  From  letter  of  Caleb  Wallace  to  John  Breckinridge,  dated,  Lexington, 


228         KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

It  mattered  little,  however,  for,  before  his  answer  was 
penned,  Breckinridge  had  gone  on  to  Albemarle  County, 
Virginia,  where  his  plans  for  denouncing  the  Alien  and 
Sedition  laws,  through  the  medium  of  the  Kentucky  Leg- 
islature, received  the  encouragement  and  cooperation  of 
Jefferson  himself,  whom  all  Democrats,  even  then,  rever- 
enced as  the  founder  of  their  political  party. 

Jefferson,  upon  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  in  July, 
had  returned  to  Monticello,  cherishing  plans  similar  to 
those  occupying  the  thoughts  of  Breckinridge.^  There 
was,  however,  this  difference  in  the  points  of  view  of  the 
two  men.  What  Breckinridge  proposed  was  to  check 
Federal  encroachments  upon  the  reserved  rights  of  the 
States;  while  the  Vice  President  designed,  by  the  resolu- 
tions which  he  was  contemplating,  to  make  a  political 
stroke  which  should  cause  the  American  people  to  see  the 
Federalist  party  as  he  saw  it,  and  to  expel  them  from  the 
control  of  the  government.  Early  in  October,  1798,  Mr. 
Jefferson  wrote  to  W.  C.  Nicholas  of  Virginia,"  "  I  entirely 
approve  of  the  confidence  you  have  reposed  in  Mr. 
Breckinridge,  as  he  possesses  mine  entirely.  I  had  im- 
agined it  better  these  resolutions  should  have  originated 
with  North  Carolina,  but  perhaps  the  late  changes  in  their 
representation  may  indicate  some  doubt  whether  they 
would  have  passed.  In  that  case,  it  is  better  they  should 
come  from  Kentucky."  This  clearly  implies  that  Jeffer- 
son and  W.  C.  Nicholas  had  already  arranged  plans  for  a 
set  of  resolutions,  and  that  Breckinridge's  account  of  con- 
ditions  in    Kentucky   had    convinced    Jefferson    that   the 

Ky  ,  November  5,  1798.    Quoted  in  Warfield's  "Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798," 
pp   147-148. 

1  Schouier,  I,  p   408. 

2  A  brother  of  George  Nicholas  of  Kentucky. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  229 

Legislature  of  that  new  Commonwealth  would  be  a  safe 
place  to  launch  them.  The  next  sentence  includes  Madi- 
son in  the  scheme:  "1  understand,"  he  continues,  "that 
you  intend  soon  to  go  as  far  as  Mr.  A/[adison's.  You 
know  I  have  no  secrets  from  him.  I  wish  him,  therefore, 
to  be  consulted  as  to  these  resolutions." 

How  many  interviews  occurred  between  Jefferson  and 
Breckinridge  before  a  definite  plan  of  cooperation  was 
reached,  we  have  no  means  of  determining;  but  we  fortu- 
nately possess,  from  Jefferson's  own  pen,  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  conference  at  which  the  final  plan  of  campaign 
was  arranged.  The  letter  containing  this  account,  although 
written  by  Jefferson  for  the  purpose  of  settling  beyond 
dispute  the  question  of  the  authorship  of  the  Kentucky 
Resolutions  of  1798,  has  produced  great  confusion,  due  to 
the  fact  that  Thomas  Jefferson  Randolph,  in  sorting  the 
papers  of  his  illustrious  grandfather,  while  preparing  the 
first  edition  of  Jefferson's  works, ^  came  upon  a  copy  of  the 
letter,  without  the  name  of  the  addressee.  By  some  process 
of  reasoning  known  only  to  himself,  he  decided  that  it  must 
have  been  addressed  to  a  son  of  George  Nicholas,  and  so 
embodied  it  in  the  Fourth  Volume  of  his  edition  (page  344), 
with  the  statement  that  it  was  addressed  "  To Nich- 
olas, Esquire,"  not  caring  to  decide  to  which  of  George 
Nicholas'  sons  it  had  been  written.  In  this  form,  the  letter 
was  first  given  to  the  public,  thus  laying  the  foundation  of 
the  long  contested  error,  that  George  Nicholas  v>/as  the  mover 
of  the  Resolutions  of  1798,  an  error  which  a  careful  exami- 
nation of  any  of  the  local  papers  of  the  period  would  have 

1  Charlottesville,  Virginia,  1829,  4  vols.,  under  title,  "Memoir,  Correspond- 
ence, and  Miscellanies  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  edited  by  T.  J.  Randolph."  The 
London  edition  had  the  title  changed  to,  "Memoirs,  Correspondence,  and  pri- 
vate papers  of  Thomas  Jefferson." 


ijo        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

disclosed.^  When  the  original  text  of  the  letter  was 
finally  discovered  among  the  papers  of  the  late  W.  C. 
P.  Breckinridge,  of  Lexington,  Kentucky,  it  was  found 
to  be  addressed  to  J.  Cabell  Breckfnridge,  of  Frank- 
fort,' thus  making  it  perfectly  evident  that  Jefferson's 
remarks  concerned,  not  George  Nicholas,  but  John 
Breckinridge.  In  view  of  which  facts,  it  seems  wise 
to  present  Jefferson's  account  of  the  historic  confer- 
ence which  planned  the  resolutions,  in  the  form  of  a 
facsimile  reproduction  of  this  much  discussed  letter, 
in  order  that  no  room  for  doubt  may  be  left  in  any 
mind.^ 

The  resolutions,  here  referred  to  as  drawn  by  Jefferson, 
are  not  identical  with  those  subsequently  passed  by  the 
Kentucky  Legislature,  and,  in  view  of  the  historic  im- 
portance of  the  subject,  I  venture  to  insert  them  entire. 

1  This  error  appears  in  the  following  important  works,  and  in  many  others 
of  less  importance:  (a)  Von  Hoist,  "Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States," 
1889  Ed.,  I,  p.  144,  note  No.  2;  (b)  Randall's  "  Jefferson,"  1858  Ed.,  II,  p.  448; 
(c)  "  Jefferson's  Works,"  1854  Ed.,  VII,  pp.  229-230,  publishes  the  letter  as 

addressed  "To  Nicholas";     (d)  McMaster,  "History  of  the  People  of 

the  United  States,"  II,  p.  419;  (e)  Hildreth's  "History  of  U.  S.,  Second  Series," 
II,  pp.  272-276,  etc. 

3  The  address  was  fortunately  written  on  the  reverse  side  of  the  sheet  con- 
taining the  letter. 

3  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Desha  Breckinridge  of  Lexington,  Ky.,  and  to  his 
sister,  Dean  Breckinridge  of  the  University  of  Chicago,  for  permission  to  use 
the  Breckinridge  papers,  and  for  the  privilege  of  reproducing  this  letter,  which 
has  been  thus  reproduced  once  before,  but  not  so  as  to  make  it  generally  ac- 
cessible. It  appeared  in  the  "Southern  Bivouac"  for  March,  1886,  and  with 
that  reproduction  appeared  an  able  article  by  Col.  R.  T.  Durrett,  setting  forth, 
for  the  first  time,  the  clear  proof  that  John  Breckinridge  was  the  mover  and 
part  author  of  the  "Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798."  The  two  following  num- 
bers of  the  same  magazine  contain  articles  by  the  same  author,  amplifying  the 
argument.  The  same  general  line  of  argument  was  adopted  in  Warfield's 
"Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798,"  which  appeared  the  following  year,  1887, 
much  new  and  valuable  material  being  added. 


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THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  231 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  Jefferson's  draft,  found  among 
his  papers,  after  his  death,  and  certified  to  by  his  executor 
Thomas  Jefferson   Randolph,  as  a  true  and  exact  tran- 
script.^ 

The  Jefferson  Resolutions 

Resolved,  That  the  several  States  composing  the  United 
States  of  America,  are  not  united  on  the  principle  of  the 
unlimited  submission  to  the  General  Government;  but 
that  by  a  compact  under  the  style  and  title  of  a  Constitu- 
tion for  the  United  States,  and  of  amendments  thereto, 
they  constituted  a  General  Government  for  special  pur- 
poses, delegated  to  that  Government  certain  definite  pow- 
ers, reserving  each  State  to  itself,  the  residuary  mass  of 
right  to  their  own  self-government;  and  that  whensoever 
the  General  Government  assumes  undelegated  powers, 
its  acts  are  unauthoritative,  void,  and  of  no  force;  that 
to  this  compact,  each  State  acceded  as  a  State,  and  is  an 
integral  party;  its  co-States  forming  as  to  itself,  the  other 
party;  that  the  Government  created  by  this  compact,  was 
not  made  the  exclusive  or  final  judge  of  the  extent  of  the 
powers  delegated  to  itself;  since  that  would  have  made  its 
discretion  and  not  the  Constitution,  the  measure  of  its 
powers;  but  that,  as  in  all  other  cases  of  compact  among 
powers  having  no  common  judge,  each  party  has  an  equal 
right  to  judge  for  itself;  as  well  of  infractions  as  of  the 
mode  and  measure  of  redress. 

2d.    Resolved,    That    the    Constitution    of   the    United 

1  "Two  copies  of  these  Resolutions  are  preserved  among  the  manuscripts, 
both  in  his  own  handwriting,"  says  the  editor  of  the  1856  edition  of  "Jefferson's 
Works,"  IX,  p.  464,  note,  "one  is  a  rough  draft,  and  the  other  very  neatly  and 
carefully  prepared."  For  history  of  the  copy  used  in  this  volume,  see  '•Southern 
Bivouac,"  May,  1886,  pp.  762-763,  article  by  Col.  R.  T.  Durrett.  It  is  in  the 
Durrett  collection  and  is  undoubtedly  authentic. 


232        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

States  having  delegated  to  Congress  a  power  to  punish 
treason,  counterfeiting  the  securities  and  current  coin  of 
the  United  States;  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on 
the  high  seas,  and  offences  against  the  law  of  nations, 
and  no  other  crimes  whatsoever;  and  it  being  true  as  a 
general  principle,  and  one  of  the  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  having  also  declared  that,  "the  powers  not 
delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor 
prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively,  or  the  people;  therefore  the  act  of  Congress 
passed  on  the  J4th  July,  1798,  and  entitled,  An  act  in 
addition  to  the  act,  entitled  an  act  for  the  punishment  of 
certain  crimes  against  the  United  States;"  as  also  the 
act  passed  by  them  on  the day  of  June,  1798,  en- 
titled "An  act  to  punish  frauds  committed  on  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States;"  (and  all  other  their  acts  which  as- 
sume to  create,  define  or  punish  crimes,  other  than  those 
so  enumerated  in  the  Constitution)  are  altogether  void  and 
of  no  force,  and  that  the  power  to  create,  define  and  punish 
such  other  crimes  is  reserved,  and  of  right  appertains 
solely  and  exclusively  to  the  respective  States,  each  within 
its  own  territory. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  it  is  true  as  a  general  principle  and 
is  also  expressly  declared,  by  one  of  the  amendments  to 
the  Constitution  that  the  powers  not  delegated  to  the 
United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it 
to  the  States,  were  reserved  to  the  States  respectively, 
or  to  the  people;  and  that  no  power  over  the  freedom  of 
religion,  freedom  of  speech,  or  freedom  of  the  press  be- 
ing delegated  to  the  United  States,  by  the  Constitution, 
nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  all  lawful  powers 
respecting  the  same  did  of  right  remain,  and  were  reserved 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


233 


to  the  States  or  the  people;  that  thus  was  manifested  their 
determination  to  retain  themselves  the  right  of  judging 
how  far  the  licentiousness  of  speech  and  of  the  press  may 
be  abridged  without  lessening  their  useful  freedom,  and 
how  far  those  abuses  which  can  not  be  separated  from 
their  use  should  be  tolerated,  rather  than  the  use  be 
destroyed;  and  thus  also  they  guarded  against  all  abridge- 
ment by  the  United  States  of  the  freedom  of  religious 
opinions  and  exercises  and  retained  to  themselves  the 
right  of  protecting  the  same;  as  this  State,  by  law  passed 
on  the  general  demand  of  its  citizens,  had  already  protected 
them  from  all  human  restraints  or  interference,  and 
that  in  addition  to  this  general  principle  and  express 
declaration,  another  and  more  special  provision  has  been 
made  by  one  of  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  which 
expressly  declares  that  "Congress  shall  make  no  law  re- 
specting an  establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the 
free  exercise  thereof,  or  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech 
or  of  the  press;"  thereby  guarding  in  the  same  sentence 
and  under  the  same  words  the  freedom  of  religion,  of 
speech,  and  of  the  press;  insomuch  that  whatever  violates 
either,  throws  down  the  sanctuary  which  covers  the  others, 
and  that  libels,  falsehood,  and  defamation  equally  with 
heresy  and  false  religion,  are  withheld  from  the  cogni- 
zance of  federal  tribunals,  that  therefore  the  act  of  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  passed  on  the  14th  day  of 
July,  1798,  entitled  "An  act  in  addition  to  an  act,  entitled 
an  act  for  the  punishment  of  certain  crimes  against  the 
United  States,"  which  does  abridge  the  freedom  of  the 
press,  is  not  law,  but  is  altogether  void  and  of  no  force. 

4th.  Resolved,  That  alien  friends  are  under  the  juris- 
diction and  protection  of  the  laws  of  the  State  wherein 


234        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

they  are;  that  no  power  over  them  has  been  delegated  to 
the  United  States;  nor  prohibited  to  the  individual  States, 
distinct  from  their  power  over  citizens;  and  it  being  true 
as  a  general  principle,  and  one  of  the  amendments  to  the 
Constitution  having  also  declared,  that  "the  powers  not 
delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor 
prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively,  or  to  the  people,"  the  act  of  the  Congress 

of  the  United  States,  passed  on  the day  of  July, 

1798,  entitled  "An  act  concerning  aliens,"  which  assumes 
powers  over  alien  friends  not  delegated  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, is  not  law,  but  is  altogether  void  and  of  no  force. 

5th.  Resolved,  That,  in  addition  to  the  general  prin- 
ciple, as  well  as  the  express  declaration,  that  powers 
not  delegated  are  reserved,  another  and  more  special 
provision,  inserted  in  the  Constitution  from  abundant 
caution,  has  declared  that  "the  migration  or  importation 
of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall 
think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the 
Congress  prior  to  the  year  1808;"  that  this  commonwealth 
does  admit  the  emigration  of  alien  friends,  described 
as  the  subjects  of  the  said  act  concerning  aliens;  that 
a  provision  against  prohibiting  their  migration,  is  a 
provision  against  all  acts  equivalent  thereto,  as  it  would 
be  nugatory;  that,  to  remove  them  when  emigrated, 
is  equivalent  to  a  prohibition  of  their  migration;  and  is, 
therefore,  contrary  to  the  said  provision  of  the  Constitution 
and  void. 

6th.  Resolved,  That  the  imprisonment  of  a  person 
under  the  protection  of  the  laws  of  this  commonwealth, 
on  his  failure  to  obey  the  simple  order  of  the  President 
to  depart  out  of  the  United  States,  as  is  undertaken  by 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  235 

the  said  act,  entitled  "An  act  concerning  aliens,"  is 
contrary  to  the  Constitution,  one  amendment  of  which 
has  provided  that  "no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  liberty 
vs^ithout  due  process  of  law;"  and  that,  another  having 
provided  that,  "in  all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused 
shall  enjoy  the  right  to  a  public  trial  by  an  impartial  jury; 
to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation; 
to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him;  to  have 
compulsory  process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor; 
and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence." 
The  same  act  undertaking  to  authorize  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  remove  a  person  out  of  the  United  States 
who  is  under  the  protection  of  the  law,  on  his  own  suspi- 
cion, without  accusation,  without  jury,  without  public  trial, 
without  confrontation  of  the  witnesses  against  him,  with- 
out hearing  witnesses  in  his  favor,  without  defence,  with- 
out counsel,  is  contrary  to  these  provisions,  also,  of  the 
Constitution;  is,  therefore,  not  law,  but  utterly  void  and  of 
no  force;  that,  transferring  the  power  of  judging  any  per- 
son, who  is  under  the  protection  of  the  law,  from  the  courts 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  as  is  undertaken  by 
the  same  act  concerning  aliens,  is  against  the  article  of  the 
Constitution,  which  provides  that  "the  judicial  power  of 
the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  courts,  the  judges  of 
which  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good  behavior;"  and 
that  the  said  act  is  void  for  that  reason  also;  and  it  is  fur- 
ther to  be  noted  that,  this  transfer  of  judiciary  power  is  to 
that  magistrate  of  the  General  Government  who  already 
possesses  all  the  executive,  and  a  negative,  on  all  the  legis- 
lative powers. 

7th.   Resolved,   That   the   construction    applied    by   the 
General  Government  (as  is  evi^denced  by  sundry  of  their 


236        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

proceedings)  to  those  parts  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  which  delegate  to  Congress  a  power 
"To  lav  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imports,  and  excises, 
to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and 
general  welfare  of  the  United  States,  and  to  make  all  laws 
which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  exe- 
cution the  powers  vested  by  the  Constitution  in  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  department  or 
offices  thereof,"  goes  to  the  destruction  of  all  the  limits 
prescribed  to  their  power  by  the  Constitution;  that  words 
meant  by  that  instrument  to  be  subsidiary  only  to  the  exe- 
cution of  limited  powers,  ought  not  to  be  so  construed  as 
themselves  to  give  unlimited  powers,  nor  a  part  to  be  so 
taken  as  to  destroy  the  whole  residue  of  that  instrument; 
that  the  proceedings  of  the  General  Government  under 
color  of  these  articles,  will  be  a  fit  and  necessary  subject 
of  revisal  and  correction,  at  a  time  of  greater  tranquility, 
while  those  specified  in  the  preceding  resolutions  call  for 
immediate  redress. 

8th.  Resolved,  That  a  Committee  of  Conference  and 
Correspondence  be  appointed,  who  shall  have  in  charge 
to  communicate  the  preceding  resolutions  to  the  legis- 
lature of  the  several  States;  to  assure  them  that  this  com- 
monwealth continues  in  the  same  esteem  for  their  friend- 
ship and  union  which  it  has  manifested  from  that  moment 
at  which  a  common  danger  first  suggested  a  common 
union;  that  it  considers  union,  for  specified  national 
purposes,  and  particularly  for  those  specified  in  their 
late  federal  compact,  to  be  friendly  to  the  peace,  happiness, 
and  prosperity  of  all  the  States;  that  faithful  to  that 
compact,  according  to  the  plain  intent  and  meaning  in 
which  it  was  understood  and  acceded  to  by  the  several 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


237 


parties,  it  is  sincerely  anxious  for  its  preservation;  that 
it  does  also  believe  that  to  take  from  the  States  all  the 
powers  of  self-government,  and  transfer  them  to  a  general 
and  consolidated  government,  without  regard  to  the 
special  delegations  and  reservations  solemnly  agreed  to 
in  that  compact,  is  not  for  the  peace,  happiness,  or  pros- 
perity of  these  States;  and  that,  therefore,  this  common- 
wealth is  determined,  as  it  doubts  not  its  co-States  are, 
to  submit  to  undelegated,  and  consequently  unlimited 
powers  in  no  man  or  body  of  men,  on  earth;  that  in  cases 
of  an  abuse  of  the  delegated  powers,  the  members  of 
the  General  Government  being  chosen  by  the  people,  a 
change  by  the  people  w^ould  be  the  constitutional  remedy; 
but  where  powers  are  assumed  which  have  not  been  dele- 
gated, a  nullification  of  the  act  is  the  right  remedy;  that 
every  State  has  a  natural  right,  in  cases  not  within  the 
compact,  (^casiis  non  feed  ens)  to  nullify  of  their  own 
authority  all  assumptions  of  power  by  others  within 
their  limits;  that  without  their  right  they  would  be  un- 
der the  dominion,  absolute  and  unlimited,  of  whatsoever 
might  exercise  this  right  of  judgment  for  them;  that, 
nevertheless  this  commonwealth,  from  motives  of  regard 
and  respect  for  its  co-States,  has  wished  to  communicate 
with  them  on  the  subject;  that  with  them  alone  it  is  proper 
to  communicate,  they  alone  being  parties  to  the  compact, 
and  solely  authorized  to  judge  in  the  last  resort  of  the 
powers  exercised  under  it,  Congress  being  not  a  party, 
but  merely  the  creature  of  the  compact,  and  subject,  as 
to  its  assumption  of  power,  to  the  final  judgment  of 
those  by  whom,  and  for  whose  use,  itself  and  its  powers 
were  all  created  and  modified;  that,  if  the  act  before 
specified    should    stand,    these    conclusions    would    flow 


238         KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

from  them,  that  the  General  Government  may  place  any 
act  they  think  proper  on  the  list  of  crimes,  and  punish 
it  themselves,  whether  enumerated  or  not  enumerated  by 
the  Constitution  as  cognizable  by  them;  that  they  may 
transfer  its  cognizance  to  the  President,  or  any  other 
person,  who  may  himself  be  the  accuser,  counsel,  judge, 
and  jury,  whose  suspicions  may  be  the  evidence,  his 
order  the  sentence,  his  officer  the  executioner,  and  his 
breast  the  sole  record  of  the  transactions;  that  a  very 
numerous  and  valuable  description  of  the  inhabitants  of 
these  States  being,  by  this  precedent,  reduced  as  outlaws 
to  the  absolute  dominion  of  one  man,  and  the  barrier 
of  the  Constitution  thus  swept  away  for  us  all,  no  ram- 
part now  remains  against  the  passions,  and  the  power 
of  a  majority  in  Congress  to  protect  from  a  like  expor- 
tation, or  other  more  grievous  punishment,  the  minority 
of  the  same  body,  the  legislatures,  judges,  governors, 
and  counsellors  of  the  States,  nor  their  other  peace- 
able inhabitants,  who  may  venture  to  reclaim  the  con- 
stitutional rights  and  liberties  of  the  States  and  people, 
or  who  for  other  causes,  good  or  bad,  may  be  obnoxious 
to  the  views,  or  marked  by  the  suspicion  of  the  President 
or  be  thought  dangerous  to  his  or  their  elections,  or  other 
interests,  public  or  personal;  that  the  friendless  alien  has 
indeed  been  selected  as  the  safest  subject  of  a  first  experi- 
ment, but  the  citizen  will  soon  follow;  rather,  has  already 
followed;  for  already  has  a  sedition  act  marked  him  as  its 
prey;  that  these  and  successive  acts  of  the  same  character, 
unless  arrested  at  the  threshold,  necessarily  drive  these 
States  into  revolution  and  blood,  and  will  furnish  new 
calumnies  against  republican  governments,  and  new 
pretexts  for  those  who  wish  it  to  be  believed  that  man  can 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


239 


not  be  governed  but  by  a  rod  of  iron;  that  it  would  be  a 
dangerous  delusion  were  a  confidence  in  the  men  of  our 
choice  to  silence  our  fears  for  the  safety  of  our  rights; 
that  confidence  is  every  where  the  parent  of  despotism. 
Free  government  is  founded  in  jealousy,  and  not  in 
confidence;  it  is  jealousy,  and  not  confidence  which  pre- 
scribes limited  constitutions,  to  bind  down  those  whom  we 
are  obliged  to  trust  with  power;  that  our  Constitution  has 
accordingly  fixed  the  limits  to  which,  and  no  further,  our 
confidence  may  go.  And  let  the  honest  advocate  of  con- 
fidence read  the  alien  and  sedition  acts,  and  say  if  the  Con- 
stitution has  not  been  wise  in  fixing  limits  to  the  Govern- 
ment it  created,  and  whether  we  should  be  wise  in  destroy- 
ing those  limits.  Let  him  say  what  the  Government  is, 
if  it  be  not  a  tyranny,  which  the  men  of  our  choice  have 
conferred  on  our  President,  and  the  President  of  our  choice 
has  assented  to  and  accepted,  over  the  friendly  strangers 
to  whom  the  mild  spirit  of  our  country  and  its  laws  had 
pledged  hospitality  and  protection;  that  the  men  of  our 
choice  have  more  respected  the  bare  suspicions  of  the  Pres- 
ident, than  the  solid  rights  of  innocence,  the  claims  of 
justification,  the  sacred  force  of  truth,  and  the  forms  and 
substance  of  law  and  justice;  in  questions  of  power, 
then,  let  no  more  be  heard  of  confidence  in  man,  but 
bind  him  down  from  mischief  by  the  chains  of  the  Con- 
stitution; that  this  commonwealth  does  therefore,  call 
on  its  co-States  for  an  expression  of  their  sentiments  on 
the  acts  concerning  aliens,  and  for  the  punishment  of 
certain  crimes  hereinbefore  specified;  plainly  declaring 
whether  these  acts  are,  or  are  not,  authorized  by  the 
federal  compact. 

And  it  doubts  not  that  their  sense  will  be  so  enounced 


240        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

as  to  prove  their  attachment  unaltered  to  Hmited  govern- 
ment, whether  general  or  particular;  and  that  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  their  co-States  will  be  exposed  to  no  dan- 
gers by  remaining  embarked  in  a  common  bottom  with 
their  ovrn;  that  they  will  concur  with  this  commonwealth 
in  considering  the  said  acts  so  palpably  against  the  Con- 
stitution as  to  amount  to  an  undisguised  declaration  that 
that  compact  is  not  meant  to  be  the  measure  of  the  powers 
of  the  general  government;  but  that  it  will  proceed  in  the 
exercise  over  these  States  of  all  powers  whatsoever;  that 
they  will  view  this  as  seizing  the  rights  of  the  States,  and 
consolidating  them  in  the  hands  of  the  general  govern- 
ment, with  a  power  assumed  to  bind  the  States  [not  merely 
in  the  cases  made  federal,  {casus  fcederis)  ]  but  in  all 
cases  whatsoever,  by  laws  made,  not  with  their  consent, 
but  by  others  against  their  consent;  that  this  would  be  to 
surrender  the  form  of  government  we  have  chosen,  and  to 
live  under  one  deriving  its  powers  from  its  own  will  and 
not  from  our  authority;  and  that  the  co-States  recurring 
to  their  natural  right,  in  cases  not  made  federal,  will  con- 
cur in  declaring  these  acts  void  and  of  no  force,  and  will 
each  take  measures  of  its  own  for  providing  that  neither 
these  acts,  nor  any  others  of  the  general  government, 
not  plainly  and  intentionally  authorized  by  the  Consti- 
tution, shall  be  exercised  within  their  respective  terri- 
tories. 

9th.  Resolved,  That  the  said  committee  be  authorized  to 
communicate,  by  writing  or  personal  conferences,  at  any 
times  or  places  v^'hatever,  with  any  person  or  persons  who 
may  be  appointed  by  any  one  or  more  of  the  co-States  to 
correspond  or  confer  with  them;  and  that  they  lay  their 
proceedings  before  the  next  session  of  assembly. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


241 


Richmond,  March  21,  1832. 
I  have  carefully  compared  this  copy  with  the  MSS.  of 
these  resolutions  in  the  handwriting  of  Thomas  Jefferson, 
and  find  it  a  correct  and  full  copy. 

Th.  Jefferson  Randolph. 

Armed  with  these  resolutions,  Breckinridge  returned 
to  his  home  and,  early  in  November,  1798,  appeared  at 
Frankfort  for  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature. 

In  his  opening  message  of  November  7th,  Governor 
Garrard  struck  squarely  at  the  hated  Federal  statutes; 
quite  as  if  he  were  familiar  with  what  had  transpired  at 
the  recent  Monticello  conference. 

"Constituting,  as  this  State  does,"  he  said,  "a  branch 
of  the  Federal  Union,  it  necessarily  becomes  a  sharer  in 
the  general  prosperity  or  adversity:  and,  being  deeply 
interested  in  the  conduct  of  the  National  Government, 
must  have  a  right  to  applaud  or  to  censure  that  Govern- 
ment, when  applause  or  censure  becomes  its  due. 

"  It  cannot,  therefore,  be  improper  to  draw  your  at- 
tention to  sundry  acts  of  the  Federal  Legislature,  which 
having  violated  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States — 
which  having  vested  the  President  with  high  and  dan- 
gerous powers,  and  intrenched  upon  the  prerogatives  of 
the  individual  States,  have  created  an  uncommon  agita- 
tion of  mind  in  different  parts  of  the  Union,  and  partic- 
ularly among  the  citizens  of  this  Commonwealth. 

"The  Act  concerning  Aliens  is  calculated  to  produce 
effects  most  strongly  marked  with  injustice  and  oppres- 
sion; because  the  exercise  of  the  power  given  therein, 
depends  upon  the  discretion,  or,  I  may  say,  the  caprice 
of  an  individual. 

"Nothing  but  a  general  prevalence  of  hypocrisy,  among 

Kentucky — 16 


242        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

that  numerous  class  of  persons  on  whom  this  law  is  meant 
to  operate  can  prevent  consequences  so  much  deprecated: 
for  they  must  affect  an  approbation  of  all  the  measures  of 
Government,  whatever  be  their  genuine  sentiments  con- 
cerning them,  or,  by  an  honest  disclosure  of  their  real 
opinion,  expose  themselves  to  be  ruined  by  banishment, 
on  the  secret  representations  of  some  interested  and  of- 
ficious informer,  and  without  enjoying  even  the  shadow  of 
that  trial  by  jury  so  dear  to  freemen. 

"Nor  can  the  same  law  be  regarded  as  anything  less 
than  an  artful,  though  effectual  evasion  of  the  provisions 
of  that  article  of  the  Federal  Constitution  which  with- 
holds from  Congress  the  power  of  prohibiting  the  mi- 
gration as  well  as  importation  of  such  persons  as  the  States 
then  existing  should  think  proper  to  admit,  a  provision 
of  the  highest  importance  to  those  States  whose  popula- 
tion is  not  full,  and  who  have  a  strong  interest  in  w^elcom- 
ing  the  industrious  stranger  from  every  part  of  the  world. 

"Another  law  the  operation  of  which  is  more  exten- 
sive ...  is  entitled,  'An  Act  in  Addition  to  the  Act  En- 
titled "  An  Act  for  the  Punishment  of  Certain  Crimes 
Against  the  United  States;"'  which  by  fencing  round  the 
different  branches  of  Government,  in  their  official  capacity, 
with  penal  terrors,  in  a  manner  before  unknown,  hath 
created  a  new  crime  against  the  United  States,  in  a  case 
where  an  interference  on  the  part  of  the  Legislature  was 
rendered  unconstitutional,  by  that  clause  which  forbids 
the  enacting  of  any  law  abridging  the  freedom  of  speech 
or  of  the  press. 

"Any  violation  of  the  Constitution  once  acquiesced  in, 
subverts  the  great  palladium  of  our  rights,  and  no  barrier 
remains  to  oppose  the  introduction  of  despotism." 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


243 


After  referring  to  the  war  which  "hangs  over  us  ...  . 
a  war  by  which  we  cannot  possibly  derive  any  advantage," 
and  warning  his  hearers  that  Kentucky  is  being  represented 
in  the  East  as  on  the  point  of  "withdrawing  herself  from 
the  Union,"  he  advises  the  Legislature  to  declare  fully  the 
firm  attachment  of  Kentucky  to  the  Union,  and  her  deter- 
mination to  support  the  government  in  every  measure  au- 
thorized by  the  Constitution. 

"Against  all  unconstitutional  laws  and  impolitic  proceed- 
ings," however,  he  urges  them  to  enter  a  vigorous  protest.  ^ 

So  closely  does  the  suggestion  laid  down  in  this  message 
coincide  with  the  text  of  the  proposed  resolutions  that  we 
are  at  a  loss  to  tell  whether  the  Governor  had  seen  Jeffer- 
son's draft  before  writing  his  message,  or  whether  the  strik- 
ing resemblance  between  the  two  was  merely  accidental.  ^ 

At  any  rate,  the  Governor's  advice  was  followed,  and 
on  November  8,  the  day  after  the  delivery  of  the  message, 
John  Breckinridge,  who,  by  a  sort  of  preestablished  har- 
mony, had  been  appointed  Chairman  of  a  Committee  of 
three,  to  whom  the  Governor's  message  was  referred, 
presented  to  the  House,  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  a 

1  Text  of  this  important  message  in  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  November  14, 
1798.    The  next  number  contains  the  answers  of  the  House  and  the  Senate. 

2  The  conclusion  that  Breckinridge  had  shown  his  projected  resolutions  to 
the  Governor  before  this  message  was  written  is  almost  irresistible,  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  Governor's  message  follows  the  specious  argument,  which  appears 
in  the  Fifth  Article  of  the  Kentucky  Resolutions,  and  also  of  Jefferson's  draft. 
This  argument  pronounces  the  act  concerning  alien  friends  void,  because  it,  in 
effect,  prohibits  the  migration  of  aliens  into  the  States,  in  violation  of  that  clause 
of  the  Federal  Constitution  which  expressly  prohibits  Congress  from  prohibiting, 
prior  to  the  year  1808,  the  "migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of 
the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit."  This  clause,  as  everyone 
knew,  referred  only  to  the  importation  of  slaves,  and  it  scarcely  seems  likely 
that  this  clumsy  impeachment  of  the  Administration  laws  should  have  been 
drawn  in  precisely  the  same  form,  by  two  men  working  independently. 


244        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

series  of  nine  resolutions,  the  first  seven  of  which  were, 
with  a  few  verbal  changes,  exactly  as  Jefferson  had  writ- 
ten them,  though  the  eighth  and  ninth  were  radically  dif- 
ferent from  those  numbered  eight  and  nine  of  the  Jefferson 
draft.  This  shovv^s,  of  course,  that  Breckinridge,  after  re- 
ceiving the  resolutions  from  Jefferson,  had  made  use  of 
his  right  to  alter  them  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  them 
fully  meet  his  own  views,  and  conform  to  what  he  under- 
stood to  have  been  agreed  upon  at  the  Monticello  con- 
ference. 

As  these  are  the  resolutions  actually  passed  by  the 
Kentucky  Legislature,  the  famous  Kentucky  Resolu- 
tions of  1798,  the  original  foundation  upon  which  the 
nullifiers  of  later  date  claimed  to  have  reared  their  super- 
structure of  State  sovereignty  and  nullification,  and  as 
inexact  texts  have  frequently  been  miade  use  of  by  politi- 
cal writers  upon  the  subject,^  it  seems  advisable  again  to 
resort  to  fac-simile  reproduction.  The  following  is  taken 
from  one  of  a  thousand  copies  sent  out  by  order  of  the 
Legislature  immediately  after  their  adoption.  ^ 

These  resolutions  were  considered  in  the  Committee 
of  the  Whole  for  two  days  and,  on  the  loth  of  November, 
were  reported  to  the  House.  They  excited  little  debate, 
as  the  sentiment  was  almost  unanimous  in  favor  of  them. 

1  Even  Elliot's  "Debates"  strangely  omits  from  the  first  resolution  of  the 
series  the  significant  words,  "its  co-states  forming  as  to  itself,  the  other  party," 
which  should  follow  the  words,  "That  to  this  compact  each  state  acceded  as  a 
state,  and  is  an  integral  party."  It  also  gives  November  ig,  1798,  instead  of 
November  16,  1798,  as  the  date  of  Governor  Garrard's  approval  of  the  Resolu- 
tions.   Elliot's  "Debates,"  1861  Ed.,  IV,  p.  544. 

2  The  original  is  in  the  Durrett  collection.  For  its  history  and  proofs  of  its 
authenticity,  see  Col.  R.  T.  Durrett's  article  in  the  "Southern  Bivouac"  of 
May,  1886,  pp.  762-763.  Another  copy,  accompanied  by  a  letter  of  Harry 
Toulmin,  Governor  Garrard's  Secretary  of  State,  is  preserved  in  the  State 
Department  of  Massachusetts. 


iin  ilown  from  mifclilcf  by  t1i;cV.»im 
:;  Cnnilitntion.  That  iliis  C'Dmmoii- 
[jlth  does  lliticforf  c.'.ll  on  iuCollalfS 
Iin  expretTciii  of  tlicif  fciuinKriMj  on 
Infts  conccniinf;  Alier.s,  and  for  the 
SlIhiDeii'.  of  ccruln  crimes  hrrsm  b*- 
,,  rpwl6ed,')>binly  declaring  wlicther 
Be  acts  are  or.-^re  not  aiithorifed  \>y  the 
!  sral  Compact  ?  And  it  doubts  noi  that 
llr  fcnPe  will  be  Coartnounced  aslo  provs 
attachment  itnaker-d  to  limited  f  ;-- 
inicut,  whether  general  1)1- pnnici:! 
jthal  thj  riglits  and  i)berti;-3  <.<r  i1  . 
ijlaiesv^ill  bs    fMiinfj.l    to   no   d.in^trs 

„ .lining    e;i-.b.irlii-il    en    li    conin'.oii 

ioni  with  their  ouii:  Tl-nt  ihey  '".vill 
■Icur  witii  this  Commonwealth  in  cnn 
j'ring  the  Taid  ai5ls  as  To  palpably  agalnft 
Conftitution  as  to  amount  to  an  tin- 
.tf^fed  declaration,  that  the  Compr.ft 
(ot  meant  to  be  the  i.ieafiire  of  tbt 
irers  of  the  General  Government,  but 
:t  it  will  proceed  in  the  exercife  over 
ieftatesof  all  powerswliotfosver:  That 
y  will  view  this  as  feizing  the  rights 
he  ftates  and  ccnfolidating  them  in  the 
Ids  of  the  Geoeril  Government  with  a 
jver  affnmed  to  bind  the  ftates  (not 
arely  in  cafes  made  federal)  bi;t  in  all 
is  whatfoevcr,  b/  laws  made,  vot  wiin 
ir  confcnt,  but  ky  others  asaintt  ihcir 
iifcnt:  That  this  would  be  to  furrender 
form  of  GovernTOent  we  hai/e  chofen, 
f.1  to  live  under  one  deriving  it  powers 
dm  its  own  will,  and  not  from  our  au- 
irity  ;  and  that  the  Co-Oates  l^ecurring 
UUeir  natural  right  io  cafes  not  made 
leral,  will  concur  in.,declaring  ihefe 
^s  void  and  of  no  force,  and  will  each 
ite  with  this  f'.omnionwealthin  recjiieil- 
j;  their  repeal  at  the  next  feffion  of 
fngrefs. 

EDMUND  BCM.OCK,  S.  H.  R. 
JOHN  CAMPBEi.l.,  S.  S.  P.  T. 
•r  lioufcul  Rcpc-rct.u-:n",  No",  xoth,  1758- 

"  'tHOMAS  TODD.  c.  n.  R. 

ij:  SENATE,    >.>ember    15th,    J79S,  onanimou'V 
ronciiircd  in, 

Am-ft.         B.  THKUSTON,  Clk.  Sen. 

rjovcd  November  i6(ji,  1719^. 

JAMES  GAHRARD,  G.  K. 
,•  THE  COVEKNOR. 

HAHKY  TOVLMIN. 


--,i?^- 


Reduced  laisimili-    i.f  ilir  oiltinal  l.xi  ..lilie  Kiiiiu.kv  Ke^oluilniis  of  ipqS. 
piimcJ  .iiul  iliMiibtilt'd  l.y  oKlcr  nl  llie  l.t):;^l»llri' 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


^45 


The  staunch  Federahst,  WiUiam  Murray,  of  FrankHn 
County,  exerted  all  his  forensic  power  to  create  a  senti- 
ment against  them:  but  to  no  purpose.  He  pointed  out, 
in  a  convincing  manner,  the  fact  that  the  people  of  the 
nation,  and  not  the  State  Legislatures,  are  the  legally  con- 
stituted censors  of  the  Federal  Government.  The  people 
of  the  nation,  the  several  individuals  composing  the  States, 
he  declared,  not  the  States  themselves,  are  the  parties 
to  the  Federal  compact.  "Is  there  any  clause,  either  in 
the  Federal,  or  in  the  State  Constitution,  which  delegates 
the  power  reserved  by  the  people  to  their  State  Leg- 
islature. .  .  .  Because  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  has  been  violated,  will  you  violate  your  own  Con- 
stitution ^  Where  is  the  clause  which  has  given  you 
censorship  ?  Where  is  the  clause  which  has  authorized 
you  to  repeal  or  declare  void,  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  ^  .  .  .  It  is  the  people  only  that  have  a  right  to 
inquire  whether  Congress  hath  exceeded  its  powers;  it  is 
the  people  only  that  have  a  right  to  appeal  for  redress. 
To  the  General  Assembly  is  delegated  merely  State  powers. 
The  authority  to  determine  that  a  law  is  void  is  lodged 
with  the  Judiciary"  of  the  United  States. 

In  such  an  audience,  the  overwhelming  sentiment  was 
too  obvious  for  an  elaborate  defence  of  the  resolutions  to 
be  necessary,  and  Breckinridge's  reply  is  the  reply  of  a 
man  who  knows  that  his  case  is  already  won.  He  felt 
that  he  was  occupying  historic  ground,  and  presenting  an 
interpretation  of  the  Federal  compact  which  was  generally 
accepted,  when  he  said,  "I  consider  the  co-States  to  be 
alone  parties  to  the  Federal  compact,  and  solely  authorized 
to  judge,  in  the  last  resort,  of  the  power  exercised  under 
that  compact.  Congress  being  not  a  party,  but  merely  the 


246        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

creature  of  the  compact,  and  subject,  as  to  its  assumptions 
of  power,  to  the  final  judgment  of  those  by  whom  and  for 
whose  use,  itself  and  its  powers  were  all  created.  I  do  not 
consider  Congress,  therefore,  the  lords  and  masters  of  the 
State,  but  as  their  servants.  .  .  .  And  after  all,  who  are 
the  Judiciary,  the  body  in  which  the  Gentleman  places 
such  unbounded  confidence  ^  Who  are  they,  but  a  part 
of  the  servants  of  the  people,  created  by  the  Federal  com- 
pact ?  And  if  the  servants  of  the  people  have  a  right,  is  it 
good  reasoning  to  say  that  the  people,  by  whom  and  for 
whose  benefit  both  they  and  the  Government  were  created, 
are  destitute  of  that  right  ?  Or  that  the  people's  represent- 
atives, emanating  immediately  from  the  people,  have  noth- 
ing to  do  but  to  behold  in  silence  the  most  flagrant  viola- 
tions of  their  rights,  and  bow  in  silence  to  any  power  that 
may  attempt  to  oppress  them  ?  What  line  of  conduct, 
then,  does  the  Gentleman  recommend  .?  If  the  States  be 
already  reduced  to  that  deplorable  situation,  that  they 
have  no  right  to  remonstrate  with  men  who  may  meditate 
their  annihilation,  it  is  time  that  we  should  retire  to  our 
homes  and  mournfully  prepare  for  a  fate  which  we  are 
destined  to  submit  to. 

"But  the  Committee,  I  trust,  are  actuated  by  other  and 
nobler  principles,  and  instead  of  taking  exceptions  .  .  .  . 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  this  committee,  will  take  up  the  f| 
resolutions  and  examine  them,  one  by  one.  Should  they 
deem  those  laws  constitutional,  I  doubt  not  they  will  re- 
ject the  resolutions;  but  if  they  think  otherwise,  they  can- 
not object  to  so  moderate  and  peaceable  a  measure  as  that 
of  addressing  the  sister  States.^    We  do  not  pretend  to  set 

1  "Addressing  the  sister  States"  is  vastly  different  from  nullifying  a  Federal 
law,  so  often  said  to  be  the  teaching  of  Breckinridge's  "Resolutions." 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


247 


ourselves  up  as  censors  for  the  Union;  but  we  will  firmly 
express  our  own  opinions,  and  call  upon  the  other  States 
to  examine  their  political  situation.  I  do  aver  .  .  .  that 
the  great  political  truths  contained  in  those  Resolutions 
cannot  be  controverted  until  republicanism  and  its  votaries 
become  extinct."^ 

The  resolutions  were  adopted  the  same  day,  Novem- 
ber, loth,  without  a  division,  and  practically,  without 
amendment.^  They  were  then  sent  to  the  Senate,  where 
they  were  unanimously  adopted  and,  three  days  later, 
November   16,  Governor  Garrard   approved   them. 

Thus,  without  excitement,  and  almost  without  oppo- 
sition, did  the  Kentucky  Legislature  adopt  the  most  sig- 
nificant and  far-reaching  measure  recorded  in  the  annals  of 
the  Commonwealth,  for  not  only  did  it  constitute  an  impor- 
tant step  in  Jefferson's  well-laid  plans  for  wresting  the  con- 
trol of  the  Federal  Government  from  the  hands  of  the  tri- 
umphant Federalists,  but  it  established  the  starting  point 
for  the  aggressive  doctrine  of  State  sovereignty  and  nul- 
lification. 

It  established  only  the  starting  point,  however,  for  from 
all  the  facts  in  the  case,  it  is  quite  evident  that  neither 
Breckinridge,  nor  the  Kentucky  Legislature  which  passed 
these  resolutions,  intended  to  set  up  the  contention  that 
a  single  State  may  nullify  a  Federal  law.     The  word  nul- 

1  We  have,  of  course,  no  verbatim  reports  of  any  of  the  speeches,  but  full 
summaries  of  those  of  Murray  and  Breckinridge  are  preserved  in  the  newspapers 
of  the  period,  e.  g.,  "Frankfort  Palladium,"  of  November  13  and  20,  1798. 

2  The  amendments  agreed  to  were  as  follows:  "In  the  last  hne  but  one  of 
the  Sixth  Resolution,  before  the  word  'negative,'  it  was  agreed  to  insert  'quali- 
fied.' In  the  Ninth  Resolution,  twenty-fifth  line,  after  the  word  'are,'  it  was 
agreed  to  insert  'tamely';  and  in  the  Ninth  Resolution,  sixty-seventh  line,  for 
'necessarily,'  it  was  agreed  to  substitute  'may  tend  to.'  "  The  "Frankfort  Pal- 
ladium," November  13,  1798. 


248        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

lify  nowhere  appears  in  the  document,  and   the  idea  of 
nullification  by  a  single  State  is  carefully  excluded. 

It  is  true  that  Jefferson,  in  his  draft  of  the  resolutions, 
explicitly  states,  "that  every  State  has  a  natural  right,  in 
cases  not  within  the  compact,  (^casus  non  foederis)  to  nul- 
lify of  their  own  authority  all  assumptions  of  power  by 
others  within  their  limits;"  ^  but  this  clause  Breckinridge 
removed  from  the  resolutions  before  introducing  them 
into  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  it  never  came  before 
that  body.  The  same  is  true  in  the  case  of  the  words,  of 
similar  import,  with  which  the  eighth  article  of  the  Jeffer- 
son draft  closed:  viz.:  "that  the  co-States  recurring  to 
their  natural  right,  in  cases  not  made  federal,  will  concur 
in  declaring  these  acts  void  and  of  no  force,  and  will  each 
take  measures  of  its  own  for  providing  that  neither  these 
acts,  nor  any  others  of  the  general  government,  not  plainly 
and  intei^tionally  authorized  by  the  Constitution,  shall  be 
exercised  within  their  respective  territories. ''  "  Had  Breck- 
inridge contemplated  proclaiming  any  such  doctrine  as 
that  so  clearly  expressed  in  these  words  of  Jefferson,  he 
would  certainly  have  retained  them,  as  he  did  retain  the 
most  of  what  Jefferson  had  prepared  for  his  use.  Instead, 
he  carefully  excluded  them,  and  in  the  last  clause  of  his 
Ninth  Resolution,  asked,  "that  the  Co-States  recurring  to 
their  natural  right  in  cases  not  made  federal,  will  concur 
in  declaring  these  acts  void  and  of  no  force,  and  will  each 
unite  with  this  Commonwealth  in  requesting  their  repeal 
at  the  next  session  of  Congress."  In  the  debate  over  the 
pending  resolutions,  Breckinridge  made  clear  what  kind 
of  nullification  he  had  in  mind,  and  it  was  in  the  light  of 

1  "  JeCferson  Draft,"  Article  8. 

2  Ibid.,  Article  8,  final  clause. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


249 


this  explanation  that  the  Kentucky  Legislature  adopted 
the  resolutions. 

"If,"  he  said,  "upon  the  representations  of  the  States 
from  which  they  derive  their  powers,  they  [Congress] 
should,  nevertheless,  attempt  to  enforce  them  [the  acts 
in  question],  I  hesitate  not  to  declare  it  as  my  opinion, 
that  it  is  then  the  right  and  duty  of  the  several  States  to 
nullify  these  acts  and  to  protect  their  citizens  from  their 
operation.  But  I  hope  and  trust  such  an  event  will  never 
happen,  and  that  Congress  will  always  have  sufficient 
virtue,  wisdom,  and  prudence,  upon  the  representation  of 
a  majority  of  the  States,  to  expunge  all  obnoxious  laws 
whatever." 

The  inference  is  clear  that  Breckinridge,  and  with  him, 
the  Kentucky  Legislature,  intended  these  resolutions  to 
mean  that  if  a  majority  of  the  States  deemed  an  act 
of  Congress  unconstitutional  and  oppressive,  and  peti- 
tioned Congress  for  its  repeal,  and  Congress  still  per- 
sisted in  the  obnoxious  law,  it  would  then  be  the  duty  of 
that  majority  of  States  to  declare  that  law  void,  and  to 
protect  their  citizens  from  its  operation.  To  read  more 
than  this  into  the  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798  is  to  vio- 
late fair  and  equitable  canons  of  interpretation,  and  this 
is  a  very  different  doctrine  from  the  doctrine  that  a  single 
State  may  nullify  a  Federal  law.^ 

It  is,  therefore,  fair  to  say  that,  while  the  Jefferson  draft 
of  the  resolutions  does  clearly  embody  the  doctrine  of 
nullification,  exemplified  by  South  Carolina  in  1832,  no 
such  doctrine  can  be  found  in  the  Kentucky  Resolutions  of 
lygS.     They  clearly  assert  the  doctrine  of  States'  rights, 

»  For  elaboration  of  this  line  of  argument,  see  "Southern  Bivouac"  of  May, 
1886,  article  by  Col.  R.  T.  Durrett. 


250        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

but  they  look  only  to  the  repeal  of  unconstitutional  laws 
passed  by  the  Federal  Government;  while  the  Jejferson 
draft  looks  clearly  to  the  nullification  of  such  acts,  and  that 
by  a  single  State  of  the  Union.  The  Jefferson  drafts  there- 
fore, and  not  the  Kentucky  Resolutions^  must  stand  as  the 
logical  antecedent  of  the  South  Carolina  doctrine  of  nulli- 

to 

fication  by  a  single  State.  But  the  Kentucky  Resolutions 
of  1798,  undoubtedly  stand  as  the  classical  exposition  of 
the  compact  theory  of  the  Constitution,  and,  as  such,  they 
remained  for  two  generations  the  standard  of  orthodoxy 
for  the  Democratic  party. 

Having  thus  proclaimed  her  views  with  reference  to 
State  and  Nation,  Kentucky  waited  to  learn  what  response 
the  co-States  would  make  to  her  bold  resolutions,  and  it 
was  not  long  before  these  replies  began  to  arrive.^ 

The  little  State  of  Delaware  was  the  first  to  answer, 
curtly  characterizing  the  Kentucky  Resolutions,  "as  a 
very  unjustifiable  interference  with  the  General  Govern- 
ment, and  constituted  authorities  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  dangerous  tendency,  and,  therefore,  not  fit  subjects 
for  further  consideration  of  this  General  Assembly." 

Rhode  Island  replied  that  while,  in  her  opinion,  "the 
Sedition  and  Alien  Laws  (so  called),  .  .  .  are  within 
the  powers  delegated  to  Congress,"  the  Constitution 
"vests  in  the  Federal  courts,  exclusively,  and  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  ultimately,  the  au- 
thority of  deciding  on  the  constitutionality  of  any  act  or 
law  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States." 

Massachusetts    sent    a    long    argument    attempting   to 

'  Full  text  of  all  the  replies,  Elliot's  "Debates,"  1861  Ed.,  IV,  pp.  532-539; 
Niles  "Register,"  Supplement  to  Vol.  XLIII,  Baltimore,  Franklin  Press,  May, 
1833- 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


251 


prove  that  the  AHen  and  Sedition  laws  were  not  only 
authorized  by  the  Constitution,  but  demanded  by  the 
pressing  needs  of  the  times.  She  also  pointed  out  that  to 
the  Supreme  Court  alone,  is  given  the  right  to  decide 
questions  of  constitutionality. 

New  York  denounced  the  Kentucky  Resolutions  as, 
"inflammatory  and  pernicious,"  and  disclaimed  any 
right  "to  supervise  the  acts  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment." 

Over  two  months  then  elapsed  before  the  fifth  reply, 
that  of  Connecticut,  was  received,  and  it  was  also  an  un- 
compromising condemnation. 

It  was  followed,  a  few  weeks  later,  by  a  curt  and  some- 
what menacing  resolution  from  New  Hampshire,  declaring 
"a  firm  resolution  to  maintain  and  defend  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  .  .  .  against  every  aggression, 
either  foreign  or  domestic;"  and  pointing  out  that  the 
duty  of  deciding  upon  the  constitutionality  of  Federal  laws, 
"is  properly  and  exclusively  confided  to  the  Judicial  De- 
partment." 

The  last  reply  was  from  the  new  State  of  Vermont. 
It  declared  the  Resolutions  "unconstitutional  in  their 
nature,  and  dangerous  in  their  tendency,"  and  repeated 
the  statement  that  it  belongs  not  to  State  Legislatures,  but 
to  the  Federal  courts,  to  decide  upon  the  constitutionality 
of  Federal  laws. 

Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  all  maintained  a 
discreet  silence. 

Virginia,  alone,  of  all  the  States  of  the  Union,  took  her 
place  by  the  side  of  Kentucky,  not,  however,  by  way  of 
reply,  but  by  open  cooperation,  as  the  Monticello  confer- 


252        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ence  had  decided  she  should.  Madison,  if  not  a  member 
of  that  conference,  at  least  was  a  party  to  its  plans.  He, 
like  Breckinridge,  had  received  a  copy  of  the  Jefferson 
draft  for  use  in  his  own  Legislature.  Like  Breckinridge, 
also,  he  had  exercised  the  right  to  alter  it  and,  in  a  greatly 
modified  form,^  had  secured  its  introduction  into  the  Vir- 
ginia Legislature,  where  it  was  readily  adopted. 

Although  milder  in  tone  than  the  preceding  Resolutions 
of  Kentucky,  these  Virginia  Resolutions  took  much  the 
same  ground.  "In  case  of  a  deliberate,  palpable  and  dan- 
gerous exercise  of  other  powers,  not  granted  by  the  said 
compact,  the  States,  who  are  parties  thereto,  have  the  right, 
and  are  in  duty  bound,  to  interpose,  for  arresting  the 
progress  of  the  evil,  and  for  maintaining,  within  their  re- 
spective limits,  the  authorities,  rights,  and  liberties,  apper- 
taining to  them."  They  declare  that  the  Alien  and  Se- 
dition Acts  are  unconstitutional,  but  against  them  go  only 
the  length  of  praying  the  co-States,  "that  the  necessary 
and  proper  measures  will  be  taken  by  each  for  cooperating 
with  this  State,  in  maintaining  unimpaired,  the  authorities, 
rights,  and  liberties,  reserved  to  the  States  respectively,  or 
to  the  people."  This,  likewise,  is  vastly  different  from  the 
proposition  that  a  single  State  alone  may  nullify  a  Federal 
law,  which  doctrine,  although  it  is  the  logical  outcome  of 
Jefferson's  original  draft  of  the  Resolutions  of  1798,  is  not 

1  Madison  had  completely  rewritten  the  "Resolutions"  and  given  them  to 
John  Tyler  to  introduce  into  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses.  They  had  been 
passed,  on  December  24,  1798,  by  the  House.  The  Senate  and  the  Governor 
had  at  once  approved  them,  and  they  had  been  circulated  just  as  those  of  Ken- 
tucky had  been.  Text  of  the  "Virginia  Resolutions"  of  1798,  Elliot's  "De- 
bates," 1861  Ed.,  IV,  pp.  528-529.  For  Madison's  Report  on  the  "Virginia 
Resolutions,"  an  argument  in  reply  to  the  objections  urged  against  them  by  the 
various  States  who  returned  answers;  Ibid.,  pp.  546-580,  also  Niles  "Register," 
Supplement  to  Vol.  XLIII. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


253 


that  of  either  the  Kentucky  or  the  Virginia  Resolutions  as 
finally  adopted  by  the  Legislatures  of  those  States. 

Although  Jefferson's  plan,  to  have  the  Legislatures  of 
such  States,  as  still  remained  Republican,  pass  resolutions 
censuring  the  Administration  for  the  enactment  of  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  Acts,  had  thus  succeeded  in  only  two  States, 
the  object  which  he  felt  to  be  the  most  important,  had  been 
accomplished.  The  country  was  fully  aroused  to  the 
principles  underlying  the  hated  laws,  and  petitions  for 
their  repeal  poured  into  Congress.  These  petitions  were 
referred  to  a  committee,  which  promptly  reported  ad- 
versely. The  Republicans,  of  course,  appreciated  that 
this  report  would  be  passed  by  a  party  vote,  but  they  were 
resolved  to  attract  as  much  attention  as  possible  to  the 
rejection  of  the  petitions,  by  vigorously  debating  every 
point  which  could  be  raised.  The  Federalists  were  as 
anxious  to  prevent  debate,  and  to  pass  the  report  quietly. 
Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Madison  tells  the  story  of  the  con- 
flict which  took  place  in  the  House  over  the  matter.^ 

"Yesterday  witnessed  a  scandalous  scene  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.  It  was  the  day  for  taking  up  the  report 
of  their  committee  against  the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws,  etc. 
They  held  a  caucus  and  decided  that  not  a  word  should  be 
spoken  on  their  side,  in  answer  to  anything  that  might  be 
said  on  the  other.  Gallatin  took  up  the  Alien,  and  Nicho- 
las,2  the  Sedition  Law,  but  after  a  little  while  of  common 
silence,  they  began  to  enter  into  loud  conversations,  laugh, 
cough,  etc.,  so  that  for  the  last  hour  of  these  gentlemen's 
speaking,  they  must  have  had  the  lungs  of  a  vendue  master 

1  Randall's  "Jefferson,"  1858  Ed.,  II,  p.  479.  The  letter  is  dated  Feb- 
ruary 26,  lygg. 

2  John  Nicholas,  of  Virginia. 


254        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  have  been  heard.  Livingston,  however,  attempted  to 
speak.  But  after  a  few^  sentences,  the  Speaker  called  him 
to  order,  and  told  him  what  he  was  saying  was  not  to  the 
question.  It  was  impossible  to  proceed.  The  question 
was  taken  and  carried  in  favor  of  the  report,  fifty-two  to 
forty-eight." 

The  effect  of  this,  and  of  similar  unwise  attempts  on  the 
part  of  the  Federalists  to  avoid  the  discussion  of  their  laws, 
while,  at  the  same  time,  declining  to  repeal  them,  could  not 
fail  to  weaken  their  cause,  and  Jefferson  was  politician 
enough  to  see  that  publicity  was  given  to  every  fact  which 
could  influence  public  opinion.  "The  materials  now 
bearing  on  the  public  mind,"  he  wrote,  in  February, 
1799,^  "will  infallibly  restore  it  to  its  republican  sound- 
ness, in  the  course  of  the  present  summer,  if  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  facts  can  only  be  disseminated  among  the 
people." 

Jefferson  returned  to  Monticello  at  the  close  of  the  ses- 
sion, and  at  once  began  arranging  to  have  Kentucky  and 
Virginia  repeat  the  declarations  laid  down  in  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  previous  year.  On  September  5,  he  wrote  to 
Col.  W.  C.  Nicholas,'  then  in  Kentucky,  suggesting  the 
line  of  action  which  he,  in  consultation  with  Madison, 
deemed  it  desirable  that  both  Virginia  and  Kentucky 
should  adopt,  in  reply  to  the  opinions  recently  sent  them 
by  other  States.  To  be  silent,  he  argued,  might  seem  too 
much  like  placidly  acquiescing  in  those  opinions.  "Vir- 
ginia and  Kentucky  should  pursue  the  same  track  on  this 

1  Jefferson  to  Archibald  Stuart,  February  13,  1799,  "Jefferson's  Works," 
Memorial  Ed.,  1903,  X,  p.  104. 

2  "  Jefferson's  Works,"  Memorial  Ed.,  1903,  X,  pp.  130-132.  A  previous 
note,  dated  Monticello,  August  26,  1799,  mentions  the  desire  for  Kentucky  and 
Virginia  to  act  together.    Ibid.,  p.  129. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


255 


occasion."  They  should  answer  "the  reasonings  of  such 
of  the  States  as  have  ventured  into  the  field  of  reason,  and 
that  of  the  Committee  of  Congress,  taking  some  notice, 
too,  of  those  States  who  have  either  not  answered  at  all,  or 
answered  without  reasoning."  They  should  express  warm 
attachment  to  the  Union,  and  declare  themselves,  "willing 
to  look  on  with  indulgence,  and  wait  with  patience,  till 
those  passions  and  delusions  shall  have  passed  over,  which 
the  Federal  Government  have  artfully  excited  to  cover  its 
own  abuses,  and  conceal  its  designs;  fully  confident  that 
the  good  sense  of  the  American  people,  and  their  attach- 
ment to  those  rights  which  we  are  now  vindicating,  will, 
before  it  shall  be  too  late,  rally  with  us,  round  the  true 
principles  of  our  Federal  compact.  .  .  ." 

This  letter,  though  written  to  Nicholas,  was,  of  course, 
intended  for  the  Republican  leaders  of  Kentucky  and  Vir- 
ginia, and  the  program  therein  outlined  was  followed  at 
the  opening  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  in  November, 
though  the  leaders  showed,  by  the  form  and  substance 
given  to  their  resolution,  that  again,  as  in  1798,  they  had 
their  own  ideas  as  to  what  was  best. 

The  leadership  in  this  case,  as  in  the  last,  fell  to  John 
Breckinridge,  now  Speaker  of  the  Kentucky  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, and,  in  a  letter  to  Jefferson,  written  several 
weeks  later,^  he  explains  just  what  took  place.  "  I  took 
the  liberty,"  he  says,  "by  the  last  post,  of  inclosing  to 
you  the  proceedings  of  our  Legislature  (now  in  Session)  in 
support  of  their  Resolutions,  of  the  last  Session,  respecting 
the  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.  It  was  at  the  opening  of 
the  Session  concluded  to  make  no  reply,  but,  lest  an  im- 

1  December  9,  1799.  Quoted  by  Warfield,  "Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798," 
pp.  122-123. 


256        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

proper  construction  should  be  put  on  silence,  we  drew  up 
the  paper  which  I  inclosed  you.  In  the  lower  House  (of 
which  I  am  a  member),  there  was  not  a  dissenting  voice. 
In  the  Senate,  there  was  considerable  division,  particularly 
on  that  sentence  which  declares  'a  nullification  of  those 
acts  by  the  States  to  be  the  rightful  remedy.'  ^  It  has  so 
happened  that  what  little  Federal  influence  exists  among 
us,  is,  at  present,  concentrated  in  the  Senate.  The  election 
of  Senators  in  every  district  under  our  new  Constitution, 
and  which  must  be  made  viva  voce,  by  the  people,  instead 
of  by  electors,  will  extinguish  even  this  little  influence. 
The  great  mass  of  the  people  are  uncontaminated  and 
firm,  and  as  all  appointments  now  flow  from  the  people, 
those  who  hold  sentiments  contrary  to  theirs,  will  be  dis- 
carded." 

What  Breckinridge  does  not  tell  is  the  fact  that  this 
document  had  been  drawn  and  presented  by  himself. 

These  Resolutions  of  1799,  so  called,  consist  of  a  general 
response  to  the  States  which  sent  negative  replies  to  the 
resolutions  of  the  previous  year,  and  a  single  resolution, 
firmly  reasserting  the  principles  of  those  former  resolu- 
tions, but  also  containing  the  following  nullification  words, 
not  found  in  them: 

"That  the  several  states  who  formed  that  instrument 
(the  Constitution),  being  sovereign  and  independent,  have 
the  unquestionable  right  to  judge  of  its  infraction;  and 

1  The  exact  phraseology  of  the  clause  here  referred  to  is:  "That  a  nullifica- 
tion, by  those  sovereignties,  of  all  unauthorized  acts  done  under  colour  of  that  in- 
strument, is  the  rightful  remedy."  John  Pope  had  tried  to  persuade  the  Senate 
to  strike  out  the  above  phrase  and  insert  in  its  place  the  words,  "the  right  of 
remonstrating  and  protesting  against  such  law,  belong  to  the  States."  This 
amendment  had  been  carried  in  the  committee,  but  rejected  by  the  Senate  by  a 
majority  of  only  one,  the  original  phrase  with  its  clear  nullification  sentiment 
having  been  thus  restored. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


257 


that  a  nullification,  by  those  sovereignties,  of  all  unau- 
thorized acts  done  under  colour  of  that  instrument,  is  the 
rightful  remedy." 

Even  these  words,  it  will  be  observed,  fall  far  short  of 
the  South  Carolina  doctrine,  or  even  that  avowed  in  the 
Jefferson  draft  of  the  Resolutions  of  1798.  Those  assert 
the  right  of  a  single  State  to  nullify  a  Federal  law;  this,  of 
"the  several  States  who  formed  that  instrument."  It  is 
the  difference  between  one  and  many:  or,  if  we  interpret 
the  meaning  of  the  Resolutions  of  1799  as  we  interpreted 
the  meaning  of  those  of  1798,  by  the  speech  of  Breckin- 
ridge, it  is  the  difference  between  nullification  by  a  single 
State,  and  nullification  by  a  majority  of  all  the  sovereign 
States:  for  the  nearest  that  Breckinridge  approaches  to  the 
doctrine  of  nullification,  as  asserted  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  was 
in  the  declaration  that  a  majority  of  the  States  may  de- 
clare null  and  void  an  act  of  Congress  plainly  unauthorized 
by  the  Constitution. 

That  this  was  Kentucky's  theory  upon  the  subject  was 
clearly  proved  when,  a  majority  of  the  States  having  failed 
to  approve  her  position,  the  Resolution  of  1799  closed 
with  the  perfectly  lawful  declaration:  "That  altho'  this 
commonwealth,  as  a  party  to  the  federal  compact,  will 
bow  to  the  laws  of  the  Union,  yet  it  does  at  the  same  time 
declare,  that  it  vv^ill  not  now,  nor  ever  hereafter,  cease  to 
oppose  in  a  constitutional  manner  every  attempt  from 
what  quarter  soever  offered,  to  violate  that  compact." 
Against  the  laws  which  the  co-States  have  refused  to  nul- 
lify, she  simply  enters  her  "Solemn  Protest." 

To  bow  to  the  laws  of  the  Union  which  the  co-States 
refuse  to  nullify,  and  to  content  herself  wich  opposing  them 
in  a  constitutional  manner,  and  to  solemnly  protest  against 

Kentucky — 17 


258        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

them,  is  a  very  different  conception  from  that  upon  which 
South  CaroHna  acted  in  1832. 

Having  passed  the  House  and  Senate,  and  having  re- 
ceived the  approval  of  the  Governor,  the  Resolutions  of 
1799,  were  sent  forth  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  co-States. 
The  text  here  given  is  taken  from  one  of  eight  hundred 
copies  printed  for  distribution  by  order  of  the  Kentucky 
Legislature,  immediately  after  their  adoption.^ 

KENTUCKY  LEGISLATURE 


In  the  House  of  Representatives,  November  14, 

1799 


The  house,  according  to  the  standing  order  of  the  day, 
resolved  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  house  on  the 
state  of  the  commonwealthy  Mr.  Desha  in  the  chair,  and 
after  some  time  spent  therein  the  speaker  resumed  the  chair, 
and  Mr.  Desha  reported  that  the  committee  had  taken  under 
consideration  sundry  resolutions  passed  by  several  state  legis- 
latures on  the  subject  of  the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  and  had 
come  to  a  resolution  thereupon,  which  he  delivered  in  at  the 
clerk's  table,  where  it  was  read  and  unanimously  agreed  to 
by  the  house,  as  follows: 

The  representatives  of  the  good  people  of  this  com- 
monwealth in  general  assembly  convened,  having  maturely 
considered  the  answers  of  sundry  states  in  the  Union,  to 
their  resolutions  passed  at  the  last  session,  respecting  cer- 
tain unconstitutional  laws  of  Congress,  commonly  called 
the  alien  and  sedition  laws,  would  be  faithless  indeed  to 
themselves,  and  to  those  they  represent,  were  they  silently 
to  acquiesce  in  the  principles  and  doctrines  attempted  to 

^  Original,  Durrett  collection. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS 


259 


be  maintained  in  all  those  answers,  that  of  Virginia  only 
excepted.  To  again  enter  the  field  of  argument,  and  at- 
tempt more  fully  or  forcibly  to  expose  the  unconstitution- 
ality of  those  obnoxious  laws  would,  it  is  apprehended,  be 
as  unnecessary  as  unavailing.  We  cannot  however  but 
lament,  that  in  the  discussion  of  those  interesting  subjects, 
by  sundry  legislatures  of  our  sister  states,  unfounded  sug- 
gestions, and  uncandid  insinuations,  derogatory  of  the  true 
character  and  principles  of  the  good  people  of  this  com- 
monwealth, have  been  substituted  in  place  of  fair  reasoning 
and  sound  argument.  Our  opinions  on  those  alarming 
measures  of  the  general  government,  together  with  our 
reasons  for  those  opinions,  were  detailed  with  decency  & 
with  temper,  and  submitted  to  the  discussion  and  judgment 
of  our  fellow  citizens  throughout  the  Union.  Whether  the 
like  decency  and  temper  have  been  observed  in  the  answers 
of  most  of  those  States  who  have  denied  or  attempted  to 
obviate  the  great  truths  contained  in  those  resolutions,  we 
have  now  only  to  submit  to  a  candid  world.  Faithful  to 
the  true  principles  of  the  federal  union,  unconscious  of  any 
designs  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  that  union,  and  anxious 
only  to  escape  the  fangs  of  depotism,  the  good  people  of 
this  commonwealth  are  regardless  of  censure  or  calumnia- 
tion. Lest  however  the  silence  of  this  commonwealth 
should  be  construed  into  an  acquiescence  in  the  doctrines 
and  principles  advanced  and  attempted  to  be  maintained 
by  the  said  answers,  or  lest  those  of  our  fellow  citizens 
throughout  the  Union,  who  so  widely  differ  from  us  on 
these  important  subjects,  should  be  deluded  by  the  ex- 
pectation that  we  shall  be  deterred  from  what  we  conceive 
our  duty;  or  shrink  from  the  principles  contained  in  those 
resolutions;  therefore 


26o        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Resolved,  That  this  commonwealth  considers  the  fed- 
eral union,  upon  the  terms  and  for  the  purposes  specified 
in  the  late  compact,  as  conducive  to  the  liberty  and  happi- 
ness of  the  several  States:  That  it  does  now^  unequivocally 
declare  its  attachment  to  the  Union,  and  to  that  compact, 
agreeable  to  its  obvious  and  real  intention,  and  will  be 
among  the  last  to  seek  its  dissolution:  That  if  those  who 
administer  the  general  government  be  permitted  to  trans- 
gress the  limits  fixed  by  that  compact,  by  a  total  disregard 
to  the  special  delegations  of  power  therein  contained,  an 
annihilation  of  the  state  governments  and  the  erection  upon 
their  ruins,  of  a  general  consolidated  government,  will  be 
the  inevitable  consequence:  That  the  principle  and  con- 
struction contended  for  by  sundry  of  the  State  legislatures, 
that  the  general  government  is  the  exclusive  judge  of  the 
extent  of  the  powers  delegated  to  it,  stop  nothing  short  of 
despotism;  since  the  discretion  of  those  who  administer  the 
government,  and  not  the  constitution,  would  be  the  measure 
of  their  powers:  That  the  several  states  who  formed  that 
instrument,  being  sovereign  and  independent,  have  the 
unquestionable  right  to  judge  of  its  infraction;  and  that  a 
nullification,  by  those  sovereignties,  of  all  unauthorized 
acts  done  under  colour  of  that  instrument,  is  the  rightful 
remedy:  That  this  commonwealth  does  upon  the  most 
deliberate  reconsideration  declare,  that  the  said  alien  and 
sedition  laws,  are  in  their  opinion,  palpable  violations  of 
the  said  constitution;  and  however  chearfully  it  may  be 
disposed  to  surrender  its  opinion  to  a  majority  of  its  sister 
states  m  matters  of  ordinary  or  doubtful  policy;  yet,  in 
momentous  regulations  like  the  present,  which  so  vitally 
wound  the  best  rights  of  the  citizen,  it  would  consider  a  si- 
lent acquiescence  as  highly  criminal:  That  altho'  this  com- 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  261 

monwealth  as  a  party  to  the  federal  compact,  will  bow 
to  the  laws  of  the  Union,  yet  it  does  at  the  same  time  de- 
clare, that  it  will  not  now,  nor  ever  hereafter,  cease  to 
oppose  in  a  constitutional  manner  every  attempt  from 
what  quarter  soever  offered,  to  violate  that  compact:  And 
FINALLY,  in  order  that  no  pretexts  or  arguments  may  be 
drawn  from  a  supposed  acquiescence  on  the  part  of  this 
commonwealth  in  the  constitutionality  of  those  laws,  and 
be  thereby  used  as  precedents  for  similar  future  violations 
of  the  federal  compact;  this  commonwealth  does  now  enter 
against  them,  its  solemn  protest. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  doctrine  of  nullification, 
by  a  majority  of  the  co-States,  represented  the  deliberate 
judgment  of  the  Kentuckians  of  that  generation,  but  it 
is  not  evident  that  they  believed  in  the  right  of  one  State 
to  nullify  a  Federal  law.  It  is  at  least  clear  what  their 
position  upon  that  doctrine  was  thirty  years  later,  when, 
having  watched  the  gradual  unfolding  and  the  definite 
assertion  of  the  South  Carolina  doctrine,  they  definitely 
repudiated  it.  In  a  resolution,  drawn  by  Thomas  F. 
Marshall,  adopted  by  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  signed 
by  Governor  Breathitt  (February  2,  1833),  appear  these 
words,  which  the  Governor  himself  requested  Mann  Butler 
to  incorporate  in  his  "  History  of  Kentucky":  "  Resolved, 
that  so  long  as  the  present  Constitution  remains  unaltered, 
the  legislative  enactments  of  the  constituted  authorities 
of  the  United  States  can  only  be  repealed  by  the  authori- 
ties that  made  them;  and  if  not  repealed,  can  in  no  wise 
be  finally  and  authoritatively  abrogated  or  annulled,  than 
by  the  sentence  of  the  Federal  Judiciary,  declaring  their 
unconstitutionality;  that  those  enactments,   subject  only 


262        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  be  so  repealed  or  declared  null,  and  treaties  made  by 
the  United  States,  are  supreme  laws  of  the  land;  that  no 
State  of  the  Union  has  any  constitutional  right  to  nullify- 
any  such  enactment  or  treaty,  or  to  contravene  them,  or 
obstruct  their  execution;  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  a  bounden,  solemn  duty,  to  take  care 
that  these  enactments  and  treaties  be  faithfully  executed, 
observed  and  fulfilled.   .   .   ."  ^ 

So  far,  however,  as  Jefferson's  immediate  purpose  was 
concerned,  he  was  justified  in  viewing  the  matter  with 
complacency.  He  was  playing  the  game  of  politics,  and 
the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions  had  done  their 
work  most  effectively.  They  had  forced  the  Federalists 
to  attempt  a  public  defence  of  a  set  of  laws  which  the  great 
American  public  bitterly  resented,  and  this  without  im- 
plicating him;  as  only  his  intimate  friends,  bound  by  a 
solemn  pledge  of  secrecy,  knew  that  Jeff'erson  was  their 
original  author.  They  had,  therefore,  dealt  the  first  stag- 
gering blow  to  the  Federalist  supremacy:  but  it  was  left 
for  the  Federalist  leaders  themselves  to  deal  the  deathblow. 
Federalism  might  have  weathered  the  storm  raised  by  the 
Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  as  explained  by  the  Kentucky 
and  Virginia  Resolutions,  had  not  a  sudden  change  in  the 
nation's  foreign  aff'airs  caused  John  Adams  to  take  the 
step  which  brought  hopeless  division  into  the  Federalist 
ranks. 

Lord  Nelson  had  struck  his  first  overwhelming  blow  in 
Abukir  Bay,  and  Napoleon's  fleet  had  been  hopelessly 
shattered  (August  i,  I79<S).  The  French  Directory,  which 
had  had  no  real  desire  to  engage  the  United  States  in 
war,  seeing  the  black  cloud  of  a  coalition  of  European 

1  Butler,  1834  Ed.,  pp.  289-290. 


THE  KENTUCKY  RESOLUTIONS  263 

powers  loom  up  before  it,  was  anxious  for  an  excuse  to  ap- 
pease America.  Talleyrand,  therefore,  informed  President 
Adams,  through  William  Vans  Murray,  our  Minister  to 
the  Netherlands,  that  if  the  United  States  would  send  an- 
other Minister  to  Paris  he  would  be  received,  "as  the  rep- 
resentative of  a  great,  free,  powerful  and  independent 
nation."  It  was  a  crisis  such  as  few  men  have  had  to  face, 
but  John  Adams,  however  lacking  in  political  wisdom,  did 
not  lack  courage.  Having  convinced  himself  that  Talley- 
rand, for  once,  was  speaking  the  truth,  he  decided  that  the 
interest  of  the  country  demanded  peace,  and  determined 
to  have  it.  Without  waiting  to  consult  Washington,  the 
leaders  of  his  party,  or  even  the  members  of  his  Cabinet, 
he  sent  to  Congress  the  name  of  William  Vans  Murray 
as  Minister  to  France.  In  making  this  nomination,  Mr. 
Adams  informed  the  Senate  of  his  intention  to,  "  instruct 
Mr.  Murray  not  to  go  to  France  before  he  received  direct 
and  unequivocal  assurance  from  the  French  Government, 
through  its  Minister  of  External  Relations,  that  he  would 
be  received  in  character,  have  its  privileges  extended  to 
him,  and  be  met  by  another  minister  of  equal  rank,  title 
and  power,  to  treat  of,  discuss,  and  conclude,  all  con- 
troversies between  the  two  republics."  ^ 

When  this  extraordinary  nomination  was  reported  in  the 
papers,  next  day  (February  19,  1799),  people  refused  to 
credit  the  news,  as  they  had  heard  nothing  of  Talleyrand's 
proposal,  the  Senate  having  sat  with  closed  doors.  The 
Federalist  leaders,  finding  such  important  matters  going 
forward  without  any  previous  party  consultation,  looked 
upon  the  nomination  with  decided  disfavor,  while  the  Sen- 
ate, astonished  at  the  sudden  change  in  Adams'  position, 

1  Document  quoted,  Marshall,  II,  p.  293. 


264        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

sent  a  committee  to  induce  him  to  withdraw  the  nomina- 
tion. Adams,  however,  stood  firm,  until  the  committee 
threatened  to  report  against  it,  when  he  withdrew  the 
name  of  Vans  Murray,  and  substituted  a  commission, 
composed  of  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth,  Patrick  Henry  and 
William  Vans  Murray.  This  second  nomination  was  re- 
luctantly confirmed.  Henry,  however,  refused  to  serve, 
and  WiUiam  Davie,  of  North  Carolina,  was  put  into 
his  place.  The  commission  thus  constituted,  immediately 
sailed  for  Paris,  where  they  were  well  received,  and,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  months,  concluded  a  treaty^  which,  while 
not  entirely  satisfactory,  served  to  avert  the  war  which 
everyone  had  thought  inevitable. 

Jefferson  and  the  Republicans  were  jubliant.  They 
saw  that  the  days  of  Federalist  supremacy  were  numbered. 
The  Kentucky  Resolutions  had  brought  the  weakness 
of  the  Administration  clearly  before  the  public,  and 
Adams'  heroism  had  hopelessly  divided  the  Federalist 
party.  In  the  presidential  election  of  the  following  year 
(1800),  this  division  vv^as  painfully  apparent.  Out  of  a 
total  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  electoral  votes, 
Adams  received  only  sixty-five,  while  Jefferson  and  Burr, 
the  candidates  of  the  Democratic  party,  received  seventy- 
three  each.  The  election,  therefore,  went  to  the  House 
of  Representatives,  which  chose  Jefferson,  upon  the  thirty- 
sixth  ballot,  and  Burr  was  relegated  to  the  position  of 
Vice-President. 

1  Text  of  treaty,  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  January  26,  1801. 


CHAPTER  IX 

KENTUCKY  AND  THE  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA 

During  the  period  intervening  between  the  proclama- 
tion of  Pinckney's  treaty  of  1795  and  the  election  of  1800, 
which  made  Thomas  Jefferson  President,  the  right  to 
navigate  the  Mississippi  and  to  deposit  goods  at  New 
Orleans  had  produced  marked  results.  Trade  between 
Kentucky  and  the  southern  ports  had  grown  with  aston- 
ishing rapidity/  and  Governor  Garrard,  in  his  Message 
of  November  4,  1800,  dwelt  upon  that  fact  with  great 
satisfaction.  Trade  by  way  of  the  Mississippi,  according 
to  his  economic  system,  would  readily  lend  itself  to  "  an 
exchange  of  commodities,"  thus  preventing  the  export  of 
specie  and  protecting  the  circulating  medium  of  the  State. 
It  was  therefore  more  desirable  than  trade  with  the  East, 
which  could  offer  no  such  advantage.  For  this  reason  he 
urged  the  advisability  of  "giving  premiums  on  importa- 
tions by  way  of  the  Mississippi,"  in  order  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  Kentucky  merchants  "to  that  essential  channel  of 
our  foreign  commerce."  ^ 

But  while  the  Governor  was  laboring  to  encourage 
southern  trade,  foreign  politics  were  rapidly  and  secretly 
creating  conditions  looking  to  its  complete  destruction. 
The   sagacious   French   Minister,  Talleyrand,  had    never 

1  Madison  to  Charles  Pinckney,  November  27,  1802  (Madison's  Works), 
for  figures  indicating  the  value  of  this  Kentucky  trade. 

2  Butler,  pp.  295-296. 

265 


266        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

lost  sight  of  his  design  to  regain  Florida  and  Louisiana 
for  France/  but  his  plans  were  not  brought  to  maturity 
until  the  vision  of  an  American  Empire  dawned  upon  the 
mind  of  Napoleon,  First  Consul  in  name,  but  Emperor  in 
fact,  of  France.  Then  Talleyrand  sent  instructions  to  the 
French  Minister  at  Madrid  bidding  him  make  arrange- 
ments with  Spain  for  the  transfer  of  those  two  provinces  to 
France,  which  was  the  first  step  in  Napoleon's  design  to 
restore  to  France  the  imperial  domain,  which  had  been 
lost  when  Wolfe  scaled  the  rocky  heights  of  Quebec,  to  die 
on  the  plains  of  Abraham.  In  the  year  1800  suggestions 
coming  from  the  First  Consul  of  France  had  much  the 
force  of  law  with  most  of  the  European  States,  and  the 
secret  treaty  of  San  Ildefonso  ^  was  speedily  concluded, 
Spain  agreeing  to  deliver  Louisiana  to  its  original  possessor, 
the  French  nation. 

Napoleon,  however,  was  not  as  prompt  in  taking  pos- 
session of  his  new  domain  as  he  usually  was  in  fol- 
lowing out  his  plans,  and  it  was  November,  1801,  before 
Leclerc,  with  a  French  army,  weighed  anchor  for  the 
Louisiana  Territory.  Fortunately  for  America  this  ex- 
pedition never  reached  its  destination,  for  Leclerc 's  orders 
were  to  stop  at  San  Domingo,  and  destroy  the  little  negro 
Republic  which  Toussaint  Louverture  had  erected  in  that 
island.  ''  This,  the  First  Consul  considered  a  mere  inci- 
dent: but  it  proved  otherwise:  seventeen  thousand  French 
soldiers  were  lost  in  the  attempt,  and  a  second  army 
perished  by  yellow  fever,  while  endeavoring  to  keep  the 
negroes  in  subjection;  and  still  no  French  troops  had  been 

1  McMastcr,  II,  p.  625. 

2  October  i,  1800. 

3  McMaster,  III,  p.  217. 


THE  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA  267 

landed  in  Louisiana.  In  the  meantime,  Morales,  Spanish 
Intendant  at  New  Orleans,  supposing  that  these  troops 
would  soon  arrive,  had  issued  the  following  proclamation, 
which  struck  a  staggering  blow  at  the  commerce  of  Ken- 
tucky and  the  West: 

"As  long  as  it  was  necessary  to  tolerate  the  trade  of 
neutrals,  which  is  now  abolished,  it  would  have  been 
prejudicial  to  this  country,  that  the  Intendant  complying 
with  his  duty  should  have  prevented  the  deposit  in  this 
city  of  the  property  of  Americans  as  granted  to  them  by 
the  twenty-second  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Friendship, 
Limits  and  Navigation  of  the  27th  of  October  1795,  at 
the  expiration  of  the  three  years  prefixed;  but  now  that, 
with  the  publication  of  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  and  the  re- 
establishment  of  the  communication  between  the  English 
and  Spanish  subjects,  that  inconvenience  has  ceased, 
considering  that  the  22d  article  of  the  said  treaty  prevents 
my  continuing  this  toleration,  which  necessity  required 
after  the  fulfillment  of  the  stipulated  time,  this  ministry 
can  no  longer  consent  to  it,  without  an  express  order  of 
the  King's.  Therefore  without  prejudice  to  the  exporta- 
tion of  what  has  been  admitted  in  proper  time,  I  order 
that  from  this  date  shall  cease  the  privilege  which  the 
Americans  had  of  bringing  and  depositing  their  goods 
in  this  capitol.  And  that  the  foregoing  may  be  publicly 
known,  and  that  nobody  may  plead  ignorance,  I  order 
it  to  be  published  in  the  accustomed  places,  copies  to  be 
posted  up  in  public;  and  that  the  necessary  notice  be  given 
of  it  to  the  Department  of  Finance,  Royal  Custom-House, 
and  others  that  may  be  thought  propei. 

"  Done  at  the  Intendancy,  signed  with  my  hand,  and 


268        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

countersigned  by  the  Notary  Public  of  Finance,  at  New 
Orleans,  i6th  October,  1802. 

(Signed)  "Juan  Ventura  Morales. 
"  By  order  of  the  Intendant: 
"Peter  Pedesclaux."  ^ 

This  startling  news  was  conveyed  to  Governor  Garrard 
by  a  letter  from  James  Speed:  " 

"  By  express,  I  enclose  you  the  proclamation  of  our 
Intendant  General,  which  did  not  issue  till  this  morn- 
ing. ...  It  can  require  no  comment  from  me.  If  it 
does  not  amount  to  a  declaration  of  war,  with  the  w^orst 
consequences  to  individuals,  none  of  us  here  under- 
stand it.  The  people  of  the  Mississippi  Territory  will 
immediately  feel  its  effects,  and  when  to  their  indigna- 
tion is  joined  that  of  our  countrymen  in  the  Spring,  God 
knows  how  it  may  be  possible  to  prevent  hostilities.  We 
all  hope  however,  that  you  will  immediately  concert  with 
Mr.  Jefferson  to  prevent  the  horrible  consequences  which 
we  apprehend,  and  be  assured  that  any  measures  you  may 
adopt  to  prevent  unnecessary  bloodshed,  and  at  the  same 
time  preserve  the  dignity  of  our  country,  will  be  warmly 
supported  by  a  majority  of  our  countrymen  here,  and 
particularly  by 

"  Your  humble  servant — 

"Farewell — " 

Garrard  laid  this  important  information  before  the  Leg- 

1  Printed  in  full  in  tlie  "Kentucky  Gazette"  of  November  30,  1S02. 

2  Dated  New  Orleans,  October  18,  1802.  This  and  a  similar  letter  appear 
in  the  "Kentucky  Gazette"  of  December  7,  1802,  either  their  delivery  to  the 
Governor,  or  his  delivery  of  them  to  the  printer  having  been  delayed. 


THE  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA  269 

islature,  which  at  once  passed  the  following  resolutions  and 
memorial:  ^ 

"  Resolved,  That  the  proclamation  of  the  Intendant  of 
the  port  of  New  Orleans,  of  the  i8th  of  October  last,  is 
a  direct  infraction  of  the  treaty  of  friendship,  limits  and 
navigation,  concluded  in  October  1795,  between  the  United 
States  and  the  King  of  Spain,  in  this  particular  .... 
that  by  the  said  proclamation,  American  citizens  are 
forbidden  to  deposit  their  merchandizes  and  effects  in 
the  port  of  New  Orleans,  without  an  equivalent  establish- 
ment having  been  assigned  to  the  United  States,  on  an- 
other part  of  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  conformably 
to  the  provision  of  the  twenty-second  article  of  the  said 
treaty. 

"  Resolved — that  the  Governor  be  requested  to  forward 
the  following  memorial  to  our  senators  and  represen- 
tatives in  Congress,  to  be  by  them  presented  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives in  Congress. 

"Having  on  a  former  occasion,  when  we  represented 
the  obstructions  to  the  navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi, 
experienced  the  attention  and  justice  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment, in  providing  by  a  treaty  with  the  Court  of  Spain, 
not  only  for  the  free  navigation  of  that  river,  but  for  what, 
in  our  remote  situation  from  the  ocean  was  absolutely 
necessary  to  the  enjoyment  of  it,  a  place  of  deposit  for 
our  produce, — we  deem  it  necessary  barely  to  state  to 
you,  that  by  an  infraction  of  that  treaty,  we  are  deprived 
of  those  advantages,  in  violation  of  the  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  the  King  of  Spain,  concluded  at  San 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  December  7,  1802.  They  were  passed  December  i, 
1802. 


270        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Lorenzo  el  Real,  in  October  1795.  The  Intendant  of  the 
port  of  New  Orleans  has  by  a  proclamation  of  the  i8th 
of  October  last,  forbidden  American  citizens  to  deposit 
their  merchandizes  and  effects  in  the  said  port,  with- 
out having  assigned  to  the  United  States  an  equivalent 
establishment  on  another  part  of  the  banks  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. 

"We  rely  with  confidence  on  your  wisdom  and  justice, 
and  pledge  ourselves  to  support  at  the  expense  of  our 
lives  and  fortunes,  such  measures  as  the  honor,  and  inter- 
ests of  the  United  States  may  require." 

This  memorial  did  not  reach  the  President  in  time  to  be 
mentioned  in  his  Second  Annual  Message,  which  was  sent 
to  Congress  on  December  15th. ^  In  this  message,  there- 
fore, he  makes  no  reference  to  the  closing  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  dismisses  the  whole  Louisiana  question  with 
the  casual  statement:  "The  cession  of  the  Spanish  prov- 
ince of  Louisiana  to  France,  which  took  place  in  the 
course  of  the  late  war,  will,  if  carried  into  effect,  make 
a  change  in  the  aspect  of  our  foreign  relations  which  will 
doubtless  have  just  weight  in  any  deliberations  of  the 
Legislature  connected  with  that  subject. " 

The  Federalist  leaders  in  Congress,  eager  for  a  stroke 
of  policy,  now  began  to  pose  as  the  particular  friends  of 
the  West,  trying,  Jefferson  declared,  to  force  the  country 
into  a  war  with  Spain,  "in  order  to  damage  our  finances," 
and  to  "attach  the  Western  country  to  them."'  Ken- 
tucky readily  fell  in  with  the  idea  of  war,  and  even  went  so 
far  as  to  organize  volunteer  militia  for  the  expected  invasion 

1  Puljlished  in  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  January  4,  1803;  cf.  also  "Jefferson's 
Works,"  VIII,  p.  16. 

2  George  Tucker's  "Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson,"  II,  p.  126. 


THE  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA 


271 


of  New  Orleans;^  but  Jefferson  was  far  too  clear-sighted 
to  adopt  a  war  policy,  until  peaceful  resources  had  been 
fully  tried.  He  sent  (December  22,  1802)  to  Congress 
the  copy  of  the  Intendant's  Proclamation,  together  with 
a  letter  from  Governor  Garrard,-  and  similar  communica- 
tions which  had  reached  him,  and  turned  his  attention 
to  adjusting  the  difficult  question  without  war. 

On  January  18,  1803,  he  addressed  to  the  Governor 
a  letter  which  convinced  the  people  of  Kentucky  that  their 
case  was  in  efficient  and  willing  hands.  "Soon  after  the 
date  of  my  letter  to  you  of  December  i6th,  the  Memo- 
rial of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  Ken- 
tucky .  .  .  came  to  hand.  In  that  letter  I  informed  you 
that  we  had  reason  to  believe  that  the  suspension  of  the 
right  of  deposit  at  New  Orleans,  was  an  act  merely  of  the 
Intendant,  unauthorized  by  his  Government.  .  .  .  Further 
information  showmg  that  this  act  of  the  Intendant  was 
unauthorized,  has  strengthened  our  expectation  that  it  will 
be  corrected. 

"  In  order  however,  to  provide  against  the  hazards 
which  beset  out  interests  and  peace  in  that  quarter,  I 
have  determined,  with  the  approbation  of  the  Senate,  to 
send  James  Monroe  .  .  .  with  full  powers  to  him  and 
our  ministers  in  France  and  Spain,  to  enter  with  those 
governments  into  such  arrangements  as  may  effectually 
secure  our  rights  and  interests  in  the  Mississippi.  .  .  , 
He  is  now  here  and  will  depart  immediately."  ^ 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  29,  1803;  article  headed  "Kentucky  in 
Arms." 

2  Ibid.,  January  11,  1803. 

'Ibid.,  February  14,  1803.  "The  object  of  Monroe's  instructions  will  be 
to  procure  a  cession  of  New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas  to  the  United  States  and 
consequently  the  establishment  of  the  Mississippi  as  the  boundary  between 


272        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

This  letter,  with  one  from  John  Breckinridge  pub- 
Hshed  at  the  same  time,  and  urging  patience  and  confidence 
in  the  central  government,  quieted  the  minds  of  the  people. 
And  so  Kentucky  waited,  however  impatiently,  for  the  re- 
sult of  the  President's  peaceful  measures,  determined,  as 
was  the  central  government,  that  if  they  failed,  our  rights 
upon  the  Mississippi  should  be  maintained  by  force 
of  arms. 

"If  the  result  of  Mr.  Monroe's  mission,"  said  an  anony- 
mous writer  in  the  "  Kentucky  Gazette,"  ^  "  should  prove 
inauspicious,  but  one  opinion  will  pervade  all  America. 
We  shall  then  possess  but  one  mind  and  one  arm.  The 
patriotism  of  the  country  will  banish  all  party  distinctions, 
and  the  breast  of  every  citizen  will  burn  with  indignant 
pride.  .  .  .  Let  us  await  with  patience  his  return — with 
that  silent  expectation,  which,  prepared  to  meet  with  joy 
the  news  of  a  happy  issue,  is  nevertheless,  if  disappointed, 
ready  to  inflict  a  blow  which  will  let  all  Europe  know, 
that  though  difficult  to  be  aroused,  America  acts  with  vigor 
and  effect." 

It  soon  became  evident  that  Jefferson  and  his  friends 
had  been  wise  in  proceeding  toward  a  peaceful  settlement 
of  the  matter.  Dispatches  arrived  from  Livingston  at 
Paris,  which  convinced  the  people  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment had  no  desire  to  do  anything  derogatory  to  our  in- 
terests. "  They  have  received  the  cession  of  Louisiana  from 
Spain,"  declared  these  dispatches,  "but  under  all  the  re- 
strictions and  limitations  imposed  on  Spain,  from  treaties 
existing  between  us  and  that  nation."  ^    And  some  three 

the  United  States  and  Louisiana."     Madison  to  Pinckney,  January  i8,  1803. 
Fuller's  "Purchase  of  Florida,"  p.  106. 

1  March  8,  1803. 

2  "  Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  8,  1803. 


THE  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA 


27J 


weeks  later  a  letter  from  the  Marquis  de  Cusa  Yrujo,  to 
the  Secretary  of  State,  declared  that  the  "  proclamation  of 
the  Intendant  is  an  act  purely  personal,  without  the 
sanction  and  even  without  the  knowledge  of  his  Catholic 
Majesty.  ...  I  shall  now  take  it  upon  myself,"  he  adds, 
"to  adopt  measures  which  must  ensure  to  the  United  States 
the  enjoyment  of  all  the  rights  stipulated  in  the  22d  article 
of  the  treaty,  on  the  arrival  at  New  Orleans  of  the  dis- 
patches which  will  be  forwarded  under  this  date."  ^ 

This  official  news  deprived  the  war  party  of  all  ground 
for  their  clamor,  and  the  Ministers  at  Paris  were  left  free 
to  carry  on  their  negotiations  in  a  friendly  atmosphere, 
which  task  was  lightened  by  the  approach  of  renewed  war 
between  England  and  France,  causing  Napoleon  to  con- 
sider favorably  any  proposition  likely  to  replenish  his 
depleted  treasury.  Thus  when  Livingston  appeared  before 
the  French  Minister,  ^  and  proposed  to  purchase  the  Island 
of  New  Orleans,  he  was  met  by  an  offer  to  sell  us  the 
whole  of  Louisiana.  After  considerable  shrewd  bargaining, 
it  was  found  that  Napoleon  would  accept  fifteen  million 
dollars  for  this  vast  dominion,  and,  as  our  Ministers  had 
been  instructed  to  offer  ten  million  for  a  comparatively 
small  portion  of  it,^  they  wisely  decided  to  exceed  their  in- 

1  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  March  29,  1803,  gives  full  text  of  this  letter. 

2  Full  text  of  Mr.  Livingston's  Memorial  to  the  French  Government  is  given 
in  the  "  Kentucky  Gazette"  of  August  2,  1803.  The  editor  apologizes  for  omit- 
ting several  articles  of  importance.  They  are  omitted,  he  says,  because  "the 
interesting  concerns  of  our  own  country  claim  our  first  attention." 

3  They  were  authorized  to  offer,  as  the  highest  price  for  "the  Island  of  New 
Orleans  and  both  the  Floridas,"  fifty  million  livrestournois,  or  about  $9,250,000. 
Should  France  be  willing  to  sell  only  portions  of  these  territories  the  Commis- 
sioners were  instructed  to  estimate  the  Floridas  together  at  "one-fourth  the 
value  of  the  whole  island  of  New  Orleans,  and  East  Florida,  at  one-half  that  of 
West  Florida."  Madison  to  Livingston  and  Monroe,  March  2,  1803.  Quoted, 
Fuller's  "Purchase  of  Florida,"  p.  in. 

Kentucky — 18 


274        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

structions.  The  bargain  was  concluded;  and  the  purchase 
completed  in  the  treaty  of  1803.^ 

The  news  was  announced  by  the  '*  Kentucky  Gazette  "  ^ 
in  a  dispatch,  dated  Paris,  May  13 — "Louisiana  is  ceded 
to  the  United  States  on  the  most  honorable  terms  and 
indemnification  will  be  made  for  French  spoliations."  So 
sudden  and  unexpected  was  this  turn  of  affairs  that  men 
could  hardly  credit  it,  and  the  editor  of  the  "  Gazette  " 
showed  his  own  hesitation,  by  the  significant  introduction, 
"Highly  important  if  true."  Numerous  other  communi- 
cations, however,  published  in  the  same  issue,  confirmed 
the  report,  the  official  dispatch  from  Washington  declar- 
ing, "The  executive  have  received  official  information  that 
a  treaty  was  signed  on  the  30th  of  April,  between  the 
Ministers  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  French  Government,  by 
which  the  United  States  have  obtained  the  full  right  to, 
and  sovereignty  over  New  Orleans,  and  the  whole  of  Lou- 
isiana, as  Spain  possessed  the  same." 

When,  from  successive  dispatches,  men  came  to  realize 
that  at  last  Kentucky  was  forever  secure  in  her  cherished 
rights  of  free  navigation  and  deposit,  enthusiasm  went  wild. 
Celebrations  were  held  in  various  districts  and  towns 
of  the  State;  toasts  were  drunk  to  Congress,  to  the  Presi- 
dent, to  the  ministers  who  negotiated  the  treaty,  even  to 
"General  Wilkinson — Let  us  not  forget  the  man  who  first 
adventured  as  an  exporter  of  produce  to  New  Orleans."^ 
The  Federalists  alone,  "the  friends  of  war,"  were  passed 


1  Text  of  Treaty,  Snow's  "American  Diplomacy,"  p.  46. 

2  Issue  of  July  19,  1803. 

3  See  account  of  Lexington  meeting  in  "Kentucky  Gazette"  of  August  16, 
1803. 


THE  PURCHASE  OF  LOUISIANA  275 

over  in  contempt,  the  excited  Kentuckians,  in  their  excess 
of  joy,  forgetting  even  to  mention  the  men  who  had  posed 
as  friends  of  the  West,  while  resisting  the  course  which 
had  brought  them  their  hearts'  desire. 

On  October  17,  1803,  President  Jefferson  sent  to  the 
Senate  a  message,  asking  concurrence  in  the  treaty  of 
purchase,  against  which  course  the  Federahsts  fought 
with  desperation.  They  denounced  the  purchase  as  un- 
constitutional, extravagant,  foolish,  and  a  menace  to  the 
integrity  of  the  Union.  But  they  failed  to  realize  the  most 
serious  danger  lurking  in  this  first  great  act  of  Imperialism, 
a  danger  soon  to  become  pressing — that  of  developing  sec- 
tional antagonism,  upon  the  question  of  the  extension  of 
slavery  into  the  new  dominion.  Their  opposition,  however, 
was  of  no  avail.  The  Senate  ratified  the  treaty  and,  on 
October  21,  the  President  signed  it  and  sent  it  to  the 
House, ^  which,  to  the  chagrin  of  the  Federalists,  promptly 
adopted  the  measures  necessary  for  putting  it  into  opera- 
tion. 

The  French  Consul  proceeded  at  once  to  New  Orleans, 
where  a  prompt  and  courteous  surrender  by  the  Spanish 
officials  took  place. ^  The  American  citizens  resident  in 
New  Orleans  formed  themselves  into  a  corps  of  volun- 
teers and  offered  their  services  to  Governor  Laussat. 
They  were  received  as  auxiliaries  to  the  city  militia,  and 
then  all  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  American  troops,  and 
the  scene  of  the  final  transfer.    On  Tuesday,  December  20, 

1  The  news  was  announced  in  Kentucky  by  a  letter  from  John  Breckinridge, 
dated  Washington,  October  21,  1803.  "The  Palladium,"  Frankfort,  Novem- 
ber 12,  1803. 

2  Details  of  the  ceremony,  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  January  24,  1804;  "Palla- 
dium," January  28,  1804;  also  in  Jefferson's  Special  Message  of  January  16, 
1804,  and  "Kentucky  Gazette,"  February  7,  1804. 


276        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

1803,  William  C.  Claiborne  and  General  James  Wilkin- 
son, the  commissioners  appointed  to  represent  the  United 
States,  advanced  to  the  gates  of  New  Orleans,  attended 
by  a  detachment  of  American  troops,  with  bands  play- 
ing the  popular  airs  of  France.  Here  they  were  met  by 
the  Spanish  troops,  and  escorted  to  the  Place  d'Armes, 
where  they  presented  their  credentials  to  Laussat.  These 
were  read  aloud  to  the  crowd  that  filled  the  Cabildo,  and 
then,  the  transfer  of  the  province  having  been  proclaimed, 
the  keys  of  the  city  were  handed  to  Claiborne,  and  the 
subjects  of  France  were  solemnly  absolved  by  Laussat, 
from  their  allegiance  to  the  First  Consul. 

Thus  came  about,  in  peace  and  quiet,  the  result  for  the 
attaining  of  which  the  pages  of  Kentucky  history  had  for 
years  been  darkened  by  secret  foreign  intrigues.  The 
cession  of  Louisiana  destroyed  the  incentive  to  conspiracy 
with  foreign  countries,  so  far  as  Kentucky  was  concerned; 
but  General  Wilkinson,  whose  dark  destinies  seemed  to 
attach  him  forever  to  such  paths,  was  soon  deeply  en- 
gaged in  another  project  with  reference  to  the  Mississippi 
Valley,  and  this  time  in  connection  with  the  late  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  Aaron  Burr. 


CHAPTER  X 


THE    BURR    CONSPIRACY 


Scarcely  had  the  excitement  caused  by  the  closing  of 
the  Mississippi  subsided,  and  the  people  of  Kentucky 
settled  down  to  the  development  of  the  enlarged  com- 
mercial possibilities  which  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
opened  to  them,  when  another  intrigue,  darker  and  more 
mysterious  than  any  which  had  hitherto  developed,  began 
to  emerge. 

In  May,  1805,  Aaron  Burr,  late  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  now  an  exile  from  his  home,  an  outlaw 
from  his  party,  and  a  fugitive  from  justice,  appeared  at 
Frankfort.  The  cause  of  his  coming  was  unknown. 
Rumor  had  it,  that  he  was  interested  in  a  company  which 
was  planning  the  construction  of  a  canal  on  the  Indiana 
side  of  the  Ohio  River,  to  enable  vessels  to  pass  the  falls,* 
while  other  reports  declared  that  Jefferson  had  succeeded 
in  removing  him  from  national  politics,  by  appointing  him 
/Governor  of  the  new  Territory  of  Louisiana.  Everyone 
was,  of  course,  familiar  v/ith  the  thrilling  tragedy  of  his 
life;  how,  after  years  of  bitter  conflict  with  the  genius  of 
the  Federalist  party,  Alexander  Hamilton,  he  had  seen  his 
political  prospects,  one  by  one,  destroyed,  until  finally 
he  had  completed  the  process  by  killing  his  enemy  in  a 
duel,  which  he  had  deliberately  forced  upon  him.  And 
although  the  people  of  Kentucky  were  sufficiently  Dem- 

1  Marshall,  p.  372. 
277 


2/8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ocratic  not  to  take  up  the  quarrels  of  the  late  Federalist 
leader,  they  knew  that  Burr  had  long  been  regarded 
with  suspicion  and  distrust  by  their  idol,  Jefferson;  which 
fact  alone  was  sufficient  to  cause  many  of  them  to  look 
askance  at  the  newcomer,  and  to  credit  any  rumors  which 
might  be  circulated  against  him. 

In  spite  of  the  verdict  which  the  coroner's  jury  had 
rendered  after  the  duel,  "That  Aaron  Burr  Esq.,  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States  is  guilty  of  the  murder  of 
Alexander  Hamilton;"  ^  and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  war- 
rants for  his  arrest  had  been  issued,  both  in  New  York 
and  New  Jersey,  Burr  had  performed  the  last  honorable 
public  fun-ction  of  his  life,  by  presiding  in  the  Senate  at 
the  trial  of  Justice  Chase,  "with  the  dignity  and  impar- 
tiality of  an  angel;  but  with  the  rigor  of  a  devil,"  as  a  con- 
temporary newspaper  declared.  At  the  close  of  his  term 
of  office,  he  had  delivered  his  farewell  to  the  Senate,  in  a 
speech  so  eloquent  and  so  pathetic,  that,  as  Mr.  Parton 
records,  it  had  left  the  whole  Senate  in  tears,  "and  so 
unmanned  it,  that  it  was  half  an  hour  before  they  could 
recover  themselves  sufficiently  to  come  to  order,  and  choose 
a  Vice-President  pro  tern."  - 

In  the  meantime  his  residence  at  Richmond  Hill  had 
been  sold  for  debt,  besides  which  he  owed  some  eight 
thousand  dollars,  for  which  his  person  was  liable  in  case 
he  should  be  apprehended.  In  view  of  which  discouraging 
complications,  he  had  remarked  to  his  son-in-law,  Colonel 
Joseph  Alston,  "In  New  York  I  am  to  be  disfranchised, 
in  Ne\v  Jersey  hanged.     Having  substantial  objections  to 

1  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  August  25,  1804;  Hildreth,  "Second  vSeries,"  II, 
p.  528. 

2  Parton's  "Burr,"  p.  376. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY 


279 


both  I  shall  not  .  .   .  hazard  either,  but  shall  seek  another 
country." 

His  appearance  in  Kentucky,  at  this  time,  marks  the 
beginning  of  that  search,  which  was  to  brand  him  as  a 
traitor  to  his  country:  a  title  which  history  has  long  con- 
fessed herself  unable  completely  to  confirm  or  to  deny. 
As  he  drove  through  the  unpaved  streets  of  the  Capital 
toward  the  house  of  John  Brown,  one  of  Kentucky's 
United  States  Senators,  men  began  to  speculate  as  to  the 
probable  cause  of  his  visit,  and  from  that  day  to  the  present, 
each  generation  has  added  its  own  solution  to  this  still  un- 
solved riddle.  It  was  charged  then,  as  it  is  charged  now, 
that  he  had  spent  the  last  days  of  his  Vice-Presidency  in 
forming  treasonable  connections  with  the  English  minister, 
Anthony  Merry,  and  had  proposed  to  lend  his  services  to 
Great  Britain,  to  separate  the  western  country  from  the 
union  of  States;  ^  but  the  evidence  was  then,  and  still  is, 
vague  and  difficult  to  handle.  Moreover,  in  the  minds  of 
many  Kentuckians  of  that  day  it  was  a  sinister  fact  that 
Burr  was  on  intimate  terms  with  General  James  Wilkin- 
son, Commander-in-Chief  of  the  United  States  army,  and 
Governor  of  the  new  Territory  of  Louisiana,'  whose  tend- 
ency to  Spanish  intrigue  had  for  years  been  a  current 
topic  of  discussion  in  Kentucky  political  circles.  What 
they  did  not  know  was  that  Burr  had  come  to  Frankfort, 
fresh  from  a  long  conversation  with  Wilkinson. 

1  McMaster,  III,  p.  55. 

2  Hildreth's  "Second  Series,"  II,  p.  595.  The  newly  purchased  province  of 
Louisiana  had  been  divided  into  two  territories.  The  portion  lying  south  of  the 
thirty-third  parallel  was  now  called  Orleans  and  was  governed  by  Claiborne; 
while  the  part  to  the  north  of  that  line,  called  Louisiana,  with  its  only  consid- 
erable population  at  and  near  St.  Louis,  was  presided  over  by  Wilkinson.  Act 
of  March  3,  1805. 


28o        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

At  Pittsburg,  while  waiting  for  his  flatboat  to  be  made 
ready  for  his  journey  down  the  Ohio,  he  had  met  the 
General  just  preparing  to  start  for  St.  Louis  to  take  up 
his  duties  as  Governor  of  Louisiana.  After  some  conver- 
sation, Wilkinson  had  invited  Burr  to  join  him,  in  order 
that  the  common  part  of  their  journeys  might  be  made  in 
company.^  The  invitation,  however,  had  been  refused,  as 
Burr's  comfortable  conveyance,  a  house  boat  with  four 
rooms  well  furnished  and  lighted  by  glass  windows,  was 
ready  first. 

He  had,  therefore,  started  on  his  journey  alone;  but  be- 
fore long  had  overtaken  Mathew  Lyon,  who  had  won  re- 
nown as  a  victim  of  Federalist  persecution  under  the  late 
Sedition  law.  Together  they  had  floated  down  the  Ohio, 
while  Lyon  called  Burr's  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  new 
State  of  Tennessee  did  not  require  residence,  as  a  condition, 
for  a  candidate  to  represent  her  in  Congress.  Here,  then, 
was  an  opening,  for  although  disqualified  for  politics  in  the 
East,  Burr  knew  that  in  Tennessee  it  would  be  a  small 
disadvantage  to  him  that  he  had  killed  the  Federalist 
champion  in  a  duel.  He  had,  therefore,  resolved  to  visit 
that  State  and  investigate  for  himself;  and  his  visit  to 
John  Brown  at  Frankfort  was,  in  part  at  least,  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  letters  to  certain  of  that  gentleman's 
friends  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nashville.^ 

After  a  week  at  Nashville,  where  hospitality  was  lavished 
upon  him  by  Andrew  Jackson  and  other  leading  citizens 
of  the  State,  Burr  descended  the  Cumberland  and,  near 


1  McCaleb's  "The  Aaron    Burr   Conspiracy,"   p.    25;    Hildreth's  "Second 
Series,"  II,  p.  596. 

2  Wilkinson's  testimony,  "Trial  of  Aaron  Burr,"  III,  p.  361.     Quoted,  Mc- 
Master,  III,  p.  57. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  281 

Fort  Massac,^  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Ohio,  spent  four 
days  with  General  Wilkinson,  who  met  him  there,  probably 
by  appointment.  It  was  upon  this  occasion  that  plans 
were  perfected  for  Burr's  descent  to  New  Orleans,  an  idea 
which  Wilkinson  himself  seems  to  have  suggested,  being 
conscious,  as  few  men  in  the  country  were  conscious,  of  the 
abhorrence  with  which  the  Spanish  and  French  speaking 
colonists  of  the  Southwest  viewed  their  recent  incorpora- 
tion into  a  nation  which  they  had  been  trained  to  hate. 
Wilkinson's  interest  in  this  journey  is  clearly  shown  by  the 
fact  that  he  furnished  Burr  with  "an  elegant  barge,  sails, 
colors,  and  ten  oars,  with  a  sergeant  and  ten  able  hands  to 
prosecute  his  journey;  "  ^  together  with  letters  of  introduc- 
tion to  leading  men  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nev/  Orleans; 
while,  in  Wilkinson's  glowing  description  of  the  discontent 
in  the  Southwest,  Burr's  ambitious  mind  undoubtedly  saw  a 
larger  field  for  his  political  talents  than  was  offered  by  the 
position  of  Representative  or  even  Senator  from  Tennessee. 
Having  thus  dispatched  Burr  upon  his  mission  of  in- 
vestigation, Wilkinson  returned  to  his  duties  at  St.  Louis 
to  dream  of  diadems,  and  sound  the  loyalty  of  his  men; 
for  he  could  not  doubt  that  Burr  would  soon  be  deep  in 
revolutionary  projects  in  New  Orleans.  And  so  it  proved. 
Burr  found  the  Orleans  country  full  of  plans  of  revolution. 
There  were  schemes  for  driving  the  Spaniards  out  of  Texas, 
and  three  hundred  men  had  bound  themselves  by  an  oath  to 
free  Mexico  from  Spanish  rule.  To  turn  them  all  against 
the  detested  government  of  Governor  Claiborne  appeared 
an  easy  task.  The  inhabitants  were  enraged  at  the  intro- 
duction of  English  forms  of  law,  and  the  natural  leaders 

1  Safford's  "Blennerhassett  Papers,"  p.  107. 

2  Ibid. 


282        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  the  district  sulked  at  the  sHght  participation  which  the 
American  Government  allowed  the  native-born  inhabitants.^ 

A  new  vision  of  glory  arose  in  Burr's  mind  as  he  studied 
this  situation,  and  before  it  all  lesser  projects  vanished  like 
the  mists.  To  restore  the  throne  of  Montezuma,  to  add  to 
it  the  great  Mississippi  Valley,  and  to  rule  as  the  monarch 
of  this  vast  empire:  these  were  the  possibilities  which  the 
condition  of  the  Southwest  presented  to  his  mind,  as  he 
began  his  journey  northward. 

Behind  him  floated  vague  rumors,  an  account  of  which 
Daniel  Clark  dispatched  to  General  Wilkinson,  in  the 
following  letter: — 

"Many  absurd  reports  are  circulated  here  .  .  .  respect- 
ing our  Ex-Vice-President.  You  are  spoken  of  as  his  right 
hand  man.  .  .  .  Power,  whose  head  is  always  stuffed 
with  plots,  projects,  conspiracies  etc.  and  who  sees  objects 
through  a  millstone,  is  going  to  Natchez  next  week,  to 
unravel  the  whole  of  this  extraordinary  business;  and  then 
God  have  mercy  on  the  culprits,  for  Spanish  ire  and  in- 
dignation will  be  leveled  at  them.  What  in  the  name  of 
Heaven,  could  give  rise  to  these  extravagancies }  .  .  . 
The  tale  is  a  horrid  one,  if  well  told.  Kentucky,  Ten- 
nessee, the  State  of  Ohio,  the  four  territories  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi and  Ohio,  with  part  of  Georgia  and  Carolina,  are 
to  be  bribed  with  the  plunder  of  the  Spanish  countries 
West  of  us,  to  separate  from  the  Union;  this  is  but  a  part 
of  the  business.  Heavens,  what  wonderful  doings  there 
will  be  in  those  days!  .  .  .  Amuse  Mr.  Burr  with  an  ac- 
count of  it.   .   .   ."  ' 

1  Hildreth's  "Second  Series,"  II,  p.  598. 

2  Samuel  Clark  to  General  Wilkinson,  New  Orleans  September  7,  1805. 
Wilkinson's  "Memoirs,"  III,  Appendix,  p.  ;}2. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  28^ 

On  August  19,  Burr  reached  Lexington  and,  after  a 
visit  of  nine  days,  rode  on  to  Frankfort,  where  he  again 
enjoyed  the  hospitahty  of  John  Brown, ^  though  we  have 
no  reason  to  beheve  that  he  took  his  host  into  his  con- 
fidence. Here  vague  rumor  was  made  somewhat  more 
definite  by  a  set  of  "Queries"  pubHshed  in  the  "  Palla- 
mm.    - 

"How  long  will  it  be  before  we  shall  hear  of  Colonel 
Burr  being  at  the  head  of  a  revolution  party  on  the  Western 
Waters  ? 

"Is  it  a  fact  that  Col.  Burr  has  formed  a  plan  to  engage 
the  adventurous  and  enterprising  young  men  from  the 
Atlantic  States  to  come  to  Louisiana  ^ 

"Is  one  of  the  inducements  that  an  immediate  conven- 
tion will  be  called,  from  the  States  bordering  on  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi,  to  form  a  separate  government .?  " 

These  and  similar  questions  led  the  "  Kentucky  Gazette" 
to  follow  carefully  the  movements  of  this  man,  the  latter 
part  of  whose  political  career  "  fraught  with  a  degree  of 
duplicity,  which  can  never  be  satisfactorily  defended,  has 
made  him  an  object  of  attention  wherever  he  has  traveled. 
His  talents  for  intrigue  are  considered  as  unrivalled  in 
America,  and  his  disposition  doubted  but  by  few." 

But,  in  spite  of  suspicions.  Burr  won  many  enthusiastic 
admirers  in  Frankfort.  By  such  he  was  looked  upon  as 
the  victim  of  circumstances,  his  genius  was  lauded  and 
his  faults  condoned.  Perhaps  no  American  statesman 
has  ever  possessed  such  marvelous  power  of  attracting 
strangers,  and  certainly  none  has  so  fearlessly  made  capital 
of  this  power.     The  following  letter,  written  in  the  bom- 

1  McCaleb,  pp.  25,  34. 

2  September  7,  1807.    Copied  from  the  "Philadelphia  Gazette." 


284        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

bastic  style  so  common  at  that  period,  describes  Burr  as 
he  appeared  during  this  visit  to  Frankfort: 

"Frankfort,  Aug.  30,  1805. 

"My  dear  Friend: 

"I  have  at  length  been  gratified  with  the  sight  of  the 
late  Vice-President,  Aaron  Burr.  He  arrived  in  this  place 
on  the  28th  inst.  from  Orleans.  A  few  days  after,  I  had 
the  honor  of  spending  an  evening  in  his  company.  I 
know  you  will  laugh  at  the  idea  of  my  awkwardness,  but 
be  that  as  it  may,  I  took  some  good  solid  looks  at  him; 
and  can  tell  you  something  about  him. 

"His  stature  is  about  five  feet  six  inches;  he  is  a  spare, 
meagre  form,  but  of  an  elegant  symmetry;  his  complexion 
is  fair  and  transparent;  his  dress  was  fashionable  and  neat, 
but  not  flashy.  He  is  a  man  of  an  erect  and  dignified 
deportment;  his  presence  is  of  the  French  configuration; 
his  forehead  is  prominent,  broad,  and  retreating,  indicative 
of  great  expansion  of  mind,  immense  range  of  thoughts, 
and  amazing  exuberance  of  fancy,  but  too  smooth  and 
regular  for  great  altitude  of  conception.  .  .  .  The  eye- 
brows are  thin,  nearly  horizontal,  and  too  far  from  the 
eye;  his  nose  is  nearly  rectilinear,  too  slender  between  the 
eyes,  rather  inclined  to  the  right  side:  gently  elevated, 
which  betrays  a  degree  of  haughtiness;  too  obtuse  at  the 
end  for  great  acuteness  of  penetration,  brilliancy  of  wit, 
or  poignancy  of  satire;  and  too  small  to  sustain  his  ample 
and  capacious  forehead.  His  eyes  are  of  ordinary  size, 
of  a  dark  hazel;  and  from  the  shade  of  his  projecting  eye 
bones,  and  brows,  appear  black;  they  glow  with  all  the 
ardor  of  venerial  fire,  and  scintillate  with  the  most  tremu- 
lous and  tearful  sensibility.     They  roll  with  the  celerity 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  285 

and  frenzy  of  poetic  fervour  and  beam  with  the  most  vivid 
and  piercing  rays  of  genius.  His  mouth  is  large;  his  voice 
is  manly,  clear,  and  melodious;  his  lips  are  thin,  extremely 
flexible,  and,  when  silent,  gently  closed;  but  opening  with 
facility  to  distill  the  honey  which  trickles  from  his  tongue. 
His  chin  is  rather  retreating  and  voluptuous.  To  analyze 
his  face  with  physiognomical  scrutiny,  you  may  dis- 
cover many  unimportant  traits;  but  upon  the  first  blush, 
or  a  superficial  view,  they  are  obscured  like  spots  in 
the  sun,  by  a  radiance  that  dazzles  and  fascinates  the 
sight. 

"In  company  Burr  is  rather  taciturn.  When  he  speaks 
it  is  with  such  animation,  with  such  apparent  frankness 
and  negligence  as  would  induce  a  person  to  believe  he  was 
a  man  of  guileless  and  ingenuous  heart,  but  in  my  opin- 
ion there  is  no  human  more  reserved,  mysterious  and  in- 
scrutable. 

"  I  have  heard  a  great  deal  of  Chesterfield  and  the  graces. 
Surely  Burr  is  the  epitome — the  essence  of  them  all,  for 
never  were  their  charms  displayed  with  such  potency  and 
irresistible  attraction.  He  seems  passionately  fond  of  fe- 
male society  and  there  is  no  being  better  calculated  to 
succeed  and  shine  in  that  sphere.  To  the  ladies  he  is  all 
attention — all  devotion — in  conversation  he  gazes  on  them 
with  complacency  and  rapture,  and  when  he  addresses 
them  it  is  with  that  smiling  affability,  those  captivat- 
ing gestures,  that  je  ne  sais  quoi,  those  desolating  looks, 
that  soft,  sweet  and  insinuating  eloquence,  which  takes 
the  soul  captive,  before  it  can  prepare  for  defence.  In 
short  he  is  the  most  perfect  model  of  an  accomplished 
gentleman  that  could  be  found,  even  by  the  wanton  im- 
agination of  poetry  or  fiction.     But  alas!  my  friend,  what 


286        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

avails  those  splendid  talents,  that  transcendent  address, 
nay,  all  the  blessings  that  heaven  can  bestow,  without 
that  solace,  that  inestimable  boon,  content  and  tranquility  ? 
Burr  is  an  exemplary,  an  illustrious  instance  of  the  capri- 
ciousness  of  popular  admiration,  and  the  mutability  of 
human  glory  and  felicity.  But  why  should  we  wonder  at 
popular  instability  and  clamor — a  discordant  voice  that 
vilifies  and  arraigns  even  Omnipotence  itself?  The  cir- 
cumstance that  has  thus  contributed  to  blast  the  popularity 
and  poison  the  peace  and  happiness  of  this  unfortunate 
man,  is  lamentable  indeed;  but  he  who  will  presume  to  as- 
cribe it  to  a  corruption  or  depravity  of  heart,  rather  than  to 
the  fallibility  of  man,  and  the  frailty  of  human  passions, 
must  be  blinded  by  his  own  venom,  and  utterly  estranged 
to  every  sentiment  of  compassion  and  that  lenient  and 
divine  maxim  which  instructs  us,  that  where  opposing 
presumptions  are  of  equal  weight,  the  scale  should  always 
predominate  on  the  side  of  mercy.  Confident  I  am  that 
there  is  no  person  more  sensibly,  more  deeply  touched 
with  grief,  or  more  sincerely  penitent  for  this  misfortune, 
than  he  who  was  the  instrument.  Yes,  my  friend,  even 
Burr,  the  inimitable,  the  incomparable  Burr,  is  disturbed, 
is  unhappy!  Often  did  I  mark  the  perturbation  of  his 
mind,  the  agonizing  sensations  which  wrung  his  too  sus- 
ceptible heart,  and  which  in  spite  of  his  philosophy  and 
sprightliness,  wrote  themselves  in  the  darkest  shades  on 
his  countenance;  and  when  I  beheld  the  melancholy,  the 
saturnine  clouds,  which  often  enveloped  his  bleeding,  his 
magnanimous  soul,  my  feelings  were  melted  with  a  thrill- 
ing, a  sublime  sympathy — the  tears  started  in  my  eyes, 
and  could  I  have  given  them  the  efficacy  of  the  angels,  I 
would  have  expiated  his  crime, — I  would  have  blotted  out 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  287 

the  imputation  from  the  memory  of  man,  and  the  records 
of  Heaven!"! 

After  a  brief  stop  in  Louisville,  Burr  hastened  on  to  St. 
Louis  to  report  his  observations  to  Wilkinson.  To  his 
astonishment  he  found  the  General  cold,  and  irresponsive. 
Wilkinson  was  a  coward  at  heart,  and,  having  carefully 
sounded  his  officers  and  men,  during  Burr's  absence,  he 
had  found  them  all  true  to  the  Union.  There  was  not  a 
second  traitor  among  them.  This  discovery  had  opened 
his  eyes,  and,  in  response  to  Burr's  descriptions  of  dis- 
content in  the  Southwest,  he  replied: 

"If  you  have  not  profited  more  by  your  journey  in  other 
respects  than  in  this,  you  would  better  have  stayed  at 
Washington,  The  Western  people  disaffected  to  the  gov- 
ernment !    They  are  bigoted  to  Jefferson  and  Democracy."  ^ 

He,  however,  consented  to  give  Burr  a  letter  to  Harrison, 
Governor  of  the  Indiana  Territory,  strongly  urging  him  to 
get  the  former  chosen  a  delegate  to  Congress  from  that 
region;  a  request  which  he  subsequently  explained  as  hav- 
ing been  made  in  order  to  turn  Burr  aside  from  his  doubt- 
ful plans,  by  placing  again  before  him  the  possibility  of 
an  honest  career.  He  also  claimed,  when  circumstances 
made  a  defence  necessary,  that  he  had  at  the  same  time  dis- 
patched a  letter  to  Robert  Smith,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
warning  him  to  keep  a  strict  watch  on  Burr's  movements; 
though  Smith  strangely  failed  to  recall  having  received 
such  a  communication. 

Having  visited  the  Indiana  Territory,  stopping  at  Cin- 
cinnati, Chillicothe,  and  Marietta,  Burr  returned  to  Phila- 
delphia toward  the  end  of  the  year  1805.     The  next  few 

>  The  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  September  7,  T805. 

'  Parton's  "Burr,"  p.  401;  Powell's  "Nullification  and  Secession,"  p.  162. 


288        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

months  he  spent  in  attempts  to  enUst  the  support  and 
cooperation  of  prominent  men,  especially  those  having 
authority  in  the  Navy,  for  he  felt  that  the  presence  of  a 
considerable  naval  force  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
v\^as  desirable,  if  not  essential,  to  the  success  of  his  scheme. 
Eaton  had  lately  returned  from  his  Mediterranean  trip, 
in  no  good  humor  with  the  Government.  He  had  been  at 
great  pains  to  raise  an  army  in  Egypt  and  lead  it  across 
the  Lybian  Desert  to  Derne,  expecting  that  Commodore 
Barron  would  then  cooperate  with  him  in  an  attack  upon 
Tripoli.  Just  at  the  critical  moment,  however,  he  had 
found  himself  deserted,  a  treaty  having  been  signed  with 
the  ruling  Pasha  of  Tripoli,  the  provisions  of  which  Eaton 
regarded  as  disgraceful.  His  resentment  at  this  treatment 
was  great,  and  Burr,  totally  misjudging  the  man,  supposed 
him  in  a  humor  for  any  kind  of  revenge  against  his  govern- 
ment. "He  therefore,"  says  Eaton, ^  "laid  open  his  project 
of  revolutionizing  the  territory  West  of  the  Alleghanies; 
establishing  an  independent  empire  there,  New  Orleans 
to  be  the  capital  and  himself  the  chief;  and  thence,  organiz- 
ing a  military  force  on  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  carry 
conquest  to  Mexico.  .  .  .  From  the  tenor  of  much  con- 
versation on  the  subject  of  Wilkinson's  cooperation,  I 
was  prevailed  on  to  believe  that  the  plan  of  revolution 
meditated  by  Colonel  Burr  and  communicated  to  me, 
had  been  concerted  with  General  Wilkinson  and  would 
have  his  cooperation."  -  Wishing  to  draw  Burr  out,  as  he 
says,  Eaton  encouraged  him  to  talk,  and  was  further  in- 
formed that  he  had  a  large  following  in  the  West  and  in 
the  Spanish  territories,  and  would  turn  Congress  out  of 

1  Eaton's  Deposition,  "Palladium,"  January  i,  1807. 

2  Eaton's  Deposition. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  289 

doors,  assassinate  the  President,  capture  the  national 
treasury,  and  become  "  Protector  of  an  energetic  govern- 
ment," if  only  he  could  gain  the  marine  corps,  and  secure 
the  help  of  such  men  as  Truxton,  Decatur  and  Preble. 
To  which  Eaton  replied  in  effect,  according  to  his  own 
account,  that  his  next  step  would  be  to  have  his  throat 
cut  by  the  Yankee  militia. 

Having  become  possessed  of  these  enlightened  plans, 
Eaton  cautioned  the  President  that,  if  Colonel  Burr  was 
not  disposed  of,  we  should,  within  eighteen  months,  have 
an  insurrection,  if  not  a  revolution,  on  the  waters  of  the 
Mississippi.  Jefferson's  reply  was  that  he  had  confidence 
in  the  loyalty  of  the  Western  people,  and  Eaton  was  thus 
prevented  from  venturing  upon  more  specific  details.' 

While  this  intrigue  was  going  on  in  the  East,  Burr  was 
strengthening  his  hold  upon  less  cautious  citizens  in  the 
Western  country.  During  his  tour  of  the  West  he  had 
opened  correspondence  with  Herman  Blennerhassett,  an 
eccentric  Irishman,  filled  with  the  politico-romantic  notions 
which  Southey  and  Coleridge  had  made  so  famous.^'  Blen- 
nerhassett had  been  a  man  of  considerable  wealth,  but  had 
repaired  to  a  little  island  in  the  Ohio  River,  near  the  present 
site  of  Marietta,  Ohio,  where  he  had  spent  some  forty 
thousand  dollars  in  building  and  fitting  up  a  house  of  "  ori- 
ental ugliness,"^  and  was  now  beginning  to  catch  un- 
comfortably distinct  glimpses  of  the  bottom  of  his  purse. 
This  latter  fact  being  as  yet  unknown.  Burr  followed  up 
the  acquaintance  by  letters  embodying  vague  and  guarded 
hints,  intended  to  elicit  confidence  and  a  reply."*     In  his 

1  "Palladium,"  January  i,  1807. 

2  Hildreth's  "Second  Series,"  II,  p.  596. 

3  Picture,  Safford's  "Blennerhassett  Papers,"  p.  112. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  115. 

Kentucky — 19 


290        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

hope  of  procuring  an  ally  he  was  not  deceived.  On  De- 
cember 21,  1805,  Blennerhassett  wrote  that,  although 
uninformed  as  to  the  nature  of  Burr's  plans,  he  would 
be  honored  in  being  "associated  with  you  in  any  con- 
templated enterprise  you  would  permit  me  to  partici- 
pate in,"  provided  he  could  suitably  dispose  of  his  resi- 
dence and  island.^ 

To  this  Burr  replied  that  he  had  plans  which  he  felt 
certain  would  be  acceptable  and  profitable  to  a  man, 
"whose  talents  and  acquirements  seem  to  have  destined 
you  for  something  more  than  a  vegetable  life."  ^ 

A  communication  from  Philadelphia  follows  (July  24, 
1806),  showing  a  rapid  advance  in  the  friendship.  It 
declares,  "...  I  shall  ...  be  at  your  house  before  the 
20th.  of  August.  Let  me  find  you  at  home  or  not  far 
off.   .   .   ." 

This  engagement  he  kept,  and  on  the  appointed  day,  in 
company  with  his  daughter  and  Colonel  De  Pestre,  his  con- 
fidential agent  in  charge  of  the  intrigues  with  the  Spanish 
Court,  Burr  arrived  at  Blennerhassett's  Island,  prepared 
to  complete  the  conquest  of  the  poor,  deluded  Celt. 

His  general  method  of  procedure  was  simple.  He  told 
each  man  the  story  which  he  deemed  most  likely  to  en- 
list him  in  the  enterprise,  intending  to  entangle  him  so 
completely  that  escape  would  be  impossible,  even  should 
he  desire  to  retreat,  when  the  whole  truth  should  become 
known  to  him.  "We  know,"  says  the  "Palladium""''  in 
commenting  upon  this  fact,  "that  to  one  man  of  celebrity 
he  has  proposed  one  species  of  project,  the  erection  of  a 

1  Safford's  "  Blennerhassett  Papers,"  p.  ii6,  for  full  text  of  the  letter. 

2  Ibid. ,  p.  120.     The  letter  is  dated,  Washington  City,  April  15,  1806. 

3  "Palladium,"  Januar}'  15,  1807. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  291 

new  government  beyond  the  Ohio.  We  also  know  that 
to  another  gentleman,  much  more  distinguished  and  emi- 
nent in  the  eyes  of  the  country  and  the  world,  he  suggested 
another  project,  which  extended  so  far  as  the  seizure  of 
Vera  Cruz.  ...  To  the  Yazoo  [land  owners]  ...  he 
held  out  the  realization  of  their  speculation;  and  behold 
they  have  not  only  deposited  immense  sums  in  the  Western 
country,  but  they  have  conveyed  through  British  Canada 
brass  field  pieces  to  be  ready  for  a  great  occasion. 

"To  the  disaffected  and  disappointed  few  (for  in  Ken- 
tucky they  are  very  few  indeed)  he  held  forth  the  tempta- 
tion of  a  new  and  separate  government,  and  the  vast 
advantages  to  be  derived  to  their  trade  by  a  disconnection 
from  the  Atlantic  States. 

"To  others  who  had  views  and  speculations  in  Louisiana 
he  held  out  the  name  of  Baron  Bastrop's  grant. 

"To  others  the  idea  of  a  new  government  comprehend- 
ing East  Mexico  and  Louisiana  under  an  Emperor — 
which  Emperor  he  was  to  be! 

"The  grand  temptation  in  the  first  instance,  when  the 
force  was  marshalled  and  the  plot  ripe,  to  seduce  all  the 
deluded  into  an  overt  act,  was  seizure  upon  the  treasures 
of  Mexico — this  was  to  be  the  prelude  to  all  the  sub- 
sequent establishments — they  were  to  plunder  Mexico  and 
build  up  cities  and  navies  with  the  rapine." 

To  Blennerhassett  he  told  part  of  the  truth.  He  said 
that  he  had  discovered  that  the  people  of  the  new  territory 
were  seriously  disaffected  to  the  Union.  That,  unless 
prompt  measures  were  taken  to  prevent  it,  they  would 
"fling  themselves  into  the  arms  of  any  foreign  power 
which  should  pledge  itself  to  protect  them."  ^    That  when 

1  Safford's  "Blennerhassett  Papers,"  p.  124. 


292        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

this  was  done  the  Western  States  and  Territories  would 
have  the  choice  of  remaining  in  the  Union,  or  of  joining 
with  the  rest  of  the  West,  to  which  latter  course  their  in- 
terests would  ultimately  force  them.  The  results  he  left 
to  the  imagination  of  his  infatuated  listener,  assuring  him, 
however,  that  neither  outcome  would  interrupt  his  own 
plans;  and  concluding  with  the  declaration  that  the  views 
of  the  Administration  were  fully  known  to  him,  and  that 
the  invasion  of  Mexico  would  be  pleasing  to  Mr.  Jefferson.^ 

This  is  the  interview  which  figures  so  largely  in  the  mas- 
terly picture  drawn  by  Wirt,  in  his  famous  speech  on  Burr 
and  Blennerhassett,  at  the  trial  in  Richmond,  in  which 
he  depicts  the  guileless  Irishman,  as  "dazzled  by  visions 
of  diadems,  and  stars,  and  garters,  and  titles  of  nobility." 

Leaving  his  daughter  in  charge  of  Mrs.  Blennerhassett, 
Burr  now  began  the  process  of  recruiting  men  for  his  ex- 
pedition and  making  final  preparations.  Fifteen  "large 
bateaux  "  to  accommodate  five  hundred  men,  and  a  keel 
boat  for  carrying  provisions,  were  ordered  at  Blennerhas- 
sett's  cost,^  and,  while  they  were  building.  Burr  contin- 
ued his  trip  with  the  object  of  increasing  his  following. 

Blennerhassett  busied  himself  in  writing  for  the  "Ohio 
Gazette"  a  series  of  articles  signed  "Querist,"  setting 
forth  the  reasons  which  should  induce  the  western  country 
to  separate  from  the  Union,  and  preparing  the  people  for 
the  great  event,  which  he  dimly  perceived  to  be  at  hand; 
but  the  nature  of  which  he  did  not  fully  comprehend. 

1  hese  are  the  essays  which  caused  the  publication  in 
the  "Western  World,"  of  a  series  of  articles,  denouncing 
l^urr  and  his  followers,  and  warning  the  country  against 

1  SafiFord's  "Blennerhassett  Papers,"  p.  125. 

2  Ibid.,  pp.  127,  131. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  293 

them.  John  Wood,  one  of  the  editors,  had  for  some  time 
been  interested  in  ferreting  out  the  facts  concerning  the 
connections  between  Wilkinson,  Sebastian  and  other  in- 
triguers with  the  Spanish  authorities.  His  paper  had  been 
filled  with  articles  ^  charging  Sebastian  with  being  a  pen- 
sioner of  Spain;  and  it  was  chiefly  due  to  these  articles 
that  the  Kentucky  House  of  Representatives  had  appointed 
a  special  committee  of  ten,  "to  enquire  into  the  fact,  and 
such  other  facts  relating  thereto,  as  may  be  deemed  proper 
for  investigation."  This  committee,  after  meeting  for 
three  days,  had  agreed  unanimously  "to  a  resolution,  ex- 
pressive of  the  judge's  guilt."  Sebastian  had  then  con- 
fessed his  crime,  and  prudently  resigned  his  office,  before 
the  House  had  had  an  opportunity  to  act  upon  the  re- 
port.^ 

Such  was  the  record  of  the  "Western  World,"  which 
now  turned  its  attention  to  the  mysterious  preparations  of 
Aaron  Burr,  and,  on  October  15,  sounded  the  warning  in 
no  uncertain  terms. ^ 

"The  people  of  Kentucky  have  seen  published  from 
the  'Ohio  Gazette,'  (which  had  its  origin  and  stand  at 
Marietta,  and  which  is  supposed  to  be  under  the  influence 
of  Colonel  Burr),  an  article  in  which  the  idea  of  disun- 
ion by  the  Alleghany  mountains  is  openly  avowed,  and 
publicly  advocated.  This  is  but  the  idea  of  the  Spanish 
associates,  upon  a  more  extensive  scale,  and  with  a  more 
imposing  aspect.  The  man  who  is  held  up  in  front,  and 
at  the  head  of  this  new  plan  of  dismembering  the  Union 

1  Clay's  "Memoir,"  p.  30,  assigns  these  articles  to  the  pen  of  Humphrey 
Marshall. 

2  Article  in  "Palladium,"  December  4,  1806.  The  Report  of  the  Committee 
is  printed  in  an  extra  edition  of  the  "  Palladium,"  of  December  8,  1806. 

3  Marshall,  II,  pp.  386-392,  quotes  full  text. 


294        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  the  States,  is  now  among  us,  while  his  secret  and  mys- 
terious movements  indicate  the  management  and  com- 
bination of  some  plan  of  operations,  which  will  not  bear 
the  public  view  and  examination.  It  is  announced  as  a 
fact,  and  doubtless  is  true,  that  a  number  of  gun  boats 
and  a  schooner  of  singular  construction,  are  preparing  for 
this  man,  on  the  Ohio  river.  These  can  but  be  considered 
as  preparations  for  some  military  expedition.  But  whether 
it  is  intended  for  the  Spanish  mines  of  Santa  Fe,  the  city 
of  New  Orleans,  or  the  Spanish  territory  on  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  or  elsewhere,  is  all  uncertainty  and  conjecture. 
Yet  that  a  blow  is  to  be  struck  somewhere,  I  have  no 
doubt. 

"We  are  taught  to  believe  that  this  man's  fortunes  are 
such  as  to  tempt  him  to  desperate  enterprises;  his  genius 
capable  of  planning  those  which  are  bold  and  extensive. 
It  is  believed  he  holds  no  public  commission,  nor  any 
authority  under  the  United  States  .  .  .  we  must  suppose 
the  President  uninformed  of  the  fact.  We  must  hope  that 
so  soon  as  he  is  informed,  effectual  means  will  be  resorted 
to,  for  the  suppression  of  these  measures.   .   .   . 

"...  In  this  way  is  the  public  mind  to  be  corrupted? 
in  this  way  are  the  people  to  be  prepared  for  conspiracy, 
insurrection  and  disunion  ?  When  it  shall  be  clearly 
manifested  that  the  public  mind  will  bear  the  traitor  in 
high  office  .  .  .  then  shall  we  see  spring  up  amongst  us, 
such  men  as  the  Roman  Marius,  Sulla,  Cataline,  and 
Caesar.  .  .  .  The  Spanish  Association  was  but  the  germ 
of  the  present  conspiracy  against  the  Union,  as  Marius, 
Sulla  and  Cataline,  produced  in  Caesar,  the  Conqueror  of 
his  Country. 

"In  1 788  the  Kentucky  Spanish  Association  was  reduced 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY 


295 


to  a  plan  which  had  its  definite  objects;  its  views  were 
unfolded  by  the  associates,  and  happily  defeated,  at  that 
time,  by  a  manifestation  of  the  public  will.  But  the 
people  were  never  awakened  to  a  full  sense  of  their  danger, 
and  .  .  .  quietly  .  .  .  yielded  themselves  up  to  the  rule 
of  those  who  would  have  betrayed  them  .  .  .  the  con- 
spirators .  .  .  have  contrived  to  occupy  most  of  the  im- 
portant public  offices,  under  the  change  of  government. 

"This  state  of  things,  .  .  .  has  given  rise  to  a  new 
conspiracy,  for  effecting  disunion,  the  outline  of  which  we 
see  traced  in  the  publication  from  Ohio.   .   .   . 

"Had  I  the  tongues  of  saints  and  of  angels,  I  would 
exert  their  utmost  eloquence  to  impress  on  your  minds 
the  importance  of  Union.  Union!  An  idea  inspired  by 
Heaven  itself,  when  in  the  councils  of  its  benevolence,  it 
determined  to  make  this,  with  the  Atlantic  portion  of 
America,  free  and  independent. 

"...  In  union!  there  are  peace,  safety  and  happi- 
ness— there  are  laws,  justice  and  humanity — there  are 
morality,  religion  and  piety  .  .  .  elegances,  comforts  and 
decorations  of  life.  There  are  riches,  honor,  and  glory — 
domestic  tranquility,  internal  securit)',  civil  liberty  and 
national  independence. 

"In  disunion!  what  a  melancholy  and  distressing  con- 
trast; separate  confederacies,  or  state  sovereignties;  per- 
petual rivalries,  and  inveterate  enemies  of  each  other. 
Hence  ruthless  jealousy,  hot  contention,  and  bloody  war — 
heavy  expenses,  dissolute  morals,  private  misery,  and 
public  distress  ...  if  we  cannot  live  in  union — we  can- 
not live  in  peace." 

Shortly  after  this  startling  accusation  had  been  cir- 
culated, Aaron   Burr  again  appeared   in   Lexington.     In 


296        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

order  to  cover  up  the  real  object  of  his  visit,^  which  was 
to  complete  the  organization  of  his  followers  in  this  region, 
he  had  arranged  that  his  daughter  and  her  husband,  Mr. 
Alston,  should  meet  him  here.  They  received  a  dis- 
tinguished welcome,  but  the  rumors,  which  had  been  con- 
firmed by  the  "Western  World,"  continued  to  circulate: 
and,  in  order  to  quiet  public  anxiety,  Burr  announced  that 
the  object  of  his  movements  was  the  colonization  of  a  tract 
of  several  thousand  acres  ^  which  he  had  secured  upon  the 
Washita  River.''  Rumor,  however,  would  not  down,  and 
the  reports  which  Burr  was  thus  vainly  trying  to  stifle  in 
Kentucky,  gradually  spread  through  the  country,  until 
they  came  to  the  ears  of  the  President,  who,  thus  warned 
a  second  time,  sent  Graham,  Secretary  of  the  Orleans 
Territory,  as  his  secret  agent  to  investigate  the  situation 
and,  with  the  help  of  the  civil  and  military  authorities  of 
the  West,'*  to  bring  offenders  to  justice. 

On  the  sixth  of  November  Burr  dispatched  a  letter  to 
Blennerhassett  in  which  he  says: 

"Yesterday  Mr.  Jos.  Davis  (Daveiss),  the  District  At- 
torney of  the  United  States,  made  an  application  to  the 
federal  court  at  Frankfort  "'  for  a  warrant  to  apprehend 
me  for  treasonable  practice,  as  on  some  suspicion  thereof. 
The  charge  is  not  well  defined  by  my  informant,  but  the 
substance  is,  'a  design  to  attack  the  Spanish  dominions, 
and  thereby  endanger  the  peace  of  the  United  States.' 

1  Safford's  "Blennerhassett  Papers,"  p.  40. 

2  "  One  million  French  acres."    See  "Palladium,"  December  18,  1806. 

3  For  full  description  of  these  lands,  formerly  the  property  of  Baron  Bastrop, 
see  the  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  December  18,  1806. 

*  Jefferson's  Message  of  January  22,  1807. 

s  Safford's  "lilennerhassett  Papers,"  p.  153.  "Palladium,"  Frankfort, 
November  6,  1806. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  297 

"How  this  charge  was  supported  I  have  not  heard; 
but  absurd  and  ridiculous  as  it  may  appear,  the  Judge  has 
taken  time  until  this  day  to  consider  if  he  should  refuse  to 
grant  the  warrant.  He  must  expect  a  tornado  of  abuse 
from  the  'W.  World'  and  some  other  papers.  .  .  .  Un- 
fortunately this  being  a  proceeding  on  suspicion  and  pre- 
vious to  any  inquiry  by  a  grand  jur)%  no  immediate  trial 
can  be  had.  .  .  .  You  perceive,  my  dear  sir,  that  this 
step  will  embarass  me  in  my  project  of  the  Washita  set- 
tlement.  .   .   ." 

This  letter  indicates  that,  even  at  this  time,  Blenner- 
hassett  was  not  informed  of  the  real  object  of  Burr's 
plans;  but  was  still  laboring  under  the  delusion  that  he 
was  engaged  in  a  project  for  the  settlement  of  the  Bastrop 
lands. 

The  action  of  the  District  Attorney,  in  taking  the  step 
here  described,  was  based  upon  a  careful  investigation  of 
such  facts  as  could  be  ascertained  with  reference  to  Burr's 
projects.  After  having  satisfied  himself  as  to  their  unlaw- 
fulness, he  had  sent  repeated  warnings  to  the  President, 
giving  him  such  information  as  he  had  gathered,  and 
mentioning  such  nam.es  as  he  felt  could  certainly  be 
identified  with  the  plot.  The  occasional  replies  which 
he  had  received  were  carefully  guarded;  but  it  must  be 
presumed  that  Jefferson  had  not  failed  to  note  every  bit 
of  information,  from  this  or  any  other  source,  with  ref- 
erence to  the  conspiracy.  Orders  had  already  been  issued 
to  the  "Governors  of  the  Mississippi  and  Orleans  Terri- 
tories, and  to  the  commanders  of  the  land  and  naval 
forces,  to  be  on  their  guard  against  surprise  and  in  con- 
stant readiness  to  resist  any  enterprises  that  might  be 
attempted;  "  and  instructions  were  about  to  be  dispatched 


298        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  General  Wilkinson,  directing  him  to  come  to  a  speedy 
acrreement  with  the  Spanish  commander  on  the  Sabine, 
and  fall  back  to  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi. ^  These 
orders  Wilkinson  had  anticipated,  and  was  already  en- 
gao-ed  in  putting  his  district  into  a  condition  of  defence, 
before  the  beginning  of  Daveiss'  process  against  Burr 
in  the  Kentucky  court. ^ 

The  affidavit  ^  upon  which  Daveiss  proposed  to  ground 
his  indictment  declares  that;  "...  The  Deponent  is 
informed,  and  doth  verily  believe,  that  a  certain  Aaron 
Burr  Esq.  late  vice  president  of  the  .  .  .  United  States, 
for  several  months  past,  hath  been,  and  is  now  engaged 
in  preparing,  and  setting  on  foot,  and  in  providing  and 
preparing  the  means,  for  a  military  expedition  and  enter- 
prise within  this  district,  for  the  purpose  of  descending 
the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  therewith,  and  making  war 
upon  the  subjects  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  are  in  a 
state  of  peace  with  the  people  of  these  United  States; 
to  wit:  on  the  provinces  of  Mexico,  on  the  westwardly 
side  of  Louisiana  which  appertain  and  belong  to  the 
King  of  Spain,  an  European  prince  with  whom  these 
United  States  are  at  peace.  And  said  deponent  further 
saith,  that  he  is  informed  and  fully  believes  that  the 
above  charge,  can  be,  and  will  be,  fully  substantiated  by 
evidence,  provided  this  honorable  court  will  grant  com- 
pulsory process  to  bring  witnesses  to  testify  thereto. 
And  the  deponent  further  saith,  that  he  is  informed, 
and  fully  believes,  that  the  agents  and  emissaries  of  the 
said  Burr,  have  purchased  up,  and  are  continuing  to  pur- 

>  Message  of  January  22,  1807. 
^  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  November  6,  1806. 

3  Quoted  in  Judge  Innis's  opinion,  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  November  13, 
1806. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  299 

chase,  large  stores  of  provisions,  as  if  for  an  army;  while 
the  said  Burr  seems  to  conceal  in  great  mystery  from  the 
people  at  large,  his  purposes  and  projects,  while  the  minds 
of  good  people  of  this  district,  seem  agitated  with  the 
current  rumor  that  a  military  expedition  against  some 
neighboring  power,  is  preparing  by  said  Aaron  Burr. 
Wherefore,  said  attorney,  on  behalf  of  the  said  U.  States, 
prays,  that  due  process  issue  to  compel  the  personal  ap- 
pearance of  the  said  Aaron  Burr,  in  this  court;  and  also  of 
such  witnesses  as  may  be  necessary  on  behalf  of  the  said 
United  States;  and  that  this  honorable  court,  will  duly 
recognize  the  said  Aaron  Burr,  to  answer  such  charges  as 
may  be  preferred  against  him  in  the  premises;  and  in 
the  meantime,  that  he  desist  and  refrain  from  all  further 
preparation  and  proceeding  in  the  same  armament  within 
the  said  United  States,  or  the  territories  or  dependencies 
thereof."  ^ 

After  reading  this  affidavit,  Daveiss  explained  that  he 
was  prepared  to  conduct  a  prosecution  upon  the  case  as 
to  an  expedition  against  Mexico,  but  added:  "I  have  in- 
formation on  which  I  can  rely,  that  all  the  western  terri- 
tories are  the  next  object  of  the  scheme — and  finally,  all 
the  region  of  the  Ohio  is  calculated  as  falling  into  the  vortex 
of  the  new  proposed  revolution."  The  Federal  statute,^ 
which  the  attorney  claimed  had  been  violated  by  Colonel 
Burr,  was  then  read,  and  the  judge  announced  that  he 
would  consider  the  case  and  would  deliver  his  opinion 
upon  the  following  Saturday. 

At  the  appointed  time  he  took  up  the  question,  over- 
ruling the  motion  for  a  process  against  Burr  as  unprece- 

1  Marshall,  II,  pp.  393-394;  "Palladium,"  November  13,  1806. 

2  "Palladium,"  November  13,  1806,  contains  the  statute. 


300        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

dented,  and  resting  on  the  discretion  of  the  court. ^  In 
the  meantime  Burr  had  come  in  and  insisted  that  the  trial 
should  take  place,  in  order  that  he  might  be  given  an  op- 
portunity to  repel,  in  a  proper  "  and  dignified  manner, 
the  charges  which  had  been  so  openly  brought  against 
him.  It  was  accordingly  arranged  that  the  trial  should 
be  opened  on  Wednesday,  November  nth:  the  sub- 
poenas were  sent  out  to  such  persons  as  the  attorney  de- 
sired as  witnesses;  and  the  Grand  Jury  was  impaneled  of 
persons  then  in  court.  After  the  swearing  in  of  these 
jurors,  they  were  adjourned  to  meet  on  the  day  appointed 
for  the  trial. ^ 

The  attorney  felt  that  the  success  of  his  prosecution 
was  assured:  though  Burr  was  active  and  skillful  in  pre- 
paring for  his  defence,  and  had  selected  as  his  counsel 
Henry  Clay,  now  a  rising  young  lawyer  and  politician  of 
the  State,  lately  chosen  to  fill  a  temporary  vacancy  in 
the  United  States  Senate."* 

Meantime  the  news  had  been  widely  circulated  that 
Aaron  Burr,  late  Vice-President,  was  to  be  tried  at  Frank- 
fort upon  charge  of  "High  Misdemeanor,"  and,  on  the 
appointed  day,  the  town  "was  crowded  with  persons  from 
all  quarters,  beyond  any  former  example."  ^  Many  wit- 
nesses had  arrived,  and  intense  eagerness  and  impatience 
were  manifested  on  every  hand. 

About  one  o'clock  Burr  appeared,  in  company  with  his 

1  "Palladium,"  November  13,  1806,  gives  text  of  the  opinion. 

2  Butler,  p.  313;  Marshall,  II,  p.  395. 

3  "Palladium,"  November  13,  1806. 

*  The  vacancy  had  been  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Gen.  John  Adair. 
Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  14,  note.  Burr's  "Letter 
to  Clay"  asking  his  legal  aid  is  given  on  p.  13  of  same  volume. 

5  "Palladium,"  November  13,  1806. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  301 

counsel.  All  was  in  apparent  readiness,  and  the  judge 
was  on  the  point  of  delivering  his  charge,  when  Daveiss 
rose  and  moved  that  the  Grand  Jury  be  dismissed  on  the 
ground  that  Davis  Floyd,  an  important  witness  for  the 
prosecution,  was  not  present. ^  The  disappointment  of 
the  audience  was  quite  evident,  public  sentiment,  which 
had,  from  the  first,  been  strongly  in  favor  of  Colonel  Burr 
exhibiting  itself  in  a  burst  of  indignation.  Daveiss,  how- 
ever, successfully  persisted  in  his  demand  for  postpone- 
ment, in  spite  of  the  ridicule  and  laughter  of  the  specta- 
tors, while  Burr,  having  gravely  requested  that  the  cause 
of  the  delay  be  recorded,  took  a  few  moments  in  which  to 
address  to  the  judge  remarks  intended  for  the  audience, - 
as  he  fully  realized  that  public  opinion  would  be  an  impor- 
tant factor  in  the  success  or  failure  of  his  schemes.  He 
told  them  that  their  fears  were  groundless,  as  they  would 
see  if  the  attorney  should  ever  get  ready  for  the  trial, 
which,  he  insinuated,  would  never  be  the  case.  His  man- 
ner was  so  confident,  and  the  marvelous  fascination  of  his 
personality  so  overpowering,  that  many  who  had  been  in- 
clined to  credit  the  accusations,  felt  themselves  irresistibly 
won  over  to  his  side,  and  disposed  to  regard  him  as  an 
innocent  gentleman,  pursued  by  the  hatred  and  jealousy 
of  his  political  enemies. 

After  the  dismissal  of  this  first  Grand  Jury,  Burr  sought 
to  induce  John  Rowan,  Secretary  of  State  for  Kentucky, 
and  a  member  of  Congress  elect,  to  engage  with  Clay  as 
his  counsel;  but  Rowan  declined,  upon  the  ground  of  his 
recent  election  to  Congress,  declaring  that  he  did  not  think 
it  proper,  under  such  conditions,  to  engage  as  a  party  in  a 

1  "Memoir  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  32. 

2  Marshall,  II,  p.  397. 


302        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

controversy  which  might  involve  fidehty  to  the  general 
government.  This  excuse  Burr  accepted  for  the  time;  but, 
upon  a  subsequent  occasion,  he  reopened  the  question,  and 
began  an  argument  concerning  the  objections,  which  that 
gentleman  had  expressed,  to  appearing  as  his  attorney. 
His  remarks,  however,  were  cut  short  by  Rowan's  state- 
ment that,  "he  had  been  taught  from  early  childhood  not 
to  reason  on  subjects  which  his  feeling  in  the  first  instance 
condemned."  ^  This  troubled  Mr.  Clay,  also  a  member 
elect  of  the  Federal  Congress,  and  he  asked  Rowan's 
advice  as  to  whether  he  should  not  also  withdraw  from 
the  case,  upon  the  same  excuse.  Rowan  suggested  that, 
in  view  of  the  fact  of  Clay's  having  already  undertaken 
the  case,  it  would  be  a  better  course  to  demand  of  his 
client,  "a  declaration  upon  his  honor,  that  he  was  en- 
gaged in  no  enterprise  hostile  to  the  peace  or  union  of  the 
country."  ^  And  well  it  w^as  for  the  "Great  Commoner" 
that  this  precaution  was  taken,  as  otherwise  his  defence 
of  Burr  might  have  seriously  injured  his  reputation  as  a 
patriot.  To  Clay's  demand.  Burr  responded  in  the  fol- 
lowing words,  dated  December  ist,  1806. 

"  I  have  no  design,  nor  have  I  taken  any  measure  to 
promote  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  or  a  separation  of 
any  one  or  more  States  from  the  residue.  I  have  neither 
published  a  line  on  this  subject,  nor  has  any  one,  through 
my  agency,  or  with  my  knowledge.  I  have  no  design  to 
intermeddle  with  the  government,  or  to  disturb  the  tran- 
quility of  the  United  States,  nor  of  its  territories,  or  any 
part  of  them.  I  have  neither  issued,  nor  signed,  nor 
promised  a  commission  to  any  person,  for  any  purpose. 

'  Butler,  p.  316. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  315. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  joj 

I  do  not  own  a  musket,  nor  a  bayonet,  nor  any  single 
article  of  military  stores,  nor  does  any  person  for  me,  by 
my  authority,  or  my  knowledge.  My  views  have  been 
explained  to,  and  approved  by  several  of  the  principal 
officers  of  the  government,  and,  I  believe  are  well  under- 
stood by  the  administration,  and  seen  by  it  with  com- 
placency; they  are  such  as  every  man  of  honor  and  every 
good  citizen  must  approve.  Considering  the  high  station 
you  now  fill  in  our  national  councils,  I  have  thought  these 
explanations  proper,  as  well  to  counteract  the  chimeri- 
cal tales,  which  malevolent  persons  have  industriously 
circulated,  as  to  satisfy  you  that  you  have  not  espoused 
the  cause  of  a  man  in  any  way  unfriendly  to  the  laws, 
the  government  or  the  interests  of  his  country."  ^ 

This  daring  falsehood  completely  deceived  Clay,  and 
he  entered  upon  plans  for  Burr's  defence  with  the  enthu- 
siasm and  ability,  which  later  made  him  such  a  power 
in  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 

Meanwhile  Daveiss  had  ascertained  that  Floyd  was  at 
liberty  to  answer  his  summons,  and,  convinced  that  all 
necessary  witnesses  could  now  be  brought  together,  he 
again  made  arrangements  for  the  prosecution.'  A  second 
Grand  Jury  was  impaneled  and  sworn,  and  Burr  and  his 
counsel  once  more  appeared  in  court,  but  the  District  At- 
torney, again  embarrassed  by  the  absence  of  an  important 

1  Full  text,  Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  13-14; 
Prentice,  "Biography  of  Henry  Clay,"  1831  Ed.,  pp.  32-33;  "Alemoirof  Henry 
Clay,"  p.  33. 

2  "In  the  Federal  Court  on  Tuesday  morning  last,  the  .'\ttorney  for  the  Uni- 
ted States,  renewed  his  motion  for  a  grand  jury,  to  enquire  into  the  conduct  of 
Col.  Burr,  which  the  court  granted,  and  directed  the  Marshall  to  have  the  Jury 
ready  on  Tuesday  next.  .  ,  .  The  Attorney  introduced  his  motion  by  observing 
that  Mr.  Davis  Floyd  .  .  .  had  returned.  .  .  ."  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  No- 
vember 27,  1806. 


304        KEiNTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

witness,  this  time  General  John  Adair,  declared  that,  as 
the  latter' s  testimony  was  essential  to  the  prosecution  of 
the  case,  he  must  be  granted  still  further  delay. 

At  this,  Mr.  Clay  entered  a  strong  protest,  stating  that 
Colonel  Burr  had  business  engagements  which  made  it 
extremely  inconvenient  for  him  to  remain  so  long  in  attend- 
ance upon  a  process,  which  gave  no  promise  of  ever  being 
completed.  He  demanded  that  the  attorney  proceed  at 
once  to  the  trial,  or  dismiss  the  case  and  abandon  the 
prosecution. 

Daveiss  replied  that  there  was  no  need  for  Burr  and  his 
counsel  to  appear  in  court  until  indictment  was  found, — 
but  that  he,  as  attorney  for  the  United  States,  had  the  right 
to  determine  when  the  case  should  be  opened. 

Then  followed  a  long  and  impassioned  debate,^  ending 
with  the  decision  of  the  court  that  the  case  must  be  opened 
at  once,  or  the  jury  discharged.  Daveiss,  thus  forced  to 
proceed,  declared  that  he  would  present  his  indictment 
to  the  jury  on  the  following  morning  and  moved  an  attach- 
ment ao-ainst  General  Adair. 

Against  the  granting  of  such  an  attachment  Burr's 
counsel  argued  that,  as  that  witness  had  not  been  required 
to  attend  at  any  particular  hour,  but  only  on  that  day; 
and,  as  the  day  was  not  yet  spent,  he  was  not  yet  in  con- 
tumacy, and  could  not  therefore  be  fairly  subject  to  at- 
tachment. This  argument  prevailed,  and  the  court  re- 
fused the  process. 

The  session  was  then  adjourned  until  ten  o'clock  the 
following  morning,  and  Daveiss  set  about  devising  some 

1  The  details  of  trial  and  evidence  in  this  case  are  given  in  the  "Palladium," 
Frankfort,  December  ii,  1806.  It  is  reproduced  quite  fully  in  Marshall,  II, 
pp.  404-409. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  305 

means  of  delaying  the  process  against  Burr  until  the 
attendance  of  Adair  could  be  secured.  The  latter's  name 
had  been  often  connected  with  that  of  Burr,  as  a  partner 
in  the  mysterious  projects,  and  he  had  even  avowed  a 
knowledge  of  them,  though  stoutly  denying  any  participa- 
tion in  them.^  To  bring  an  indictment  against  him,  there- 
fore, seemed  possible,  and  by  this  means  his  attendance 
might  be  secured  in  time  for  the  process  against  Burr  which 
was  to  follow. 

Accordingly,  upon  the  reassembling  of  the  court  (De- 
cember 3,  1806),  Daveiss  delivered  to  the  foreman  of  the 
Grand  Jury  a  paper,  saying  in  an  audible  voice,  "This  is 
an  indictment  against  General  John  Adair."  The  indict- 
ment charged  Adair  with  setting  on  foot,  and  preparing 
a  "military  expedition  and  enterprise  .  .  .  against  the 
dominions  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  is  an  European 
prince,  at  peace  with  the  .   .   .  United  States."  ^ 

Daveiss'  plan  was  successful  in  securing  the  attendance 
of  Adair,  who,  on  the  following  day,  made  his  appearance 
in  court.  On  the  same  day,  the  jury  returned  the  indict- 
ment against  him,  with  the  verdict — 

"Not  a  true  bill." 

This  failure,  however,  was  an  incident  of  small  impor- 
tance to  Daveiss.  His  chief  witnesses  were  now  present, 
and  he  was  prepared  to  proceed  with  the  more  serious  busi- 

1  In  a  publication  made  by  Adair  at  Washington  (March  i,  1807),  he  says: 
"So  far  as  I  know  or  behave  of  the  intentions  of  Colonel  Burr  (and  my  enemies 
will  agree  that  I  am  not  ignorant  on  this  subject)  they  were  to  prepare  and  lead 
an  expedition  into  Mexico,  predicated  on  a  war  between  the  two  governments; 
without  a  war  I  knew  he  could  do  nothing.  I  thought  his  object  honorable 
and  worthy  the  attention  of  any  man;  but  I  was  not  engaged  in  it."  Quoted, 
Marshall,  II,  pp.  428-429. 

2  Full  text  of  indictment,  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  December  ii,  1806. 

Kentucky — 20 


3o6        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ness  of  the  indictment  against  Burr.     He  presented  it  in 
the  following  words: 

"United  States  of  America,  Kentucky  district,  to  wit: 
The  grand  jury  of  the  United  States  in  and  for  the  body  of 
the  said  district,  do  on  their  oaths  present,  that  a  certain 
Aaron  Burr,  late  of  the  city  of  New  York,  and  Vice  Presi- 
dent of  the  said  U.  S.  did  with  force  and  arms,  at  the  county 
of  Fayette,  in  said  district,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of 
November  last  past,  wilfully  and  unlawfully,  and  from 
evil  premeditation,  then  and  there  set  on  foot,  and  pre- 
pare for  a  military  expedition  against  the  dominions  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  who  is  an  European  prince,  at  peace  with 
the  said  United  States,  to  wit:  against  the  provinces  of 
said  King,  in  North  America,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the 
said  United  States,  in  such  cases  provided,  and  against 
the  peace  and  dignity  thereof. 

"And  the  Jurors  aforesaid,  upon  their  oath  aforesaid, 
do  further  present,  that  the  said  Burr  did  at  said  district, 
to  wit:  At  the  County  of  Jefferson,  on  the  day  and  in  the 
year  aforesaid,  then  and  there,  wilfully  and  unlawfully, 
with  force  and  arms,  prepare  and  provide  the  means  for 
carrying  on  a  military  expedition  and  enterprise  against 
the  dominions  of  the  King  of  Spain  aforesaid,  who  is  at 
peace  with  the  said  United  States  to  wit:  the  provinces 
in  North  America,  which  are  of  the  dominions  of  the  said 
King  of  Spain,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
in  such  cases  provided,  and  against  the  peace  and  dignity 
of  the  said  United  States. 

"And  so  the  Jurors  aforesaid,  upon  their  oath  afore- 
said, do  say  that  the  said  Aaron  Burr,  is  guilty  of 
the    misdemeanors     aforesaid,    contrary    to    the    laws   of 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  307 

the    United    States,   and   against  the    peace  and   dignity 
thereof.^ 

'*J.  H.  DAVEissforU.S." 

The  indictment  having  been  read,  the  Grand  Jury  re- 
tired, to  examine  the  witnesses  and  to  frame  their  verdict 
in  private.  The  details  of  the  examination  are  not  known; 
but  we  do  know  that  Wood  and  Street,  editors  of  the 
"  Western  World,"  presented  their  testimony  with  the  other 
witnesses.  They  had  loudly  proclaimed  their  intimate  ac- 
quaintance with  Burr's  projects,  and  his  contracts  and  en- 
gagements with  John  Brown,  James  Wilkinson,  John  Adair 
and  the  rest;  but  they  strangely  failed  to  convince  the  jury, 
their  testimony  being  all  in  favor  of  Burr.  They  declared 
themselves  satisfied  that  the  contracts  and  engagements 
with  John  Brown  and  General  Wilkinson,  referred  to  in 
their  articles  in  the  "Western  World,"  related  "only  to 
opening  a  canal  on  the  Ohio."  '  The  explanation  will 
readily  occur  to  anyone  familiar  with  the  political  methods 
of  Aaron  Burr. 

On  December  5  the  Grand  Jury  came  into  court  with 
the  verdict — 

"Not  a  true  bill," 

and  the  foreman  proceeded  to  inform  the  court,  that,  in 
consideration  of  the  unusual  public  excitement,  caused  by 
the  subjects  which  had  been  before  the  Grand  Jury,  they 
had  thought  it  their  duty  to  present  the  following  report: 
"The  Grand  Jury  are  happy  to  inform  the  court,  that 
no  violent  disturbance  of  the  public  tranquility,  or  breach 
of  the  laws,  has  come  to  their  knowledge. 

1  "Palladium,"  December  ii,  1806. 

2  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  December  11,  1806,  gives  their  evidence  in  the 
case. 


3o8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

"We  have  no  hesitation  in  declaring  that  having  care- 
fully examined  and  scrutinized  all  the  testimony  which 
has  come  before  us,  as  well  on  the  charges  against  Aaron 
Burr,  as  those  contained  in  the  indictment  preferred  to  us 
against  John  Adair,  that  there  has  been  no  testimony 
before  us  which  does  in  the  smallest  degree,  criminate  the 
conduct  of  either  of  those  persons;  nor  can  we,  from  all 
the  inquiries  and  investigation  of  the  subject,  discover 
that  anything  improper  or  injurious  to  the  interests  of 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  contrary  to  the 
laws  thereof,  is  designed  or  contemplated  by  either  of 
them."  ^ 

This  rejection  of  the  indictment  by  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  twenty-two  members  of  the  Grand  Jury,  was 
regarded  by  the  community  as  a  complete  vindication  of 
Burr  and  his  friends;^  but  their  exultation  was  of  short 
duration.  Graham,  the  President's  private  agent,  had 
visited  Marietta,  and  Blennerhassett,  relying  upon  Burr's 
former  statement  to  that  effect,  had  mistaken  him  for  a 
fellow  conspirator,  and  revealed  to  him  what  he  knew,  and, 
more  important  still,  what  he  did  not  know  of  Burr's 
plans.''  Graham  had  promptly  applied  to  the  Governor  of 
Ohio  to  seize  the  boats  and  stores  on  the  Muskingum,  and 
the  Ohio  Legislature  had  authorized  their  capture,  which 
had  been  immediately  made.^ 

Meanwhile    the    President    had    received    information 


1  "Palladium,"  Frankfort,  December  ii,  1806. 

2  Jefferson's  "Message  of  January  22,  1807;"  "Palladium,"  February  12, 
1807. 

3  Safford's  "  Blennerhassett  Papers,"  pp.  155-156. 

*  "Palladium,"  December  25,  1806,  for  Message  of  the  Governor  of  Ohio 
and  details  of  the  State's  action.  Also  details  in  Governor's  next  message. 
"Palladium,"  January  i,  1807. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  309 

which  left  no  doubt  in  his  mind  as  to  Burr's  intentions. 
General  James  Wilkinson  had  lost  faith  in  the  glorious 
enterprise,  and  had  acted  the  part  of  double  traitor  by 
dispatching  to  Jefferson,  a  letter  ^  reproducing,  as  he 
claimed,  a  cipher  communication  which  Burr  had  sent 
him  from  Philadelphia,  on  July  29,  1806.  This  is  the 
letter  which  figured  so  largely  in  Burr's  subsequent  trial 
at  Richmond,  and  concerning  which  Chief  Justice  Mar- 
shall,  who    presided   over   that  trial,  declared: 

"To  make  the  testimony  of  Gen.  J.  Wilkinson  bear  on 
Col.  Burr  it  is  necessary  to  consider  as  genuine,  the  letter 
stated  by  the  former  to  be,  as  nearly  as  he  can  make  it, 
an  interpretation  of  one  received  from  the  latter  in  cipher. 
Exclude  this  letter,  and  nothing  remains  in  the  testimony 
which  can  in  the  most  remote  degree  affect  Col.  Burr."  ^ 
It  reads  as  follows:^ 

"Your  letter,  postmarked  13th.  May,  is  received.  At 
length  I  have  obtained  funds,  and  have  actually  com- 
menced. The  eastern  detachments  from  different  points, 
and  under  different  pretenses,  will  rendezvous  on  the 
Ohio,  1st.  of  November.  Everything  internal  and  external 
favors  our  views.  Naval  protection  of  England  is  secured. 
Truxton  is  going  to  Jamaica,  to  arrange  with  the  admiral 
at  that  station.     It  will  meet  us  at  the  Mississippi — Eng- 

1  Concerning  this  letter  Jefferson,  in  his  Message  of  January  22,  1807,  says, 
"With  the  honor  of  a  soldier  and  the  fidelity  of  a  good  citizen  .  .  .  Wilkin- 
son .  .  .  despatched  a  trusty  officer  to  me  with  information  of  what  had 
passed.  .   .  ."  See  also  "Memoir  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  35. 

2  "Palladium,"  April  30,  1807. 

3  In  his  affidavit,  sworn  to  on  December  26,  1806,  and  sent  to  Congress  with 
Jefferson's  Special  Message  of  January  26,  1807,  Wilkinson  pretends  to  have 
listened  to  Burr's  propositions  in  order  to  get  at  the  actual  facts  in  the  case,  and 
thus  be  better  able  to  defeat  them.  "Palladium,"  February  19,  1807,  for  text 
of  his  affidavit. 


310        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

land — Navy  of  the  United  States,  are  ready  to  join,  and 
final  orders  are  given  to  my  friends  and  followers.  It  will 
be  a  host  of  choice  spirits.  Wilkinson  shall  be  second  to 
Burr  only,  and  Wilkinson  shall  dictate  the  rank  and  pro- 
motion of  his  officers.  Burr  will  proceed  westward  ist.  of 
August,  never  to  return.  With  him  go  his  daughter  and 
grandson.  The  husband  will  follow  in  October,  with  a 
corps  of  worthies.  Send,  forthwith,  an  intelligent  friend 
with  whom  Burr  may  confer.  He  shall  return  immedi- 
ately with  further  interesting  details;  this  is  essential  to 
harmony  and  concert  of  movement.  Send  a  list  of  all  per- 
sons known  to  Wilkinson  west  of  the  mountains,  who  could 
be  useful,  with  a  note  delineating  their  character.  By  your 
messenger,  send  me  four  or  five  of  the  commissions  of 
your  officers  which  you  can  borrow  under  any  pretence 
you  please.  They  shall  be  retained  faithfully.  Already 
are  orders  given  to  the  contractor  to  forward  six  months' 
provisions  to  points  Wilkinson  may  name;  this  shall  not 
be  used  until  the  last  moment,  and  then  under  proper  in- 
junctions. Our  project,  my  dear  friend,  is  brought  to  a 
point  so  long  desired.  Burr  guarantees  the  result  with  his 
life,  and  honor,  with  the  lives  and  honor,  and  the  fortunes 
of  hundreds,  the  best  blood  of  our  country.  Burr's  plan  of 
operation  is  to  move  down  rapidly  from  the  falls,  on  the 
15th.  of  November,  with  the  first  five  hundred  or  one 
thousand  men,  in  light  boats  now  constructing  for  that 
purpose,  to  be  at  Natchez  between  the  5Lh.  and  the  15th.  of 
December,  there  to  meet  you,  there  to  determine  whether  it 
will  be  expedient,  in  the  first  instance,  to  seize  on,  or  pass 
by.  Baton  Rouge,  .  .  .  on  receipt  of  this,  send  Burr  an  an- 
swer .  .  .  draw  on  Burr  for  all  expenses,  etc.  The  people 
of  the  country  to  which  we   are  going  are   prepared   to 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  31 1 

receive  us;  their  agents,  now  with  Burr,  say  that  if  we  will 
protect  their  religion,  and  will  not  subject  them  to  a  foreign 
power,  that,  in  three  weeks,  all  will  be  settled:  The  gods 
invite  us  to  glory  and  fortune;  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
we  deserve  the  boon.  The  bearer  of  this  goes  express  to 
you,  he  will  hand  a  formal  letter  of  introduction  to  you, 
from  Burr;  he  is  a  man  of  inviolable  honor  and  perfect 
discretion,  formed  to  execute  rather  than  project,  capable 
of  relating  facts  with  fidelity,  and  incapable  of  relating 
them  otherwise.  He  is  thoroughly  informed  of  the  plans 
and  intentions  of  .  .  .  and  will  disclose  to  you,  as  far  as 
you  inquire,  and  no  further;  he  has  imbibed  a  reverence 
for  your  character,  and  may  be  embarrassed  in  your 
presence;  put  him  at  ease,  and  he  will  satisfy  you."  ^ 

Two  days  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  Jefferson  issued 
his  Proclamation  of  November  the  twenty-seventh,'  warn- 
ing all  who  had  been  led  to  take  part  in  the  unlawful 
enterprise,  to  withdraw  from  it,  and  requiring  all  civil  and 
military  officers  of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  State  or 
Territory  to  search  out  and  bring  to  justice,  all  who  should 
be  found  to  be  engaged  in  it.^ 

Graham,  after  accomplishing  the  capture  of  the  arma- 
ment upon  the  Muskingum,  hastened  to  Frankfort,  where 
he  easily  persuaded  the  Legislature  to  pass  an  act  "*  similar 

1  "Palladium,"  February  12,  1807,  for  text;  also  Marshall,  II,  pp.  424-435; 
"Blennerhassett  Papers,"  pp.  167,  169,  etc. 

2  Text,  "Palladium,"  December  25,  1806.  The  date  of  the  receipt  of  Wil- 
kinson's letter  is  given  in  Jefferson's  Message  of  January  22,  1807. 

3  A  dispatch  from  New  Orleans  dated  December  8,  declared:  "It  is  said  his 
Excellency,  General  Wilkinson,  has  given  orders  to  have  all  the  forts  of  this  place 
repaired,  the  city  picketed  in,  and  put  in  a  complete  state  of  defence."  "Pal- 
ladium," January  15,  1807. 

^"An  act  to  prevent  unlawful  warlike  enterprises."  Text,  "Palladium," 
January  i,  1807;  see  also  Jefferson's  Message  of  January  22,  1807. 


312        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  that  just  passed  in  Ohio,  and,  under  its  provisions, 
mihtia  were  posted  upon  the  banks  of  the  river,  with 
orders  to  capture  such  scattered  remnants  of  Burr's  forces 
as  might  attempt  to  pass  down. 

Colonel  Tyler,  with  four  or  five  boats  from  the  region 
of  Beaver,  Pennsylvania,  had  already  passed  the  Falls, 
where  David  Floyd,  with  two  or  three  other  vessels,  had 
joined  him.  Burr,  who  had  gone  on  to  Nashville,  soon 
joined  them  with  two  boats  and  a  few  men.  Even  his 
courage  must  have  failed  at  finding  himself,  instead  of  the 
leader  of  a  gallant  army  of  invasion,  floating  down  the 
river  with  ten  boats  and  less  than  a  hundred  men,^  bound 
for  the  conquest  of  an  Empire.  But  as  yet  he  was  igno- 
rant of  Wilkinson's  treachery  and  the  President's  Procla- 
mation. As  soon  as  these  became  known  to  him  he  realized 
that  his  cause  was  irreparably  lost,  and  surrendered  him- 
self to  the  civil  authorities  of  the  Mississippi  Territory, 
where  he  was  again  presented  to  the  Grand  Jury  for  in- 
dictment, but  acquitted  for  lack  of  evidence.  Hearing 
that  some  military  officers  had  been  sent  by  Wilkinson 
from  New  Orleans  to  arrest  him,  he  returned  to  his  boats, 
discharged  his  men  and  plunged  into  the  wilderness,  in 
the  hope  of  escaping  to  some  British  vessel  lying  off"  the 
Florida  coast. ^ 

At  last,  after  many  adventures,  he  was  captured  near 
a  little  village  upon  the  Tombigbee,  and  taken  to  Rich- 

1  A  letter  dated  Fort  Massac,  January  5,  1807,  and  addressed  to  General 
Andrew  Jackson  says,  "On  or  about  the  31st.  ult.  Col.  Burr,  late  Vice  President 
of  the  U.  S.  passed  this,  with  about  10  boats,  of  different  descriptions,  navigated 
with  about  six  men  each,  having  nothing  on  board  that  would  even  suffer  a  con- 
jecture, more  than  a  man  bound  to  a  market.  .  .  .  [Signed]  Daniel  Bissell, 
Capt.  Commanding."     "Palladium,"  February  5,  1807. 

2  "Palladium,"  March  26,  1807. 


THE  BURR  CONSPIRACY  313 

mond,^  where  five  gentlemen  furnished  bond,  to  the  amount 
of  ten  thousand  dollars,  for  his  appearance  at  the  next 
Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  to  be  held  on  May  22, 
1807. 

Thus  ends,  so  far  as  Kentucky  history  is  concerned, 
the  enterprise  which  President  Jefferson  characterized  as: 

"The  most  extraordinary  since  the  days  of  Don  Quixote. 
It  is  so  extraordinary  that  those  who  know  his  (Burr's) 
understanding  would  not  believe  it,  if  the  proofs  admitted 
doubt.  He  meant  to  place  himself  on  the  throne  of  Monte- 
zuma and  extend  his  Empire  to  the  Alleghany.   .  .  ."  ^ 

With  the  final  arrest  of  Burr,  and  his  trial  at  Richmond, 
we  are  not  concerned.^  His  part  in  the  history  of  Ken- 
tucky was  finished  when  his  last  boat  passed  out  into  the 
Mississippi:  but  it  was  long  before  the  effects  produced  by 
his  mysterious  conspiracy,  his  trial  and  acquittal,  disap- 
peared from  the  State. 

The  imputation  of  disloyalty,  so  freely  made  against 
the  Kentuckians  during  the  days  of  Burr's  preparations, 
was  bitterly  resented.  They  felt  with  justice  that  no  sec- 
tion of  the  country  had  been  more  often  or  more  sorely 

lA  notice  dated  Richmond,  Va.,  March  27,  reprinted  in  "Palladium"  of 
April  23,  1807  says,  "Aaron  Burr,  Ex  Vice  President  of  the  U.  States,  is  now  in 
this  city  guarded  as  a  state  prisoner."  Then  follows  an  account,  gleaned  from 
his  captors,  of  the  details  of  his  arrest. 

2  Parton's  "Burr,"  p.  456. 

3  The  ruling  of  John  Marshall,  who  presided  at  that  famous  trial,  gave  rise 
to  the  suspicion,  doubtless  wholly  unjust,  that  he  was  a  strong  Burr  partisan. 
The  accusation,  however,  was  particularly  pleasing  to  the  friends  of  John  Brown, 
whose  hospitable  entertainment  of  Burr  during  his  frequent  visits  to  Frankfort, 
had  firmly  linked  his  name  with  that  of  the  great  conspirator.  In  October,  1807, 
a  letter  was  sent  him  from  his  brother  Sam  Brown,  then  in  New  Orleans,  in 
which  the  question  is  gleefully  asked.  "...  How  will  Mr.  Humphrey  Marshall 
and  his  backers  shape  their  course  now  that  Brother  John  is  so  directly  charged 
with  being  a  partisan  of  Burr's  and  yielding  to  all  Burr's  wishes  in  the  trial.  .  .  ." 
Brown  MSS. 


314        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tempted  to  disunion,  and  that,  in  spite  of  all  temptations, 
they  had  remained,  as  a  people,  staunchly  loyal.  To 
openly  repudiate  all  connection  or  sympathy  with  Burr's 
projects,  a  mass  meeting  assembled  at  Lexington  during 
the  early  days  of  January,  1807^  and,  after  appropriate 
patriotic  addresses,  adopted  a  resolution  which  declared: 

"...  That  all  charges  or  insinuations  against  the 
people  of  this  State,  of  disaffection  to  the  union  or  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  are  gross  misapprehensions 
and  without  foundation,"  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  claim 
that  this  resolution  fairly  represented  public  opinion  in 
the  Pioneer  Commonwealth. 

1  Account,  "Palladium,"  January  8,  1807. 


CHAPTER  XI 

KENTUCKY    IN   THE    WAR   OF    l8l2 

With  Burr's  trial  and  acquittal  in  1807,  foreign  plots 
and  schemes  of  revolution  came  to  an  end  in  Kentucky; 
but,  even  as  they  ceased,  the  international  complications,  in 
which  the  Federal  Government  had  long  been  involved, 
began  to  claim  the  indignant  attention  of  the  pioneer  com- 
monwealth. "The  Palladium,"  early  in  July,  1807,  con- 
tained this  startling  announcement: 

"Highly  Important 
"Just  as  this  paper  was  going  to  press  we  were  in- 
formed that  the  U.  S.  frigate  Chesapeake,  Commodore 
Barron,  has  been  fired  on  by  the  British  man  of  war,  the 
Leopard.  The  frigate,  it  appears,  had  on  board  three  or 
four  American  Seamen  who  had  been  impressed  by  the 
British  and  from  whom  they  had  made  their  escape.  The 
captain  of  the  Leopard  required  them  to  be  delivered  up 
to  him,  which  was  refused.  As  soon  as  the  frigate  sailed 
(which  was  carrying  out  supplies  to  the  Mediterranean) 
the  Leopard  followed,  and  off  the  capes  of  the  Chesapeak 
Bay,  attacked  her,  killed  7  or  8  men  and  wounded  many 
others.  The  frigate,  it  appears,  made  no  resistance,  not 
having  her  guns  prepared  for  action.  After  being  much 
shattered  by  the  unexpected  attack,  she  consequently 
struck.  The  impressed  men  were  taken  out,  and  the 
frigate  left  to  proceed  as  well  as  she  could.  We  believe 
she  has  returned  to  port." 

315 


3i6        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

At  once  the  hatred  of  England  which,  in  Kentucky,  had 
been  smoldering  since  the  days  of  Jay's  treaty,  leaped 
into  a  blaze.  There  were  few  firesides  within  the  shadow 
of  her  forests,  where  tales  of  British  wickedness  had  not 
served  to  beguile  the  long  winter  evenings;  and  the  history 
of  the  series  of  British  aggressions  upon  our  commerce 
may  be  traced  as  clearly  in  the  files  of  Kentucky  news- 
papers as  in  the  papers  of  the  Coast  States  themselves. 
The  significance  of  this  incident,  now  known  to  history 
as  "the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake,"  was,  therefore,  perfectly 
clear  to  the  average  Kentuckian.  To  him,  as  to  his  fellow 
countrymen  of  the  East,  it  meant  that  England's  contempt 
for  the  new  Republic,  so  long  manifested  by  studied  acts 
of  insult,  had  entered  upon  a  new  stage,  where  it  was  to 
express  itself  in  open  violence.  Hitherto  only  merchant 
vessels  had  been  subjected  to  the  humiliation  of  a  search 
by  British  captains;  but,  in  the  present  instance,  the  insult 
had  been  offered  to  an  American  war  ship,  representing 
the  sovereignty  of  a  free  and  independent  nation. 

Instantly  the  pioneers  of  Kentucky  repaired  to  the 
nearest  centers  of  population,  to  join  with  their  fellows  in 
war-talk  and  defiant  resolutions.  In  all  the  chief  towns  of 
the  State,  mass  meetings  assembled,  to  voice  the  general 
sense  of  indignation  against  England,  and  to  present 
resolutions  of  a  warlike  character,  condemning  this,  and 
all  similar  "acts  of  piracy,"  and  pledging  loyal  support 
to  the  administration.^ 

The  administration  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  however,  was 
not  inclined,  even  in  the  face  of  strong  provocation,  to  en- 

1  Copies  of  these  resolutions  appear,  e.  g.,  in  "Palladium,"  July  30,  Aug.  20, 
etc.,  1807.  Similar  resolutions  were  common  throughout  the  entire  country  at 
the  time.    See  McMaster,  III,  pp.  259-267. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812 


317 


courage  the  war  spirit.  The  President  had  fixed  his  eyes 
upon  one  goal,  that  of  "seeing  an  end  of  our  national 
debt,"  ^  and  refused  to  allow  himself  to  be  diverted  from  it. 

In  response  to  the  war  cry  from  Kentucky,  orders  were 
indeed  sent  to  the  governor  "to  hold  in  readiness  for  im- 
mediate service  5,212  volunteers  or  drafts"; "  but  Kentucky 
waited  in  vain  for  the  expected  call  to  arms. 

The  war  spirit,  however,  continued  to  burn  brightly,  as 
is  shown  by  the  following  entry  in  the  journal  of  the  Ken- 
tucky House  of  Representatives,  under  date  of  January  6, 
1808. 

"We  cannot  repress  our  indignation  when  contemplat- 
ing the  acts  of  perfidy  and  murder  of  the  British  navy, 
and  with  one  voice  express  a  wish  that  the  general  govern- 
ment may  adopt  prompt  and  effective  measures  to  support 
the  insulted  and  degraded  majesty  of  the  American  nation, 
and  convince  her  lordly  enemies  that  her  rights  shall  not 
be  invaded,  nor  her  dignity  insulted,  with  impunity. 

"...  We  are  willing  not  only  to  express  the  public 
sentiment,  but  also  to  pledge  our  honor,  our  blood  and 
treasure  in  support  of  such  measures  as  may  be  adopted 
by  the  general  government,  to  secure  and  protect  the 
peace,  dignity,  and  independence  of  union  against  foreign 
invasion,  and  to  chastise  and  bring  to  a  state  of  reason 
our  haughty  and  imperious  foes."  ^ 

Jefferson,  however,  believed  that  he  saw  a  peaceful 
means  of  compelling  England  and  France  to  respect  our 
flag;  and  he  therefore  entrusted  the  defence  of  American 

1  W.  E.  Curtis,  "The  True  Thomas  Jefferson,"  p.  170. 

2  "Palladium,"  July  30,  1807.  See  also  Governor  Scott's  address  to  the 
Freemen  and  Soldiers  of  Kentucky,  "Palladium,"  November  24,  1808;  Mar- 
shall, II,  p.  459;  Butler,  p.  327;  McMaster,  III,  p.  264. 

3  The  "Palladium,"  January  21,  1S08. 


3l8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

interests  to  an  embargo  (unlimited  as  to  the  time  of  its 
duration  ^),  under  whose  baneful  shadow,  his  adminis- 
tration, so  glorious  at  its  beginning,  came  to  a  dishonored 
end.  By  the  opening  of  January,  1809,  it  was  evident 
that  the  embargo  policy  had  failed,  and  its  repeal  was 
assured. 

But,  even  in  the  face  of  this  complete  failure,  Kentucky 
remained  loyal  to  Thomas  Jefferson.  Shortly  before  his 
retirement,  her  brilliant  young  adopted  son,  Henry  Clay, 
after  consultation  with  the  newly  elected  Governor, 
Charles  Scott,  presented  to  the  Legislature  a  set  of  reso- 
lutions,' declaring  the  embargo,  "a  measure  highly  judi- 
cious and  .  .  .  the  only  honorable  expedient  to  avoid 
war  .  .  .  ,"  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  "entitled  to  the  thanks 
of  his  country  for  the  ability,  uprightness,  and  intelligence 
which  he  has  displayed  in  the  management,  both  of  our 
foreign  relations  and  domestic  concerns." 

Such  wholesale  commendation  of  a  policy,  which  had 
so  manifestly  failed  to  accomplish  the  results  desired  by 
its  author,  called  forth  a  protest  from  Humphrey  Mar- 
shall, the  only  militant  Federalist  left  in  the  Kentucky 
Legislature.  Clearly  discerning  the  utter  futility  of  Jeffer- 
son's pusillanimous  policy,  he  drafted  and  offered,  as  a 
substitute  for  Clay's  resolutions,  a  series  of  his  own,^  re- 
flecting upon  Jefferson's  administration,  and  calling  for  a 
repeal  of  the  embargo.  The  only  honorable  or  patriotic 
course  open  to  the  nation — so  ran  Marshall's  resolutions — 

1  Details  of  adoption  of  embargo  policy,  McMaster,  III,  pp.  276,  27S.  The 
embargo  went  into  force  December  22,  1807.     Ibid. 

2  "Memoir  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  41,  in  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry  Clay," 
Anon.,  New  York;  Greeley  and  McElrath,  Tribune  Building,  1843,  2  vols. 
Text,  "Palladium,"  December  22,  1808. 

•'  Full  text,  Marshall,  II,  pp.  460-463;  "Memoir  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  41. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  319 

is,  "to  resume  the  practical  exercise  of  those  just  rights  of 
navigation  and  commerce,  which  have  been  suspended  .  .  . 
and  to  defend  them  w^ith  all  the  energies  of  a  people  de- 
termined to  be  free  and  independent." 

Both  series  of  resolutions  advocated  "a  bold  and  manly 
resistance"  to  all  foreign  aggressions,^  but  those  of  Mar- 
shall reflected  upon  Jefferson,  who  was  still  the  idol  of  the 
Kentucky  pioneers,  and  so  were  doomed  to  an  ignominious 
defeat.  When  the  votes  were  finally  taken,  only  one  was 
registered  in  favor  of  them,  and  that  was  the  vote  of  Mr. 
Marshall  himself.^  Clay's  resolutions  then  passed,  "all 
the  members  present  voting  in  the  afl'irmative,  except  Mr. 
Marshall,"  as  the  next  issue  of  the  local  papers  gleefully 
assures  us.^ 

But  the  conflict  was  not  yet  at  an  end.  Clay  and 
Marshall  continued  to  discuss  the  merits  of  their  respec- 
tive positions.  Federalism  against  Republicanism,  and  the 
language,  upon  both  sides,  became  more  and  more  abusive, 
until  the  inevitable  demand  was  made,  for  "the  satisfaction 
known  among  gentlemen." 

The  newspapers  of  a  few  weeks  later  give  us  full  details 
of  the  encounter. 

"On  Thursday  morning  last,"  says  the  "Palladium" 
of  January  26,  1809,  "a  duel  was  fought  in  the  Indiana 
Territory,  near  the  mouth  of  Silver  creek,  by  Henry  Clay 
and  Humphrey  Marshall,  Esq.   .   .   ."  ^ 

1  Mr.  Marshall's  words  were  slightly  different,  but  their  meaning  was  identi- 
cal: To  defend  our  national  rights  "with  all  the  energies  of  a  people  determined 
to  be  free  and  independent." 

2  Marshall,  II,  p.  462. 

3  "Palladium,"  December  22,  1808.  The  vote  was  64  to  i  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Clay's  Resolutions. 

*  The  encounter  took  place,  therefore,  on  January  19,  1809.  See  Collins,  I, 
p.  26. 


320        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

"The  following  correspondence  and  statement  relative 
to  this  affair  have  been  handed  to  us  for  publication. 

"  January  4,  1809. 
"Sir:  After  the  occurrences  in  the  house  of  Representa- 
tives on  this  day,  the  receipt  of  this  note  will  excite  with 
you  no  surprise.  I  hope  on  my  part  I  shall  not  be  disap- 
pointed in  the  execution  of  the  pledge  you  gave  on  that 
occasion,  and  in  your  disclaimer  of  the  character  attributed 
to  you.  To  enable  you  to  fulfil  these  reasonable  and  just 
expectations,  my  friend.  Major  Campbell,  is  authorized 
by  me  to  adjust  the  ceremonies  proper  to  be  observed. 

"  I   am.  Sir,  Yours  etc., 

"  Henry  Clay." 

"January  4,  1809. 

"Sir:  Your  note  of  this  date  was  handed  me  by  Major 
Campbell — the  object  is  understood,  and  without  deigning 
to  notice  the  insinuation  it  contains  as  to  character,  the 
necessary  arrangements  are,  on  my  part,  submitted  to 
my  friend,  Colonel  Moore. 

"  Yours,  Sir,  etc., 
"H.  Marshall. 

"Rules  to  be  observed  by  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Marshall 
on  the  ground,  in  settling-  the  affair  now  pending  between 
them. 

"i.  Each  gentleman  will  take  his  station  at  ten  paces 
distance  from  the  other,  and  will  stand  as  may  suit  his 
choice,  with  his  arms  hanging  down  and  after  the  words. 
Attention!  Fire!  being  given,  both  may  fire  at  their  leisure. 

"2.  A  snap  or  flash  shall  be  equivalent  to  a  fire. 

"3.  If  one  should  fire  before  the  other,  he  who  fires  first 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  321 

shall  stand  in  the  position  in  which  he  was  when  he  fired, 
except  that  he  may  let  his  arm  fall  down  by  his  side. 

"4.  A  violation  of  the  above  rules  by  either  of  the  parties 
(accidents  excepted)  shall  subject  the  offender  to  instant 
death." 

"John  B.  Camphkll. 
"James  F.  Moore. 

"Conformably  to  previous  arrangement,  Mr.  Clay  and 
Mr.  Marshall,  attended  by  their  friends,  crossed  the  Ohio 
at  Shippingport,  and,  an  eligible  spot  of  ground  present- 
ing itself  immediately  below  the  mouth  of  Silver  creek, 
ten  steps,  the  distance  agreed  on,  was  measured  off,  and 
each  gentleman  took  his  position.  The  word  being  given, 
both  gentlemen  fired:  Mr.  Marshall's  fire  did  not  take 
effect.  Mr.  Clay  succeeded  as  far  as  to  give  Mr.  Marshall 
a  slight  wound  on  the  belly.  Preparations  were  then  made 
for  a  second  fire:  Mr.  Marshall  again  fired  without  effect. 
Mr.  Clay  snapped,  which,  agreeably  to  rules  agreed  on, 
was  equivalent  to  a  fire.  A  third  preparation  was  made, 
when  each  gentleman  stood  at  his  station  waiting  for  the 
word:  Mr.  Marshall  fired  first,  and  gave  Mr.  Clay  a  flesh 
wound  in  the  right  thigh — Mr.  Clay  fired  without  effect. 
Mr.  Clay  insisted  on  another  fire,  very  ardently;  but  his 
situation,  resulting  from  his  wound,  placing  him  on  un- 
equal grounds,  his  importunate  request  was  not  complied 
with. 

"We  deem  it  justice  to  both  gentlemen  to  pronounce 
their  conduct  on  the  occasion,  cool,  determined,  and  brave, 
in  the  highest  degree. 

"Mr.  Clay's  friend  was  under  an  impression  that  Mr. 
Marshall,  at  the  third  fire,  violated  a  rule  which  required 

Kentucky — 21 


322        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

that  he  who  fired  first  should  stand  in  the  position  in 
which  he  was  when  he  fired;  but  Mr.  Marshall's  friend 
being  convinced  that  Mr.  Clay  had  fired  previous  to  Mr. 
Marshall's  moving  from  his  position — this  circumstance 
is  considered  as  one  in  which  gentlemen  may  be  mistaken 
on  such  occasions,  and  is  not  to  be  noticed  in  this  affair. 

"John  B.  Campbell. 

"James  F.  Moore. 
"Thursday  Jan.  19,  1809."^ 

About  six  weeks  after  this  duel,  the  author  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  retired  from  the  Presidency, 
conscious  of  the  fact  that  all  his  political  ingenuity  had 
failed  to  maintain  the  independence  of  his  country.  He 
saw,  as  no  clear-sighted  man  of  the  day  could  have  failed 
to  see,  that  diplomacy  and  peaceful  negotiations  had  ex- 
hausted their  resources,  and  that  the  nation  stood  face  to 
face  with  actual  war  with  either  England  or  France,  and 
perhaps  with  both." 

On  March  4,  1809,  James  Madison  took  the  oath  of 
office,  and  began  his  hopeless  attempt  to  steer  the  nation 
out  of  the  current  of  European  war.  Like  his  great  prede- 
cessor, Madison  was  a  man  of  peace.  His  disposition  and 
peculiar  abilities  had  enabled  him  to  play  a  leading  part  in 
constructive  statesmanship,  but  he  was  sadly  lacking  in  the 
elements  of  character  necessary  for  meeting  a  crisis  such 
as  now  confronted  the  country,  and  he  lacked  also  that 

1  The  Legislature,  in  December  session,  1811,  passed  an  act  more  effectually 
to  suppress  the  practice  of  duelling.  "The  Reporter,"  Lexington,  February  15, 
1812. 

2  "Our  situation,"  said  Jefferson,  "is  truly  difficult.  We  have  been  pressed 
by  the  belligerents  to  the  very  wall,  and  further  retreat  is  impracticable."  Curtis' 
"True  Thomas  Jefferson,"  p.  172. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812 


323 


strong  hold  upon  party  loyalty  which  had  characterized 
Thomas  Jefferson.  The  immediate  result  was  a  period 
of  uncertainty,  weakness  and  consequent  business  disturb- 
ance which  was  poorly  calculated  to  prepare  the  nation 
for  war  with  England. 

Jefferson,  during  the  last  days  of  his  administration, 
had  declined  to  take  any  part  in  the  initiation  of  new 
policies;  ^  and  Madison,  therefore,  as  soon  as  his  election 
was  assured,  had  let  it  be  known  that  he  favored  the  im- 
mediate lifting  of  the  embargo,  and  the  substitution  of 
a  policy  of  non-intercourse  with  the  belligerent  powers  of 
Europe.  Congress  had  at  once  passed  a  law  embodying 
this  change,  and  it  had  gone  into  operation  the  day 
that  Madison  took  the  oath  of  office.^  Its  immediate 
effect  was  a  temporary  return  of  prosperity.  American 
shipowners  began  to  realize  enormous  gains,  not  only  by 
taking  advantage  of  such  legitimate  trade  as  the  law  left 
open,  but  also  by  turning  to  their  own  profit  certain  less 
reputable  openings,  which  the  French  or  the  British  Gov- 
ernments made  for  them.^  Moreover,  Mr.  Erskine,  the 
new  British  Minister,  now  appeared  at  Washington,  and 
*  promptly  concluded  a  treaty  obliging  Great  Britain  to 
withdraw  her  orders  in  council,  by  June  10,  1809,  and 
to  respect  our  neutral  trade,  upon  condition  that  non- 
intercourse  with  England  should  be  withdrawn.  Upon 
the  basis  of  this  amicable  settlement,  Madison  issued  a 
proclamation  informing  his  delighted  fellow-citizens  that, 
after  June  10,  they  would  be  free  again  to  trade  with 
every  port,  which  was  not  subject  to  the  French  flag. 

1  Curtis's  "True  Thomas  Jefferson,"  p.  172. 

2  Text  of  Bill,  Macdonald's  "Documentary  Source  Book,"  No.  67. 

3  Channing,  p.  329. 


324        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

For  a  few  brief  weeks  after  the  appearance  of  this  proc- 
lamation, Madison  was  the  idol  of  both  parties.  He  had 
broken  the  meshes  of  the  net  in  which  the  nation  had 
seen  herself  being  dragged  into  a  European  war.  He 
had  secured  with  ease  concessions  which  Jefferson  had 
failed  to  secure.  He  had  dissolved,  magician  that  he  was, 
the  black  war  cloud  which  had  threatened  the  young  re- 
public. He  had  himself  assured  Congress,  in  a  joyous 
message,  that  there  would  be  no  war,  and  the  nation 
might  safely  trust  his  knowledge  upon  this  subject.  Thus 
spoke  the  oratory  of  the  day;  but  such  rejoicings  were 
speedily  cut  short  by  the  news  that  England  had  disa- 
vowed Erskine's  promises,  and  declined  to  ratify  his  treaty; 
and  Madison  saw  himself  an  Ichabod,  whose  glory  had 
departed  from  him. 

The  failure  of  the  Erskine  treaty  brought  no  distress  to 
the  Kentucky  people.  To  them  a  war  with  England 
meant  an  opportunity  to  capture  Canada,  and  to  put 
an  end  to  the  British  intrigues  with  the  Indians,  which 
they  believed  to  have  been  responsible  for  most  of  the 
border  warfare  from  which  they  had  so  long  suffered. 
They  therefore  regarded,  with  ill -concealed  disapproval,  the 
flabby  policy  contained  in  the  famous  Macon  Bill,  No.  i^ 
which  provided  for  the  immediate  repeal  of  the  non- 
intercourse  act,  and  authorized  President  Madison,  in 
case  either  France  or  England  should  "cease  to  violate  the 
neutral  commerce  of  the  United  States,"  to  revive  non- 
intercourse  with  the  other,  if  she  refused  to  follow  the 
same  course. 

The  desire  of  Kentucky  to  invade  Canada  was  ex- 
pressed by  Henry  Clay,  early  in   February,  1810,  in  the 

1  Adams's  "Gallatin,"  p.  416. 


m 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  325 

following  words:  ^  "The  conquest  of  Canada  is  in  your 
power:  I  trust  I  shall  not  be  deemed  presumptuous  when 
I  state  that  I  verily  believe  that  the  militia  of  Kentucky 
are  alone  competent  to  place  Montreal  and  upper  Can- 
ada at  your  feet.  Is  it  nothing  to  the  British  nation;  is 
it  nothing  to  the  pride  of  her  monarch,  to  have  the  last 
of  the  immense  North  American  possessions,  held  by  him 
in  the  commencement  of  his  reign,  wrested  from  his  do- 
minions ?  Is  it  nothing  to  us  to  extinguish  the  torch  that 
lights  up  savage  warfare  ?  " 

It  was  with  this  idea  in  mind  that  Mr.  Clay  assumed  the 
duties  of  Speaker  of  the  Twelfth  Congress,"  a  post  to 
which  he  was  chosen  as  the  avowed  champion  of  the  war 
policy.  He  was  not  yet  thirty-five  years  old,^  but  his 
youthfulness  by  no  means  argued  lack  of  experience  in  the 
management  of  public  affairs.  For  eight  years  he  had 
been  a  prominent  figure  in  the  lower  house  of  the  Ken- 
tucky Legislature,  and,  upon  two  occasions,  had  filled 
temporary  vacancies  in  the  United  States  Senate,^  where 
he  had  attracted  general  attention  by  speeches  advocating 
internal  improvements  at  national  cost,  and  a  system  of 
national  protection  for  articles  of  American  growth  and 

1  Babcock,  "  American  Nation  Series,"  XIII,  p.  85. 

2  Clay  was  chosen  Speaker  on  the  first  ballot,  November  4,  181 1,  by  a  vote 
of  75  against  38  for  Bibb  of  Georgia,  the  so-called  "peace  candidate."  Niles,  I, 
p.  153;  Clay's  "Memoir,"  p.  51. 

3  Henry  Clay  was  born  in  Hanover  County,  Virginia,  on  April  12,  1777. 

*  In  1803  Henry  Clay  had  been  chosen  to  represent  Fayette  County  in  the 
lower  house  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  had  been  regularly  returned  at 
each  election  until  1806.  In  that  year  he  had  been  chosen  to  fill  out  the  un- 
expired term  of  General  Adair,  one  of  Kentucky's  United  States  Senators.  At 
the  close  of  the  session  of  the  Senate,  where  he  had  made  a  considerable  reputa- 
tion as  a  debater,  Clay  had  returned  to  his  position  as  the  representative  of 
Fayette  County  in  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  where  he  continued  to  serve  until 
1809,  when  he  was  again  sent  to  the  United  States  Senate,  this  time  to  fill  a 


326        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

manufacture.^  He  entered  Congress,  therefore,  not  as  an 
unknown  representative  from  the  West,  as  we  are  some- 
times led  to  beheve,  but  as  a  man  whose  abihty  for  lead- 
ership had  already  been  tested. 

The  new  House  of  Representatives,  over  which  Clay 
was  called  to  preside  at  this  critical  period,  was  com- 
posed largely  of  men  whose  influence  in  national  affairs  as 
yet  lay  in  the  future.  Of  the  one  hundred  and  forty-two 
representatives,  seventy  were  just  beginning  their  careers, 
and  they  chose  Mr.  Clay,  Speaker,  more  for  what  his  past 
seemed  to  promise,  than  for  anythmg  which  he  had  actually 
accomplished. 

"From  the  moment,"  writes  Schouler,  that  "this  tall, 
slender,  son  of  Kentucky,  wnth  long  brown  hair,  blue  eyes, 
large  mouth,  peaked  nose,  and  shaven  face,  mounted  the 
steps  and  took  the  gavel  into  his  hand  .  .  .  the  House 
[had]  the  popular  leader  which  two  Presidents  had  sought 
in  vain;  and  the  country  a  foreign  policy,  the  most  spirited, 
if  not  the  wisest.''  "  Mr,  Madison  might  hesitate  and 
urge  new  peace  measures,  but  such  a  house,  with  such  a 
Speaker,  could  not  long  be  kept  quiet,  and,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  policy  of  Macon's  Bill  No.  2,  matters  had 
already  reached  a  point  where  it  required  no  Pericles  to 
see  that  a  war  was  brewing. 

In  the  provisions  of  that  bill.  Napoleon  had   seen  his 

vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Thurston.  At  his  retirement  from  this 
post  of  honor,  where  his  abihties  as  an  orator  and  debater  won  him  distinction, 
Clay  was  elected  to  represent  the  Fayette  District  of  Kentucky  in  the  national 
House  of  Representatives.  His  choice  as  Speaker  of  the  Twelfth  Congress  was 
a  signal  tribute  to  the  capacity  for  leadership  which  he  had  shown  in  each  of 
these  positions.     Collins,  H,  pp.  208-209,  ^^'^■ 

1  He  had  also  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  destruction  of  the  national 
bank.    Carl  .Schurz,  "Henry  Claj',"  I,  p.  64. 

2  Schouler,  II,  p.  338. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  327 

opportunity  to  embroil  the  United  States  in  a  war  with 
his  great  antagonist,  and,  with  characteristic  disregard  of 
truth,  had  notified  Mr.  Madison  that  his  decrees  against 
American  shipping  had  been  revoked,  and  would  cease 
to  have  any  effect,  after  the  first  day  of  November,  1810.^ 
This  meant,  of  course,  that,  if  England  should  decline 
to  take  a  similar  step,  non-intercourse  must  be  revived 
against  her. 

With  a  faith  in  the  sincerity  of  Napoleon's  declaration 
which,  to  men  of  our  own  generation,  seems  almost  in- 
credible, Madison  had  confidently  awaited  a  similar  as- 
surance from  England.  But  Great  Britain,  too  honest  to 
resort  to  Napoleon's  unworthy  tactics,  and  too  independent 
to  make  the  concessions  demanded,  had  remained  unre- 
sponsive, apparently  indifferent  to  the  danger  of  renewed 
non-intercourse.  At  last  Madison,  confident  in  the 
strength  of  his  peaceful  weapon,  had  issued  a  proclama- 
tion," declaring  that,  on  February  2d,  181 1,  intercourse 
with  England  and  her  dependencies  would  cease,  and 
would  remain  suspended  until  she  should  repeal  her  ob- 
noxious orders.  Even  this  declaration  had  failed  to  bring 
England  to  terms,  and,  as  the  spring,  summer  and  au- 
tumn of  181 1  had  passed,  there  had  been  no  sign  of  re- 
lenting by  the  British  Government. 

Meanwhile  it  had  become  evident  that  the  actions  of 
France  comported  ill  with  the  assurances  given  by  her 
Emperor.  American  ships  were  still  being  captured  and 
condemned.  New  decrees  had  been  issued;  the  revoked 
decrees  themselves  were  still  acted   upon;  and  Madison 

1  Wilson's  "History  of  the  American  People,"  III,  p.  206. 

2  Proclamation  of  November  2,  1810.  Text,  Amer.  State  Papers,  Second 
Edition,  VIII,  pp.  11-13. 


328        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

saw  the  nation  dragged  nearer  and  nearer  to  war,  by  means 
of  the  very  program  which  had  been  designed  to  maintain 
peace.  At  the  time  when  Clay  took  up  the  duties  of 
Speaker  it  seemed  only  a  question  of  whom  we  should  fight. 

France  had  given  pledges,  pledges  indeed  which  she  had 
made  little  pretence  of  keeping,  but  it  seemed  somewhat 
compatible  with  national  dignity  to  act  as  though  we  still 
credited  them.  England,  on  the  other  hand,  had  held 
out  nothing  that  could  possibly  be  seized  upon  as  an  olive 
branch.  To  fight  England,  and  disregard  the  ill-concealed 
insults  from  France,  seemed,  therefore,  the  most  bearable 
course,  for  no  one  deemed  it  possible  to  declare  war 
against  both  the  belligerents  at  once. 

In  the  mind  of  the  young  Speaker  of  the  House  and  the 
band  of  new  men  who  eagerly  followed  his  lead,  there 
lurked  also  the  ancient  grievance  of  the  West,  the  British 
proneness  to  incite  Indian  border  warfare.  The  bellige- 
rent powers  were  striking,  with  almost  equal  disregard 
of  neutral  rights,  at  the  commerce  of  the  Coast  States: 
but  England  alone  stood  accused  of  tampering  with  the 
Western  tribes;  and,  to  the  people  of  the  new  West,  this 
was  the  great  question  of  the  hour.  The  impressment  of 
American  seamen,  they  resented  as  an  act  insulting  to 
their  nation;  the  capture  of  American  trading  vessels,  they 
regarded  as  "piracy";  but  the  inciting  of  savages  was  war. 
And,  even  as  Mr.  Clay  took  up  his  Speaker's  gavel,  he  knew 
that  his  fellow  Kentuckians  were  taking  up  the  musket,  and 
marching  to  join  an  army  which  Governor  William  Henry 
Harrison  of  the  Indiana  Territory  was  to  lead  against 
the  great  Indian  confederation  of  the  twin  brethren,  Te- 
cumseh  and  "The  Prophet;  "  and,  before  the  debate  con- 
cerning the  questions  of  foreign  complications  was  con- 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  329 

eluded,  Mr.  Clay  received  news  ^  of  the  success  of  this 
expedition. 

On  November  7,  the  Kentucky  volunteers  and  a  regi- 
ment of  regulars  from  Pittsburg,  led  by  Governor  Harri- 
son, had  crushed  the  savage  allies  at  Tippecanoe;  ^  and 
had  found,  what  they  considered  abundant  proof,  that  the 
British  authorities  of  Canada  had  put  arms  into  the  hands 
of  the  Indian  chiefs  when  the  war  broke  out;  while  Har- 
rison himself,  in  a  letter  of  December  2,  1811,^  thus 
charges  England  with  being  directly  responsible  for  the 
Indian  uprising: 

"Within  the  last  three  months  the  whole  of  the  Indians 
on  this  frontier  have  been  completely  armed  and  equipped 
out  of  the  King's  stores  at  Maiden.  .  .  .  The  Indians 
had,  moreover,  an  ample  supply  of  the  best  British  glazed 
powder— some  of  their  guns  had  been  sent  to  them  so 
short  a  time  before  the  action,  that  they  were  not  divested 
of  the  list  covering  in  which  they  are  imported." 

It  has  been  frequently  insisted  that  the  facts  do  not 
sustain  this  serious  charge  against  the  British  authorities. 
Humphrey  Marshall  unhesitatingly  repudiates  the  idea, 
declaring  that  Governor  Harrison  represented  "the  In- 
dians as  acting  under  British  influence,"  in  order  "to  jus- 
tify himself  for  beginning  the  war."  '^     But,  true  or  false, 

1  The  news  of  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  reached  Washington  early  in  Decem- 
ber, 1811.  See  Schouler,  II,  p.  335.  Full  details  of  battle,  see  No.  15  of  "  Filson 
Club  Publications,"  "The  Battle  of  Tippecanoe,"  by  Capt.  Alfred  Pirtle.  The 
second  part  reprints  a  number  of  valuable  documents  bearing  upon  Ken- 
tucky's part  in  this  victory. 

2  Marshall,  II,  pp.  494-506,  for  text  of  Harrison's  official  account  of  the 
battle  of  Tippecanoe,  dated  Vincennes,  November  18,  181 1. 

'Harrison  to  Col.  John  M.  Scott,  of    Frankfort,  Ky.     Niles,  I,  31 1-3 12. 

4  Marshall,  II,  p.  491.  Foster,  in  his  correspondence  of  January,  1812, 
denies  the  imputation,  prior  to  181 1,  but  his  denial  as  to  more  recent  dates  is 
only  half-hearted.     Schouler,  II,  p.  342,  note. 


330        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  charge  was  made  and  believed,  and  it  seriously  affected 
the  attitude  of  the  West  toward  England,  at  this  critical 
moment.' 

Determined  upon  war  with  England  before  the  arrival 
of  this  news.  Clay  found  himself  greatly  strengthened 
and  encouraged  by  it.  The  committees,  which  he  had  ap- 
pointed, poured  their  war  recommendations  into  Congress 
in  a  ceaseless  stream.  The  opposition  was  powerless. 
Randolph  declared  the  charge  of  British  tampering  with 
the  Indians  quite  unproven.  "Show  but  good  ground  for 
it  [i.  e.  this  charge],"  he  said,  "and  I  will  give  up  the 
question  and  am  ready  to  march  to  Canada."  '  To  Clay 
and  his  allies,  however,  it  had  been  sufficiently  proved, 
and  they  were  already  prepared  to  start  the  march.  Ran- 
dolph might  exhaust  his  satirical  genius  in  questioning 
the  facts;  Madison  might  hesitate  and  plead  for  time; 
mass  meetings  in  Boston  and  New  York  might  rail  at 
"the  madmen  of  Kentucky  and  Virginia;"  ^  but  Henry 
Clay,  and  his  impetuous  young  associates,  were  at  the 
helm  of  State,  and  could  not  be  restrained  by  words 
of  caution. '^  And  so  war  preparations  continued,  and 
daily  it  became  more  evident  that  Kentucky  was  soon 
to  be  given  the  long-coveted  opportunity  of  invading 
Canada. 

In  his  message  of  June  i,  1812,  Mr.  Madison  made  his 
surrender  to  the  war  party,  suggesting  more  complete  prep- 

1  Niles,  II,  pp.  342-344,  prints  extensive  correspondence  from  Harrison, 
Hull,  Genera!  William  Clark,  John  Johnson  and  various  other  men  of  promi- 
nence in  the  Indian  country,  which  gives  great  weight  to  the  charge  against  the 
British. 

*  "Annals  of  Congress,"  Thursday,  December  lo,  1811;  Niles,  I,  Supplemen- 
tary to  No.  17,  I,  p.  317. 

3  Schouler,  II,  p.  351. 

*  Sargent's  "Clay,"  pp.  13-14. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  331 

arations  for  "opposing  force  to  force  in  defence  of  .  .  . 
national  rights,"  and  including  among  the  list  of  grievances 
against  Great  Britain,  the  Indian  disturbances  of  the 
Northwest.  The  Federalist  party  always  claimed  that  this 
message  had  been  forced  from  the  peace-loving  Madison, 
by  a  committee  of  Congress,  with  Clay  as  its  chairman, 
who  had  threatened  to  prevent  his  renomination  should  he 
refuse  to  recommend  a  declaration  of  war.  To  save  his 
political  head,  they  declared,  he  consented;  and  was  re- 
warded by  the  nomination  on  May  18,  his  message  follow- 
ing on  June  i.  The  charge  was  made  openly  in  Congress, 
and  James  Fiske,  a  Vermont  member,  is  said  to  have  de- 
clared that  he  was  one  of  the  committee;  but  Mr.  Clay  and 
his  friends  positively  denied  the  story. ^  The  truth  seems  to 
be,  from  certain  documents  quoted  by  Mr.  Adams,  in  his 
life  of  Albert  Gallatin,  that  Madison,  while  willing  to  sign 
a  bill  declaring  war,  was  unwilling  to  take  the  responsi- 
bility of  recommending  it.  He  really  wished  to  send  Mr. 
Bayard  to  England,  to  make  one  more  effort  for  a  peaceful 
settlement;  but  Clay  and  a  committee  called  upon  him, 
and  informed  him  that  such  a  step  would  lose  him  the 
support  of  the  war  party  in  the  coming  caucus.  "This," 
says  Mr.  Adams,  "is  all  that  can  be  now  affirmed  in  re- 
gard to  the  celebrated  charge,  that  Mr.  Madison  made  war 
in  order  to  obtain  a  re-election."  ^ 

Congress  eagerly  complied  with  the  recommendation  of 
the  President,  and,  three  days  later,  passed  a  declaration  of 

1  Adams's  "Gallatin,"  pp.  456  et  seq.,  for  examination  of  story.  Also 
Schouler,  II,  p.  349,  note. 

2  John  J.  Crittenden,  in  his  commemoration  address  upon  Henry  Clay, 
declares  that  this  committee  merely  assured  the  President  that  a  majority  of 
Congress  stood  ready  "to  vote  the  war  if  recommended  by  him."  Text,  Cole- 
man's "Crittenden,"  I,  pp.  39-57. 


332        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

war.^  The  Senate  held  the  measure  twelve  days  in  sus- 
pense, Mr.  Pope,  one  of  the  Kentucky  senators,  exerting 
all  his  energy  to  defeat  it;  but  it  finally  passed  ^  and,  on 
June  1 8,  President  Madison  affixed  his  signature.  War 
with  Great  Britain  had  come  at  last. 

The  news  reached  Kentucky  toward  the  end  of  June, 
and  the  "Lexington  Reporter,"  of  July  i,  thus  describes 
its  reception: 

"News  of  a  declaration  of  war  arrived  in  this  place  on 
Friday  last,  when  there  was  a  firing  of  cannon  and  muske- 
try commenced,  and  kept  up  until  late  in  the  evening. 
The  same  thing,  we  understand,  took  place  at  Frankfort. 
In  this  town,  Winchester,  Richmond,  and  Nicholasville, 
the  houses  were  illuminated — and  most  decided  evidence 
of  approbation  of  the  measure,  was  everywhere  manifested. 

"In  the  moment  of  joy,  when  the  citizens  saw  their 
country,  a  second  time  declared  independent — it  is  re- 
ported that  at  Nicholasville  and  Mount  Sterling,  Mr.  Pope, 
our  Senator,  who  opposed   the  war  was  burnt  in  effigy." 

Celebrations  and  impassioned  orations  were  the  order 
of  the  day  throughout  the  Commonwealth.  The  unjust 
actions  of  Great  Britain  and  France  were  the  themes  of 
patriotic  addresses,^  and  the  common  opinion  was  ex- 
pressed by  an  enthusiastic  meeting  at  Lexington,  which 

1  Schurz's  "Clay,"  I,  p.  85.  In  the  meantime  Lord  Brougham  had  pre- 
sented to  the  House  of  Commons  a  resolution,  calling  for  the  unconditional  re- 
peal of  the  Orders  in  Council;  but  the  fact  was  of  course  unknown  in  America. 
The  ministry  grudgingly  consented  to  the  motion,  and,  on  June  23,  four  days 
after  Madison's  proclamation  of  war,  the  repeal  of  the  orders  was  accomplished. 
Babcock's  "American  Nation  Series,"  XIII,  p.  75. 

2  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  pp.  7-8,  gives  the  vote  by  States;  Ibid., 
p.  188,  for  vote  of  Kentucky. 

3  The  "Lexington  Reporter,"  uf  July  13,  1812,  gives  almost  the  whole  issue 
to  descriptions  of  pro-war  celebrations  in  Kentucky. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  333 

sent  the  President  a  series  of  resolutions  declaring,  among 
other  things,  that,  "those  who  have  temporised,  or  op- 
posed the  declaration  of  war,  are  unworthy  the  confidence 
of  freemen,"  and  "...  those  who  will  not  aid  our  gov- 
ernment in  this  our  second  struggle  for  independence,  are 
enemies  of  their  country." 

But  enthusiasm  soon  received  a  most  unexpected  shock. 
A  few  weeks  before  the  declaration  of  war.  Governor 
Scott  had  issued  a  call  ^  for  fifteen  hundred  Kentucky 
volunteers,  who  Vv^ere  to  join  the  army  which  General  Hull 
was  gathering  at  Detroit.  They  had  started  for  the  front, 
and  had  reached  Georgetown,  when  news  came  that  Gen- 
eral Hull  had  "thrown  out  the  white  flag  from  his  fort  at 
Detroit,  and  surrendered  all  his  forces,  and  the  strong- 
hold itself,  to  the  allied  Brock  and  Tecumseh;  and  this 
without  having  fired  a  gun,  or  consulted  one  of  his  sub- 
ordinates." ^ 

*'This  news,"  says  M'Clung,^  "was  received  with  a 
burst  of  indignant  fury,  which  no  other  event  has  ever  ex- 
cited in  Kentucky."  For  months  afterwards,  the  Ken- 
tucky papers  were  filled  with  fierce  denunciations  of  Hull, 
to  whose  "imbecility,  cowardice,  or  treachery"  ^  the  fail- 
ure of  their  first  expedition  was  attributed.    Mr.  Madison 


1  "Lexington  Reporter,"  May  9,  1812,  for  full  text  of  the  call.  The  Gov- 
ernor, at  the  same  time,  organized  ten  regiments,  amounting  to  5,500  troops, 
as  Kentucky's  quota  of  the  100,000  militia  called  for  by  the  United  States. 
It  is  said  that  Madison  proposed  making  Clay  general  of  the  forces  in  the 
field,  but  that  Gallatin  discouraged  the  idea,  saying:  "But  what  shall  we  do 
without  Clay  in  Congress."    Schurz's  "Clay,"  I,  p.  88. 

2  Schouler,  II,  p.  358.  In  1814  Hull  was  tried  at  a  court-martial  at  Albany, 
found  guilty  of  cowardice,  neglect  of  duty  and  unofficerlike  conduct,  and  his 
name  was  stricken  from  the  rolls  of  the  army.     Ibid. 

3  "Outline  History  of  Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  298. 
*  "Lexington  Reporter,"  September  26,  1812. 


334        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

also  received  his  meed  of  censure  for  keeping  in  office, 
and  in  positions  of  military  authority,  men  totally  unfitted 
for  organizing  or  leading  military  campaigns.  Samuel 
Brown  expressed  the  feeling  of  his  district  when  he  wrote, 
"1  look  for  nothing  but  defeat  until  our  old,  nominal 
generals  are  out  of  the  way,  and  young,  active,  enterpris- 
ing men  placed  at  the  head  of  well  appointed  armies. 
Eustis^  must  go  out,  and  Madison  is  only  fit  for  negotia- 
tion. If  we  must  have  war  we  must  have  energy  in  our 
President,  and  that  we  know  Madison  has  not  nor  ever 
will  have.  .   .   ."  ^ 

The  Kentucky  people  realized,  of  course,  that  they  could 
do  little  towards  effecting  these  changes;  but  their  volun- 
teers were  on  the  way  to  the  front,  and  it  was  an  im- 
portant question  as  to  who  should  command  them.  Hull, 
they  properly  insisted,  had  forfeited  the  right,  having 
"traitorously  sold  our  army  and  Detroit  to  the  British,"  ^ 
and  they  indicated  General  Harrison,  as  the  man  who 
would  best  satisfy  the  West."*  President  Madison  hesi- 
tated, and  the  Kentucky  leaders  promptly  acted  for  them- 
selves. At  a  caucus,  called  by  Governor  Scott,  and  com- 
posed of  ex-Governor  Shelby,  Henry  Clay,  ex-Governor 
Greenup,  Thomas  Todd,  and  other  distinguished  Ken- 
tuckians,'^  it  was  decided,  "to  give  Harrison  a  brevet  com- 
mission of  Major  General  in  the  militia  of  Kentucky,  and 
authorize  him  to  take  command  of  the  detachment  now 

1  Secretary  of  War,  William  Eustis,  himself  confirmed  this  verdict,  about 
ten  weeks  later  (December  3,  1812),  by  sending  in  his  resignation,  which  took 
effect  on  the  thirty-first  of  the  same  month. 

2  Brown-Preston  MSS.,  "  S.  Brown  to  John  Brown,"  Natchez,  Septem- 
ber 20,  181 2. 

3  "Lexington  Reporter,"  September  5,  1812. 

4  Schouler,  II,  p.  358;  Marshall,  II,  p.  458. 

»  Butler,  p.  345;  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  16. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  335 

marching  to  Detroit."  ^  This  decision  was  extraordinary, 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  General  Harrison  was  not  a  Ken- 
tuckian;  but  the  Governor  and  his  advisers  knew  the  hold 
which  he  had  upon  the  hearts  of  the  Kentuckians,  and 
their  confidence  in  the  appointment  was  shown  by  their 
decision  to,  "  increase  the  detachment  ...  to  be  sent  to 
the  relief  of  Hull,  to  three  thousand."  ^ 

These  arrangements  were  concluded  at  the  end  of  Gover- 
nor Scott's  term  of  office,  and  one  of  the  first  public  duties 
of  his  successor,  Isaac  Shelby,  was  to  receive  General 
Harrison's  formal  acceptance  of  the  flattering  appoint- 
ment. He  then  informed  President  Madison  of  what  had 
been  done,  declaring  that  the  commission  was  provisional, 
and  subject  to  the  will  of  the  nation's  chief  executive. 

What  Mr.  Madison  thought  of  this  somewhat  progressive 
attitude  of  the  Pioneer  Commonwealth,  we  do  not  know. 
He  had  already  selected  General  Winchester  of  Tennessee, 
as  commander  of  the  Western  army,  and  Winchester  had 
taken  command  at  Fort  Wayne,  on  September  19,  1812.^ 
But,  whatever  his  own  feelings  may  have  been,  he  wisely 
decided  to  yield  to  the  desire  of  the  Kentuckians,  upon 
whose  support  the  strength  of  the  army  of  the  West  must 
largely  depend,  and,  having  countermanded  his  first 
orders,  he  assigned  the  command  to  General  Harrison.'* 

There  could  be  no  doubt  of  the  popularity  of  this  ap- 
pointment.    Hundreds  of  mounted  volunteers  from  dif- 

1  Text  of  orders  issued  in  accordance  with  this  decision,  printed  in  "Lexing- 
ton Reporter,"  August  29,  1812. 

2  On  August  29,  1812,  Harrison  wrote  to  Henry  Clay,  "No  such  material 
for  forming  an  invincible  army  ever  existed  as  the  volunteers  which  have  marched 
from  Kentucky  on  the  present  occasion."  Cotton's  "Private  Correspondence 
of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  21. 

3  "Lexington  Reporter,"  October  3,  1812. 

4  Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  20,  22. 


336        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ferent  parts  of  Kentucky  hastened  to  join  Harrison's 
army,^  and  the  papers  boasted  that,  if  occasion  should  de- 
mand their  services,  "there  would  be  scarcely  a  male  in- 
habitant left  in  the  State  capable  of  bearing  arms." 

In  the  general  plan  of  campaign,^  which  Dearborn,  the 
senior  Major  General  of  the  American  armies,  had  pre- 
sented to  the  War  Department  before  the  opening  of  hos- 
tilities, the  first  step  had  been  to  capture  Fort  Maiden 
and  Fort  Amherstburg.  This,  it  was  felt,  would  open  up 
an  easy  route  to  Montreal  and  Quebec,  and  facilitate  the 
contemplated  peaceful  conquest  of  Canada,  the  acquisi- 
tion of  which,  wrote  Jefferson,^  "will  be  a  mere  matter 
of  marching."  Hull's  surrender  had,  however,  vastly  in- 
creased the  task  of  the  Western  army,  for  General  Harri- 
son, before  conquering  upper  Canada,  must  now  recapture 
Detroit,  and  humble  the  tribes  of  the  Northwest. 

To  the  Secretary  of  War,  (William  Eustis  of  Massachu- 
setts), this  seemed  an  easy  undertaking  and  so,  perhaps,  it 
might  have  proved,  had  Harrison  been  provided  with 
trained  troops,  and  an  effective  commissary  department. 
As  things  stood,  however,  with  the  enemy  in  full  possession 
of  the  lakes,  with  a  wilderness  of  savage-infested  swamps 
and  marshes  to  be  traversed,  with  an  undisciplined  army  of 
recruits,  to  be  maintained  by  a  poorly  organized  commis- 

1  The  detachment,  from  the  quota  of  the  Kentucky  militia,  had  been  raised 
to  about  4,000  by  Governor  Shelby,  and  General  Harrison  had  been  further 
authorized  to  raise  500  mounted  volunteers.  These,  with  the  detachment  from 
Indiana,  raised  his  available  force  to  some  6,000  men.  "Lexington  Reporter," 
August  29,  1812.  The  administration,  when  appointing  General  Harrison,  had 
promised  him  an  army  of  10,000  men;  but  not  over  6,000  were  actually  in  serv- 
ice at  any  one  time.     Butler,  p.  352;  Smith,  p.  470. 

2  Babcock,  p.  86,  for  details  in  brief. 

3  "Jefferson  to  Wm.  Duane,"  Monticcllo,  August  4,  181 2.  Text,  Jefferson's 
Works,  Memorial  Ed.,  XIH,  pp.  180-182. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  337 

sariat,  disasters  were  to  be  expected,  in  spite  of  the  ample 
ability  of  the  leader,  and  the  eager  courage  of  his  followers. 
Had  the  importance  of  gaining  the  command  of  Lake  Erie 
been  realized  at  the  beginning,  and  had  the  money,  which 
was  thrown  away  upon  this  unfortunate  expedition,  been 
used  to  secure  that  command,  prior  to  the  opening  of  the 
land  operations  in  the  Northwest,  our  history  would  not 
have  to  record  the  horrors  of  the  River  Raisin. 

On  January  i,  1813,  General  Winchester's  division,  com- 
posed of  the  Kentucky  volunteers  of  Lieutenant  Colonels 
Lewis  and  Allen,  with  a  small  body  of  regulars,  reached 
Fort  Defiance;  and,  on  January  10,^  they  established 
themselves  at  the  Rapids  of  the  Maumee,^  to  await  the 
arrival  of  General  Harrison.  Their  long  and  difficult 
march  had  greatly  disheartened  them.  They  had  entered 
the  service  in  August,  and  it  was  now  almost  the  middle  of 
January;  during  all  which  months,  they  had  been  march- 
ing, to  no  purpose,  so  far  as  they  could  see.  They  had 
burned  a  few  Indian  villages;  waded  through  miles  of 
swamp;  ^  fought  a  losing  battle  against  hunger,  disease 
and  privation;  and  novv^  found  themselves  encamped  in  a 
frozen  wilderness,  with  orders  to  await  in  patience  the 
arrival  of  another  band  of  their  fellow  Kentuckians,  who 
were,  even  then,  suffering  the  horrors,  which  they  them- 
selves had  passed  through.  In  one  m.onth,  their  term  of 
enlistment  would  end,  and  they  would  again  traverse  the 
wilderness,  and  return  to  Kentucky,  there  to  be  pointed 
out  as  the  soldiers  who  had  never  seen  an  enemy. 

To  this  encampment,  on  January  14,  came  the  news 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  300. 

2  The  general  rendezvous  for  all  the  troops  of  General  Harrison's  army. 
Butler,  353. 

3  Shaler,  p.  160. 

Kentucky — 22 


^^^        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

that  two  companies  of  Canadian  militia,  and  two  hundred 
Indians,  were  quartered  at  Frenchtown  on  the  River  Rai- 
sin, only  thirty-eight  miles  away,  and  that  the  inhabitants 
had  sent  an  appeal  for  help,  fearing  a  massacre  by  the 
savage  allies  of  the  British.^  The  troops  demanded  per- 
mission to  advance,  and  General  Winchester  gave  his  con- 
sent. Five  hundred  and  fifty  Kentucky  volunteers  under 
Colonel  Lewis  "  were  detailed  for  the  expedition,  and,  a  few 
hours  later.  Colonel  John  Allen  followed,  with  one  hundred 
and  ten  more.  The  two  detachments  spent  the  night 
of  January  17  at  Presque  Isle,  and,  early  next  morning, 
marched  upon  Frenchtown.  A  large  body  of  Indians 
soon  disputed  their  advance,  but  were  quickly  routed. 
Frenchtown  was  attacked  and  taken,  the  assailants  gal- 
lantly supporting  "the  double  character  of  the  American 
and  the  Kentuckian,"  as  the  commanding  general  declared 
in  his  report  of  the  battle.^ 

This  success  would  have  done  much  to  hearten  the 
army,  had  Winchester  possessed  the  wisdom  to  reap  the 
full  benefit  of  the  victory.  With  a  strong  British  garrison 
at  Maiden,'*  only  eighteen  miles  distant,  with  a  fast  frozen 
lake  forming  an  easy  highway  for  them,  and  with  Gen- 
eral Harrison,  and  his  wing  of  the  army,  too  far  away  to 
serve  as  reinforcements,  it  was  the  height  of  folly  to  at- 
tempt to  hold  Frenchtown.  And  yet  Winchester,  upon 
receiving  the  report  of  its  capture,  took  two  hundred  and 
fifty  regulars,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Wells,  and 
hastened    forward,    leaving    General    Payne,    with    three 

1  Bartlett's  "History  of  the  United  States,"  III,  p.  64. 

2  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  17. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  18. 

4  About  2,000  British  and  Indians  under  Colonel  Proctor  were  in  camp  at 
Maiden.    Babcock,  p.  98. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1 8 12  339 

hundred  Kentucky  volunteers,^  to  guard  his  camp  at  the 
Rapids,  and  await  the  arrival  of  General  Harrison.  In 
the  evening  of  January  20,  he  entered  Frenchtown,  and 
found  Colonel  Lewis'  victorious  troops  proudly  estab- 
lished within  the  strong  palisade.^ 

And  now  was  shown  Kentucky's  wisdom  in  demanding 
Harrison,  instead  of  Winchester,  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  Western  army.  Instead  of  massing  all  his  men  within 
the  picketing,  the  latter,  out  of  a  foolish  regard  for  a  tra- 
dition that  regulars  should  enjoy  the  post  of  honor  on  the 
right,  encamped  Colonel  Wells'  regulars  in  an  open  space, 
to  the  right  of  the  palisade.^  He  then  established  his  own 
quarters  in  a  farmhouse,  almost  a  mile  distant,'*  having 
"named,"  to  Colonel  Wells,  "but  not  positively  ordered, 
a  breastwork  for  the  protection  of  his  camp."  ^  The  next 
day,  all  being  quiet.  Wells  asked  leave  to  return  to  the 
Rapids,  and  General  Winchester,  in  strange  disregard  of 
the  danger  of  his  position,  allowed  him  to  depart. 

A  few  hours  later,  a  Frenchman  came  into  camp,  and  in- 
formed General  Winchester  that  a  large  force  of  British 
and  Indians  had  left  Maiden,  with  the  evident  intention  of 
recapturing  the  fort.  "The  news,"  says  M'Afee,*^  "must 
have  been  discredited  alike  by  the  officers  and  men,  for 
no  preparations  were  made  by  the  one,  nor  apprehensions 
exhibited  by  the  other.  The  most  fatal  security  prevailed — 
many  of  the  troops  even  wandered   about  the  town  till 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  301. 

2  Bartlett,  III,  p.  65. 

3  Shaler,  p.  i6i. 

4  Article  in  "Louisville  Daily  Herald  and  Commercial  Gazette,"  Septem- 
ber 17,  1833. 

5  Bartlett's  "United  States,"  III,  p.  65. 

6  M'Afee's  "History  of  the  Late  War  in  the  Western  Country,"  p.  212. 


340        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

late  in  the  night.  Colonel  Lewis  and  Major  Madison, 
alone,  seemed  to  be  on  the  alert;  they  cautioned  their  men 
to  be  prepared  at  all  times  for  an  attack."  General 
Winchester  further  neglected  to  post  pickets  upon  the 
road  by  which  the  enemy  would  be  most  likely  to  come. 

The  night  passed  without  alarm,  but,  at  daybreak, 
January  22,  while  the  reveille  was  beating,  three  guns 
were  heard  in  rapid  succession,  followed  by  a  heavy  dis- 
charge of  artillery,  firing  grape  and  small  bullets.^  Colonel 
Proctor  had  made  his  night  march  from  Fort  Maiden, 
and  was  advancing  to  battle,  at  the  head  of  tvv'o  thousand 
British  regulars,  Indians  and  Canadians.^ 

In  spite  of  the  suddenness  of  the  assault,  Lewis'  Ken- 
tucky volunteers,  lodged  within  the  palisade,  repulsed  the 
first  attack  made  upon  them,  but  the  regulars,  encamped  in 
the  open,  were  instantly  thrown  into  a  panic.  Not  having 
presence  of  mind  to  take  refuge  within  the  palisade,  they 
fled,  in  wild  confusion,  down  the  path  leading  to  the  Rapids. 
The  savages  pursued  them,  slaughtering  without  mercy. 
Colonels  Lewis  and  Allen  gallantly  left  the  comparative 
shelter  of  the  palisade,  and,  with  two  companies  of  Ken- 
tucky volunteers,^  endeavored  to  stay  the  panic,  but  with- 
out effect.  Their  heroism  but  added  new  victims  for  the 
slaughter.  Colonel  Allen,  although  severely  wounded  in 
the  thigh,  continued  to  cheer  on  his  men,  and  when  at- 
tacked by  two  Indian  warriors  at  once,  had  succeeded  in 
cutting  down  one  of  them,  when  a  shot,  from  the  rifle  of  a 
third,  put  an  end  to  his  heroic  struggle."*  Colonel  Lewis 
was  speedily  overpowered  and  made  prisoner,  and  General 

1  Young's,  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  20. 

2  Collins,  I,  p.  ^01. 

3  "Lexington  Reporter,"  March  13,  1813.  •» 
*  Young's  "  Battle  of  the  Thames,"  \>.  21.  I 


i 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  341 

Winchester,  who  had  arrived  from  his  distant  quarters, 
was  captured,  while  frantically  appealing  to  his  regulars 
to  stand  and  give  battle. 

All  who  had  ventured  outside  the  shelter  of  the  palisade 
were  lost;  ^  but  the  most  of  the  Kentucky  volunteers,  hav- 
ing been  held  within  those  feeble  defences,  were  still  un- 
conquered  and  defiant.  Again  and  again  Colonel  Proctor 
tried  to  dislodge  them.  He  posted  a  six-pounder  some 
two  hundred  yards  from  the  enclosure,  knowing  that  the 
palisades  would  be  a  poor  defence  against  artillery;  but  the 
Kentucky  riflemen  within  shot  the  horse  which  was  to 
convey  the  necessary  ammunition,  and  the  gun  remained 
silent. 

Upon  learning  that  General  Winchester  had  been  cap- 
tured, Colonel  Proctor  decided,  "to  procure  the  surrender 
of  the  party  in  the  picketing,"  by  means  of  their  own  gen- 
eral, and,  accordingly,  gave  a  pledge  to  Winchester  that,  "  if 
the  remainder  of  the  Americans  would  immediately  sur- 
render, they  should  be  protected  from  massacre;  but  other- 
wise he  would  set  fire  to  the  village,  and  would  not  be 
responsible  for  the  conduct  of  the  savages."  ^  General 
Winchester  thereupon  sent  an  order  to  Major  Madison, 
whom  the  casualties  of  the  day  had  left  in  comm.and,  di- 
recting surrender.  Major  Madison's  reply  was  that 
Winchester,  being  now  a  prisoner,  had  no  longer  the  right 
to  command  the  Kentucky  volunteers,  and  that  his  men 
preferred  to  take  their  chances  of  death  in  battle,  rather 
than  submit  themselves  to  be  massacred  in  cold  blood  by 
the  savages. •''    After  some  parley,  Colonel  Proctor  agreed 

1  "Lexington  Reporter,"  February  6,  1S13.  Official  letters  regarding  en- 
gagement in  the  next  number,  February  13,  1813. 

2  Bartlett's  "United  States,"  III,  p.  67;  M'Afee,  p.  215. 

3  M'Afee,  pp.  215-216,  gives  what  purport  to  be  the  words  of  Major  Madison. 


342        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  see  that  the  sick  and  wounded  were  removed  to  Fort 
Maiden,  and  that  the  prisoners  should  be  protected  by  a 
guard. ^ 

This  is  the  view  presented  by  M'Afee,  and  other  Ameri- 
can historians  who  follow  his  account,  but  the  British 
presentation  of  the  case  is  quite  different.  The  "General 
Orders,"  issued  by  the  British  commander-in-chief  in 
Canada,  declare  that  the  Americans,  "finding  further  re- 
sistance unavailing,  .  .  .  surrendered  themselves  at  dis- 
cretion." " 

But,  in  any  event,  they  surrendered  themselves  into  the 
hands  of  a  British  officer,  who  should  have  protected  them 
to  the  full  extent  of  his  power.  This  Colonel  Proctor 
certainly  failed  to  do,  and,  for  that  failure,  he  merits  all 
the  abuse  which  Americans  writers,  for  almost  a  century, 
have  heaped  upon  his  memory.  The  prisoners  who  were 
unhurt  were  properly  guarded,  and  suffered  no  molesta- 
tion; but  the  wounded  were  carelessly,  or  maliciously,  left 
in  the  camp  at  Frenchtown,  v/ith  no  protection  save  two 
American  surgeons,  one  British  officer,  and  a  few  inter- 
preters.^ The  next  morning,  at  dawn,  two  hundred  sav- 
ages, mad  with  the  excesses  of  the  previous  night's  cele- 
bration, and  painted  black  and  red  in  preparation  for 
their  contemplated  "  act  of  vengeance,"  ^  reentered  French- 
town,  and,  with  no  hand  to  stay  them,  committed  the  bar- 
barous massacre  which  for  years  made  "The  Raisin,"  a 

1  Conditions  of  surrender  summarized,  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames," 
p.  24;  Collins,  I,  p.  302,  and  II,  p.  254;  Smith,  p.  473. 

2  Banlett's  "United  States,"  III,  p.  67;  Collins,  I,  p.  302;  and  Shaler,  p.  162, 
present  the  view  that  Proctor  intended  to  keep  the  promise  but  was  careless  in 
the  matter  of  guarding  the  wounded. 

3  M'Afee,  p.  216;  Collins,  I,  p.  302. 

*  Young's  "  Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  24;  Smith,  p.  473. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  343 

name  of  horror  in  the  western  country.  ^  Not  one  of  the 
wounded  prisoners  was  spared.  Some  were  tomahawked, 
some  burned  at  the  stake,  while  others,  feebly  attempting 
to  crawl  to  the  shelter  of  the  neighboring  forests,  were 
caught  up  and  hurled  back  into  the  burning  houses.  ^ 

Christie,  presenting  the  British  view  of  this  disgraceful 
occurrence,  declares  that  the  wounded  prisoners  were  mas- 
sacred, "in  spite  of  the  British,"  ^  and  the  British  faith  in 
this  view  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  official  report  of 
the  commander-in-chief.  General  Brock,  praises  Proctor 
for,  "his  humane  and  unwearied  exertions,  which  suc- 
ceeded in  rescuing  the  vanquished,  from  the  revenge  of  the 
Indian  warriors."  ^ 

Upon  the  very  day  that  Winchester,  with  his  little  band 
of  regulars,  had  reached  the  captured  village  of  French- 
town,  Harrison,  with  the  right  wing  of  the  Western  army, 
had  arrived  at  the  Rapids  of  the  Maumee,  where  Gen- 
eral Payne  had  detailed  to  him  the  circumstances  which 
had  led  to  the  capture  of  Frenchtown  and  Winchester's 
advance.  Soon  afterwards.  Colonel  Wells  had  arrived, 
with  the  information  that  all  was  now  peaceful  at  the  fort; 
but  General  Harrison  was  too  experienced  to  be  misled 
by  such  reports.  With  Maiden  close  at  hand,  and  with 
the  two  wings  of  his  own  small  army  separated  by  forty 
miles  of  snow-clad  wilderness,  he  had  at  once  seen  that 

I 

1  The  "Lexington  Reporter,"  February  27,  1813,  gives  an  account  of  the 
massacre,  sworn  to  by  an  eyewitness  of  the  outrage.  A  more  extended  account 
of  Winchester's  defeat  is  given  in  the  same  paper  of  March  13,  1813.  Addi- 
tional details  follow  in  succeeding  numbers. 

2  Bartlett's  "United  States,"  III,  p.  67. 

^  "The  Military  and  Naval  Operations  in  the  Canadas  during  the  late  war 
with  the  United  States,"  by  Robt.  Christie,  Quebec,  printed  1818,  p.  100. 

*  Smith,  p.  475.  Upon  the  basis  of  this  view  of  his  conduct  Colonel  Proctor 
was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general. 


344        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

an  attack  upon  one  camp  or  the  other  was  imminent. 
Sending  to  Kentucky  a  call  for  immediate  reinforcements, 
he  had,  accordingly,  begun  the  construction  of  Fort  Meigs, 
on  the  Maumee,  when  news  came  of  Winchester's  defeat, 
and  the  massacre  of  the  "River  Raisin." 

With  the  entire  left  wing  of  his  army  gone,  Harrison's 
condition  was  critical.  Any  day  might  witness,  at  Fort 
Meigs,  scenes  such  as  Frenchtown  and  the  Raisin  had  just 
witnessed,  while  an  added  danger  lay  in  the  fact  that  a 
large  portion  of  his  volunteers,  having  completed  the  term 
of  their  enlistment,  had  declined  to  remain  and  face  the 
dangers  of  an  almost  desperate  position.  ^  Had  General 
Proctor  availed  himself  of  this  moment  of  weakness,  to 
follow  up  his  success  at  Frenchtown  by  a  sudden  attack 
upon  the  unfinished  defences  of  Fort  Meigs,  he  might 
easily  have  freed  the  Northwest  from  the  presence  of 
American  troops.  But,  for  some  unexplained  reason, 
Harrison  was  allowed  time  to  complete  the  fortifications,^ 
before  the  long  expected  attack  w^as  made. 

The  gallant  veteran.  Governor  Shelby,  lost  no  time  in 
dispatching  reinforcements  in  response  to  Harrison's  call. 
He  enlisted  four  regiments  (three  thousand  men),  and 
placed  them  under  the  command  of  General  Green  Clay. 

The  advanced  guard  of  these  Kentucky  volunteers 
reached  Fort  Meigs  on  April  12,  only  a  few  days  before 
a  British  flotilla,  carrying  cannon,  and  abundantly  sup- 
plied with  provisions  for  a  siege,  appeared  at  the  mouth 
of  the  river.  The  British  batteries  were  deliberately 
placed  above  and  below  Fort  Meigs,  and  the  troops  care- 
fully posted,  while  Tecumseh,  with  a  large  force  of  savage 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  302. 

2  Ibid.,  I,  p.  303,  for  description  of  the  fort. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  345 

warriors,  guarded  all  ways  of  approach,  with  the  view  of 
preventing  communication  with  the  rest  of  the  Kentucky 
reinforcements,  which  were  known  to  be  on  the  way. 

On  May  4,  this  remaining  detachment,  under  Gen- 
eral Clay,  reached  Fort  Defiance,  and  Lieutenant  David 
Trimble  accomplished  the  dangerous  feat  of  entering  the 
beleaguered  fort  to  inform  General  Harrison  of  their 
presence.^  The  latter  at  once  directed  Clay  to  send  eight 
hundred  of  his  men  to  the  north  shore  of  the  Maumee 
River,  with  orders  to  capture  the  enemies'  batteries  located 
at  that  point,  spike  the  cannon,  and  then  recross  to 
Fort  Meigs;  "  while  Clay  himself,  with  the  rest  of  his  men, 
was  to  fight  his  way  into  the  fort,  along  the  southern  shore. 

"  General  Clay,"  writes  his  son,  Cassius  M.  Clay,  ^ 
"instead  of  going  directly  to  the  fort,  where  he  must  nec- 
essarily have  lost  much  of  his  force  from  Indian  sharp- 
shooters, .  .  .  landed  above,  built  .  .  .  flat-boats,  with 
high  side-planks,  which  were  bullet-proof,  and  thus  drift- 
ing down  the  river,  entered  Fort  Meigs  with  the  loss  of 
scarcely  a  man." 

The  movement  upon  the  north  shore,  however,  was 
disastrous.  Colonel  Dudley,  to  whom  the  leadership  had 
been  assigned,  succeeded  in  capturing  and  spiking  the 
cannon;  but  "elated  by  success  [he]  followed  the  Indians, 
and  was  cut  to  pieces  with  his  whole  force."  ^ 

At  this  point  Proctor  abandoned  the  siege,  and  retired 
to  Fort  Maiden,  having  received  news  that  General  Dear- 
born had  captured  Fort  George.^ 

1  Smith,  p.  477;  M'Afee,  p.  264;  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  p.  39. 

2  Young's  "  Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  27. 

3  "Life  and  Memoirr,  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  p.  42. 

4  Ibid.     Details  of  Dudley's  defeat,  Collins,  I,  p.  304;  Smith,  pp.  477-478. 

5  M'Afee,   pp.   275-277,   prints  a  letter  from    General   Harrison  to  Gov- 


346        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

The  next  few  months  were  spent  by  Harrison  in  pre- 
paring his  army  for  a  decisive  movement  upon  Maiden. 
Kentucky  was  again  called  upon  for  reinforcements,  and 
when  Congress  adjourned,  Colonel  Richard  M.  Johnson, 
then  a  representative  from  Kentucky,  raised  a  regiment 
of  mounted  volunteers  and  hastened  to  the  front;  while 
Governor  Shelby,  judging  that  the  time  had  come  for  him 
to  take  the  field  in  person,^  issued  a  proclamation  calling 
for  volunteers  to  assemble  at  Newport  on  August  31, 
prepared  for  a  campaign.  "  I  will  meet  you  there  in  per- 
son," he  said,  "  I  will  lead  you  to  the  field  of  battle,  and 
share  with  you  the  dangers  and  honors  of  the  campaign."  ' 

Upon  the  day  appointed,  four  thousand  Kentuckians 
met  the  Governor  at  the  place  of  rendezvous,  and,  on 
September  12,  1813,  they  reached  the  camp  at  Upper 
Sandusky,  eager  to  avenge  the  horrors  and  barbarities 
of  the  Raisin  and  Fort  Meigs. ^ 

ernor  Shelby,  dated  Franklin,  May  i8,  which  gives  graphic  details  of  this  en- 
gagement. 

1  Harrison  had  retired  to  Upper  Sandusky,  after  Proctor's  withdrawal,  and 
had  left  Fort  Meigs  in  charge  of  General  Clay.  On  July  20,  a  second  feeble 
attempt  to  capture  the  fort  was  made  by  General  Proctor,  but  it  was  easily 
repulsed.  Proctor  then  turned  his  forces,  numbering  1,500  men,  against 
Fort  Stephenson,  held  by  Col.  George  Croghan,  of  Kentucky,  with  only  150 
Kentucky  volunteers.  So  indefensible  was  the  place  that  General  Harrison  had 
already  ordered  its  abandonment;  but  the  attack  came  too  soon.  Proctor  made 
only  one  assault,  which  was  so  gallantly  repulsed  that  he  decided  to  give  up  the 
attempt  and  hastily  returned  to  Maiden.    Collins,  I,  p.  305. 

2  Full  text  of  the  Proclamation  of  July  31,  1813,  in  M'Afee,  pp.  336-337. 

3  Young's  "  Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  33,  for  a  eulogy  of  the  character  of  this 
detachment  of  Kentucky's  best  citizens,  representing  forty-eight  of  the  fifty-six 
counties  in  the  State.  It  was  September  15,  1813,  when  they  reached  the  camp 
on  the  Portage  River,  where  they  remained  until  the  embarkation  for  Put-in-Bay 
on  the  twenty-first.  It  was  evident  that,  if  Governor  Shelby  had  not  brought  his 
men  on  horseback,  in  defiance  of  General  Harrison's  suggestion,  they  could 
scarcely  have  arrived  in  time  for  the  prompt  following  up  of  Perry's  victory  of 
September  10,  1813. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  347 

It  was  at  this  point  that  the  aspect  of  affairs  in  the 
Northwest,  was  suddenly  akered  by  one  of  the  most  timely 
and  heroic  victories  in  our  naval  history.  Captain  Oliver 
H.  Perry  had  been  sent  by  the  War  Department  to  Lake 
Erie,  early  in  the  spring,  with  orders  to  build  a  fleet, 
with  which  to  gain  command  of  the  lake,  and  transport 
General  Harrison's  army  into  Canada,  there  to  finish 
at  one  stroke  the  war  in  the  Northwest.  While  Harrison 
had  been  resisting  the  attacks  of  General  Proctor,  Perry 
had  been  transforming  the  growing  timber  into  effective 
fighting  craft.  By  August  4,  it  was  ready,  and,  on  Septem- 
ber 10,  it  accomplished  the  first  part  of  its  mission,  by 
signally  defeating  the  British  fleet  under  Captain  Barclay,^ 
and  winning  control  of  the  lake.  This  result  Perry  an- 
nounced to  General  Harrison  in  the  famous  dispatch  which 
reads  as  follows: 

"U.   S.    Brig  Niagara  of  the  Western  Sister,  head  of 
Lake  Erie,  Sept.  10,  1813,  4  o'clock  P.  M. 
"  Dear  General, 

"We  have  met  the  enemy;  and  they  are  ours.  Two 
ships,  two  brigs,  one  schooner  and  one  sloop. 

"Yours  with  great  respect  and  esteem. 

''O.H.Perry. 
"Maj.  Gen.  Harrison."  ' 

No  time  was  lost  in  carrying  out  the  remainder  of  the 
program.  Harrison's  army,  augmented,  as  we  have  said, 
by  Governor  Shelby  and  his  mounted  Kentuckians,  was 

1  M'Afee,  pp.  355-361,  for  details  of  Perry's  victory;  Schouler,  II,  p.  384. 

2  "Lexington  Reporter,"  September  13,  1813.  A  detachment  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  Kentucky  volunteers  served  as  mariners  upon  Perry's  fleet,  and 
twenty-five  were  placed  as  sharpshooters  in  the  tops,  where  their  expert  marks- 
manship made  them  very  effective.  Ibid.,  September  25,  1813.  Also  ColUns, 
I,  p.  306. 


348        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ordered  to  advance.  Leaving  the  horses  on  the  American 
side  of  the  lake,  they  boarded  the  vessels  of  Perry's  fleet 
and  the  captured  ships  of  the  enemy,  and  joyfully  crossed 
to  the  Canadian  shore,  '  where  General  Harrison  and 
Governor  Shelby  spoke  these  four  words  to  them:  "Re- 
member the  Raisin  River."  To  which  Harrison  added, 
"but  remember  it  only  whilst  victory  is  suspended.  The 
revenge  of  a  soldier  cannot  be  gratified  on  a  fallen 
enemy."  " 

The  army  of  the  West  now  advanced  toward  Fort 
Maiden,  only  to  find  it  a  mass  of  smoking  ruins.  Proc- 
tor had  burned  his  barracks  and  begun  a  hasty  retreat. 
"To-morrow,"  wrote  General  Harrison,  as  he  sat  that 
evening  in  his  rough  camp,  "I  will  pursue  the  enemy,  .  .  . 
although  there  is  no  probability  of  overtaking  him,  as  he 
has  upward  of  one  thousand  horses  and  we  have  not  one 
in  the  army."  ^  On  the  morrow,  however,  one  "small 
pony  was  obtained,"  on  which  "the  venerable  Shelby  was 
mounted,""*  and  thus  the  invading  army  followed  the  re- 
treating enemy  toward  Detroit. 

At  Sandwich,^  where  the  enemy  were  expected  to  make 
a  stand,  the  army  of  the  West  halted,  but  General  Proctor 
continued  his  retreat,  in  spite  of  Tecumseh's  constant  plea 
for  battle.^     It  was  at  this  point  that  Colonel  Johnson, 

1  The  Pennsylvania  regiment  from  Erie  was  seized  with  "constitutional 
scruples"  about  crossing  into  Canada,  as  M'Afee,  p.  364,  tells  us.  General  Har- 
rison's reply  was:  "...  Thank  God,  I  have  Kentuckians  enough  to  go  without 
you."    Ibid. 

2  M'Afee,  p.  370;  M'Afee,  pp.  366-369,  prints  in  full  the  general  order, 
prescribing  the  order  of  debarkation,  of  march  and  of  battle,  signed  William 
Henry  Harrison. 

3  M'Afee,  p.  373. 

*  Young's  "  Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  47. 

5  A  point  nearly  opposite  Detroit. 

8  Collins,  I,  p.  308.     M'Afee,  pp.  372-373,  prints  what  purports  to  be  a 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812 


349 


with  his  regiment  of  Kentucky  mounted  volunteers,  who 
had  been  left  at  Fort  Meigs,  was  to  join  the  main  army; 
and  their  approach  was  awaited  with  great  anxiety,  as  the 
Indians  were  known  to  be  preparing  an  ambuscade  for 
them.  At  noon  on  September  30,  however,  they  safely 
entered  Detroit,  and  Governor  Shelby,  himself,  crossed 
over  to  see  them  safely  transported,  and  to  communicate 
to  Colonel  Johnson  the  plan  of  campaign  which  the  Coun- 
cil of  War  had  agreed  upon. 

An  ancient  Kentucky  tradition  declares  that  General 
Harrison  had  expressed  some  doubts  about  the  wisdom  of 
pursuing  the  enemy  into  their  own  country,  but  that 
Governor  Shelby  had  insisted  upon  this  course,  proclaim- 
ing, in  language  more  vigorous  than  polite,  that  he  would, 
"  follow  Proctor  and  his  savages  to  Hell  if  necessary,  to 
avenge  the  wrongs  of  Kentucky."  The  truthfulness  of 
this  story,  so  flattering  to  the  governor  and  so  uncom- 
plimentary to  the  commander-in-chief,  may  fairly  be 
doubted;  ^  but  the  determination  to  pursue  was  a  fact. 

For  three  days  the  army  of  the  West  advanced  rapidly 
eastward,  skirting  the  southern  shores  of  Lake  St.  Clair, 
and  ascending  the  winding  course  of  the  River  Thames, 
Perry's  squadron  following  with  the  needed  supplies. 
From  time  to  time  they  gathered  news  of  the  enemy, 
sometimes  from  scouts,  sometimes  from  British  deserters 
who  entered  their  camps."    At  intervals  they  came  upon 

speech  addressed  by  Tecumseh  I.0  General  Proctor,  urging  a  stand  against  the 
Americans. 

1  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  45,  declares  it  "pure  fiction." 
M'Afee,  p.  381,  declares  "there  never  was  a  difference  of  opinion"  about  the 
question  of  pursuit. 

2  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames"  follows  the  march  in  detail,  pp.  55-61, 
drawing  liberally  from  M'Afee,  pp.  382-388,  the  best  original  account. 


350        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

piles  of  military  stores  and  provisions,  abandoned  by  the 
enemy  in  their  hurried  retreat.^  Finally,  on  October  3d,  a 
small  body  of  British  dragoons  was  captured,  and  one  of 
their  horses,  being  carelessly  allowed  to  escape,  dashed 
back  into  the  camp  of  the  British  only  a  few  miles  away, 
giving  Proctor  and  Tecumseh  their  first  intimation  that 
the  enemy  was  close  at  hand.  The  British  were  therefore 
prepared  for  battle  when,  two  days  later,  the  army  of  the 
West  advanced  to  attack  them  in  their  strong  position  in 
a  beech  wood,  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Thames. 

Their  left  side  was  effectually  protected  by  the  river, 
whose  banks,  at  this  point,  were  about  forty  feet  high;^ 
while  on  their  right  lay  a  swamp,  in  whose  recesses  the 
mass  of  the  Indian  allies  found  a  most  congenial  vantage 
ground  from  which  to  resist  the  American  attack.  In 
actual  numbers  the  two  armies  were  probably  about  equal, 
but  upon  General  Harrison  devolved  the  difficult  task  of 
storming  a  protected  position,  with  an  army  composed 
largely  of  volunteers.^ 

In  preparing  for  the  defence.  General  Proctor  made  the 

1  Most  of  the  Indian  allies  had  already  deserted  Proctor,  whom  they  had 
learned  to  hate,  but  "Tecumseh  the  Loyal,"  had  remained  with  him,  and  had 
held  his  braves  to  their  duty.  Letter  dated  the  Moravian  Village,  October  3, 
1813;  signed  Peter  Trisler,  Jr.,  and  addressed  to  his  father.  Durrett  MSS. 
See  also  Collins,  I,  p.  307. 

2  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  pp.  61-74,  gives  elaborate  details  of  the 
placing  of  the  two  armies,  the  nature  of  the  ground,  etc.,  based  in  part  upon 
M'Afee's,  "History  of  the  Late  War  in  the  Western  Country,"  pp.  388-3Q0. 

■*  Colonel  Paul's  one  hundred  and  twenty  regulars  were  posted  "between  the 
road  and  the  river,"  according  to  M'Afee,  p.  390;  but  the  rest  of  the  troops 
mentioned  in  his  account  of  the  plan  of  the  battle,  pp.  389-390,  are  Kentucky 
troops.  On  p.  395,  also,  M'Afee  says:  "The  whole  of  the  regulars  had  been 
left  behind,  except  the  small  fragment  of  a  regiment  under  Colonel  Paul." 
"The  merit  of  furnishing  the  means  by  which  this  important  victory  was 
achieved,"  says  the  same  author,  pp.  398-399,  "belongs  almost  exclusively  to 
Kentucky." 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  01'    1812  351 

mistake  of  placing  his  men  in  open  line,  leaving  about  three 
feet  between  them,^  being  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  Colo- 
nel Johnson,  and  his  brother,  Lieutenant  Colonel  James 
Johnson,  had  carefully  trained  the  Kentucky  mounted  vol- 
unteers to  attack  just  this  formation. 

Discovering  this  arrangement  Colonel  Johnson  in- 
stantly reported  it  to  General  Harrison,  with  the  assertion 
that  "with  his  cavalry  regiment,  he  could  break  the  British 
line  in  a  single  charge."  '  Harrison  at  once  authorized 
the  movement,  and  formed  his  line  of  battle  with  a  view 
to  following  it  up.  Major  General  Henry's  division,  com- 
posed of  three  Kentucky  brigades,  faced  the  British  regu- 
lars, who  occupied  the  strip  between  the  small  swamp 
and  the  river.  At  right  angles  to  these,  and  facing  the 
large  swamp,  where  the  main  body  of  Indians  were  es- 
tablished, Harrison  placed  Major  General  Desha's  di- 
vision, composed  of  two  brigades  of  Kentucky  volun- 
teers.^ 

"  The  crotchet  formed  by  the  front  line  and  Gen.  Desha's 
division,"  says  Harrison's  official  report,  "was  an  impor- 
tant point.  At  that  place  the  venerable  governor  of  Ken- 
tucky was  posted,  who  at  the  age  of  sixty-six  preserves  the 
vigor  of  youth,  the  ardent  zeal  which  distinguished  him  in 

1  Collins,  I.  p.  308. 

2  General  Harrison,  as  commanding  general  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames, 
deserves  the  credit,  later  claimed  by  him,  for  ordering  this  cavalry  charge.  But 
Colonel  Johnson  claimed  also  his  rightful  credit  w^hen,  in  response  to  inquiries 
from  General  Armstrong  (December  22,  1834),  he  said:  "It  is  due  to  truth  to 
state  that  I  requested  General  Harrison  to  permit  me  to  charge,  and,  knowing 
that  I  had  trained  my  men  for  it,  during  our  short  service,  he  gave  me  the  or- 
der." Armstrong's  "Notices  of  the  War  of  1812,"  I,  p.  234.  See  Young, 
p.  65. 

3  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  63.  The  Appendix  of  this  excellent 
monograph  gives  lists  of  the  troops  in  each  of  the  regiments,  with  of&cers,  etc. 
Also  Collins,  I,  p.  308,  for  brief  description  of  formation,  etc. 


352        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  Revolutionary  war,  and  the  undaunted  bravery  which 
he  manifested  at  King's  mountain."^ 

These  arrangements  having  been  completed,  Colonel 
Johnson  ordered  his  mounted  Kentuckians  to  advance, 
but  soon  became  aware  of  the  fact  that  the  space  in  front 
of  the  British  regulars  was  large  enough  to  permit  of  the  ma- 
neuvering of  only  one  of  his  mounted  battalions.  Hastily 
inspecting  the  small  swamp  on  his  left,  and  finding  that  it 
could  be  passed  in  places  by  mounted  troops,  he  ordered 
his  brother,  Lieutenant  Colonel  James  Johnson,  to  charge 
the  British  regulars  in  his  front  with  one  battalion,  while 
he  himself  led  the  other  across  the  swamp,  upon  Tecum- 
seh's  Indians.^  Then  rose  the  harsh  cry  of  Kentucky  ven- 
geance, "Remember  the  Raisin,"  as  the  lines  dashed  for- 
ward. 

The  charge  against  the  British  regulars,  on  the  right,  was 
immediately  successful.  The  first  line  of  redcoats  wavered 
and  gave  way,  and,  when  the  second,  a  hundred  yards  in 
the  rear,  offered  no  serious  resistance,  the  Kentucky  horse- 
men passed  through  it,  and,  instantly  dismounting,  opened 
fire.  The  British  regulars,  thus  caught  between  the  ad- 
vancing Kentucky  infantry  and  the  dismounted  battalion 
of  cavalry,  lost  all  hope  and  surrendered  at  discretion.^ 

In  the  meantime.  Colonel  Johnson  and  the  second  bat- 
talion, who  had  now  crossed  the  little  swamp,  were  meeting 
a  very  different  reception  at  the  hands  of  Tecumseh  and 
his  braves.     Conscious  of  the  difficulty  of  his  task,  of  dis- 

1  "Lexington  Reporter,"  October  13,  1813,  for  full  text  of  Harrison's  re- 
port to  Secretary  Armstrong. 

2  M'Afee,  p.  390. 

3  General  Proctor  succeeded  in  making  his  escape,  accompanied  by  a  few 
followers,  for  which  timely  departure  he  was  afterwards  severely  reprimanded 
by  his  royal  master.    Schouler,  II,  p.  3S5. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  353 

lodging  and  capturing  a  savage  army,  Colonel  Johnson  had 
adopted  the  heroic  device  of  leading  forward  a  small  band 
of  tVN?^enty  picked  men,  to  draw  the  fire  of  the  hidden  enemy, 
and  thus  render  safe  the  advance  of  his  main  body  of  troops. 

As  this  "Forlorn  Hope"  moved  steadily  forward,  they 
were  conscious  that  the  guns  of  fifteen  hundred  savages 
were  covering  them  with  a  sure  aim,  but  the  fighting  blood 
of  the  Kentucky  pioneers  burned  in  their  veins,  and  they 
neither  wavered  nor  shrank  from  the  sacrifice.  Then  came 
the  clear  voice  of  savage  command  from  the  edge  of  the 
great  marsh — "Fire!" 

When  the  smoke  of  the  terrific  cannonade  had  cleared, 
fifteen  of  the  twenty  heroes  of  the  "Forlorn  Hope"  lay  in 
their  death  throes.  Their  leader,  by  some  miracle  of  grace, 
still  sat  erect,  although  pierced  by  a  dozen  wounds;'  while, 
in  the  rear,  the  remainder  of  the  battalion  was  pressing 
forward,  eager  to  make  the  most  of  the  advantage  given 
them  by  the  heroism  of  their  slaughtered  comrades. 

At  the  edge  of  the  great  swamp  the  horses  became  use- 
less, and  Colonel  Johnson  ordered  his  men  to  dismount,^ 
and  charge  the  savages.  Behind  them  the  Kentucky  in- 
fantry advanced  to  their  aid,  but  Tecum.seh  held  his  braves 
to  their  work,  and,  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  the  result  re- 
mained in  doubt.  Then  the  gallant  Tecumseh,  the  soul  of 
the  savage  hosts,  fell,  pierced  by  a  ball  from  the  pistol 
of  Colonel  Johnson  himself,  as  tradition  declares.'    At  the 

1  The  "  Forlorn  Hope  "  was  led  by  William  Whitley,  a  private  of  Lincoln 
County,  Kentucky,  but  Colonel  Johnson  himself  rode  with  it.  The  names  of 
other  members  are  given  by  Young,  p.  8i.     See  also  Ibid.,  p.  144. 

2  Col.  Johnson,  however,  remained  mounted  upon  his  white  mare,  which 
picked  her  way  with  difficulty  through  the  mud  and  underbrush  of  the  great 
swamp. 

3  Schouler,  II,  p.  385;  Young,  pp.  87-88,  gives  details  of  a  personal  combat 

Kentucky — 23 


354        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  fflSTORY 

news  of  the  death  of  their  chief,  whom  they  had  been  taught 
to  regard  as  immortal,  the  savages  gave  way,  and  escaped 
as  best  they  could  from  the  scene    of  disaster. 

The  victory  of  the  Thames  was  decisive,  so  far  as  the 
war  in  the  Northwest  was  concerned.  The  British-Indian 
alliance  was  broken:  Detroit,  Michigan,  and  all  that  Hull 
had  so  ignominiously  surrendered  was  regained;  and  a 
large  part  of  upper  Canada  passed  under  American  con- 
trol, while,  "among  American  generals  in  this  war,  Harri- 
son enjoyed  the  rare  felicity  of  having  fully  accomplished 
his  undertaking."  This  he  had  done  with  an  army  com- 
posed almost  entirely  of  Kentucky  volunteers.^ 

General  Harrison,  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle,^ 
thus  expresses  his  appreciation  of  the  heroism  of  his  Ken- 
tucky army. 

"...  In  communicating  to  the  President  through  you 
sir!  (Secretary  of  War)  my  opinion  of  the  conduct  of  the 
officers  who  served  under  my  command,  I  am  at  a  loss 
how  to  mention  that  of  Governor  Shelby,  being  convinced 
that  no  eulogium  of  mine  can  reach  his  merits.  The 
governor  of  an  independent  State,  greatly  my  superior  in 
years,  in  experience  and  in  military  character,  he  placed 
himself  under  my  command,  and  was  not  more  remarkable 
for  his  zeal  and  activity  than  for  the  promptitude  and 
cheerfulness  with   which   he   obeyed   my  orders.     Major 

between  Johnson  and  an  Indian  leader,  whom  he  seems  inclined  to  identify 
with  Tecumseh.  Lossing's  "Pictorial  Field  Book  of  the  War  of  1812,"  p.  555. 
Johnson's  monument  in  the  cemetery  at  Frankfort  contains  a  relief  representing 
the  general  in  the  act  of  firing  the  fatal  shot.  A  picture  of  the  monument  will 
be  found  on  p.  496  of  this  same  volume.  M'Afee,  p.  394,  also  tends  to  favor  the 
story. 

1  Schouler,  II,  pp.  385-386;  M'Afee,  pp.  398-399. 

2  "Lexington  Reporter,"  October  30,  1813.  M'Afee,  p.  397,  prints  a  part 
of  this  report. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  355 

Generals  Henry  and  Desha  and  the  Brigadiers  Allen, 
Caldwell,  King,  Childs,  and  Trotter,  all  o(  the  Kentucky 
volunteers,  manifested  heroic  zeal  and  activity.  Of  Gover- 
nor Shelby's  staff,  his  adjutant  General  Col.  M'Dowell, 
and  his  quarter  master  General,  Col.  Walker,  rendered 
great  service,  as  did  his  aids  de  camp.  General  Adair,  and 
Majors  Barry,  and  Crittenden.  The  military  skill  of  the 
former  was  of  great  service  to  us,  and  the  activity  of  the 
two  latter  gentlemen  could  not  be  surpassed.   .   .   ." 

This  was  the  last  campaign  in  which  General  Harrison 
engaged  during  the  war.  I  lis  services  and  those  of  Ken- 
tucky's venerable  chief  magistrate,  Isaac  Shelby,  were 
fully  appreciated  by  Congress  which,  in  a  resolution  of 
April  6,  1 8 18,'  declares  that  thanks,  "are  hereby  presented 
to  Major  General  W.  Henry  Harrison  and  Isaac  Shelby, 
late  Governor  of  Kentucky,  and  through  them  to  the  of- 
ficers and  men  under  their  command,  for  their  gallantry 
and  good  conduct  in  defeating  the  combined  British 
and  Indian  forces  under  Major  General  Proctor,  on  the 
Thames  in  upper  Canada,  on  the  5th  day  of  October  18 13, 
capturing  the  British  army  with  their  baggage,  camp 
equipage  and  artillery;  and  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be  requested  to  cause  two  gold  medals  to  be  struck, 
emblematical  of  this  triumph,  and  presented  to  General 
Harrison  and  Isaac  Shelby,  late  Governor  of  Kentucky."^ 

With  the  remaining  campaigns  which  took  place  before 

1  It  passed  the  House  on  March  30,  1818.     See  "  Annals  of  Congress." 

2  Shelby's  "Autobiography."  An  attempt  to  secure  the  passage  of  this 
resolution  had  been  made  at  an  earlier  date,  but,  owing  to  the  activity  of  certain 
enemies  in  Congress,  Harrison's  name  had  been  stricken  out,  and  Shelby  had 
promptly  instructed  his  friends  to  refuse,  in  his  name,  any  honorable  recognition 
of  his  services  at  the  battle  of  tlic  Thames  in  which  Harrison  did  not  share. 
Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  p.  122. 


356        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  negotiation  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent  (concluded  De- 
cember 24,  1 8 14)  we  are  not  particularly  concerned,  as 
Kentucky  did  not  play  a  controlling  part  in  any  one  of 
them;  but  an  ancient  controversy  as  to  the  conduct  of  the 
Kentucky  militia  in  the  final  battle  of  the  war,  the  defence 
of  New  Orleans,  renders  it  necessary  to  examine  some  of 
the  events  in  that  memorable  victory.  This  is  the  only 
battle  on  record  in  which  the  gallantry  of  Kentucky  troops 
has  been  officially  questioned;  and,  in  this  instance,  it 
was  more  than  questioned  in  the  official. reports  of  two  of 
the  officers  in  command. 

Commodore  Patterson,  in  a  report  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,^  makes  the  charge  thus:  "...  General  Mor- 
gan's right  wing,  composed  ...  of  the  Kentucky  militia, 
commanded  by  Major  Davis,  abandoned  their  breast- 
works, flying  in  a  most  shameful  and  dastardly  manner, 
almost  without  a  shot." 

General  Andrevv^  Jackson,  the  commanding  general  of 
the  engagement,  is  even  more  severe.     He  declares  that:^ 

"Simultaneously  with  the  advance  upon  my  lines,  he 
(General  Pakenham)  had  thrown  over  in  his  boats  a  con- 
siderable force  to  the  other  side  (west  side),  of  the  river. 
These  having  landed  were  hardy  enough  to  advance 
against  the  works  of  General  Morgan;  and,  what  is  strange 
and  difficult  to  account  for,  at  the  very  moment  when  their 
entire  discomforture  was  looked  for  with  a  confidence  ap- 
proaching to  certainty,  the  Kentucky  rcenforcements  in 
whom   so   much   reliance  had   been   placed,    INGLORI- 

1  Dated  Marine  Battery,  five  miles  below  New  Orleans,  January  13,  1815. 
Durrett  MSS.,  A. 

2  From  Jackson's  official  report.  Text,  "Historical  Memoirs  of  the  War  in 
West  Florida  and  Louisiana  in  1814-15,"  by  Major  A.  Lacarriere  Latour, 
App.  xxix. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  357 

OUSLY  FLED,  drawing  after  them,  by  their  example, 
the  remainder  of  the  forces;  and  thus  yielding  to  the 
enemy  that  most  formidable  position." 

If  these  accusations  prove  true,  Kentucky's  part  in  the 
battle  of  the  west  bank  must  appear  as  inglorious  as  that 
in  the  contest  on  the  right  bank  had  been  gallant.  If  they 
prove  false,  we  shall  remove  from  history  the  only  stigma 
that  has  ever  rested  upon  her  reputation  for  courage. 

When  the  Federal  authorities  became  aware  that  the 
British  were  planning  to  send  a  great  expedition  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  the  Secretary  of  War  issued 
requisitions  to  the  States  for  ninety-three  thousand  five 
hundred  additional  troops.  Kentucky's  quota  was  five 
thousand  five  hundred  infantry,  of  whom  only  two 
thousand  two  hundred  were  destined  for  a  part  in  the  de- 
fence of  New  Orleans.^  These  were  promptly  enlisted 
and,  under  the  command  of  Major  General  John  Thom.as, 
with  Brigadier  General  John  Adair  as  second  in  com- 
mand,^ reached  New  Orleans  on  January  4,  18 15,  where 
they  found  the  two  armies  already  confronting  one  another, 
and  preparing  for  a  decisive  engagement. 

The  British  army,  under  the  command  of  Lord  Edward 
Pakenham  (who  had  been  one  of  Wellington's  favorites  in 
the  Peninsular  campaign),  was  ofiicered  almost  exclusively 
by  men  who  had  learned  the  art  of  war  under  "The  Iron 
Duke"  himself,  and  consisted  of  ten  thousand  veterans."'' 

1  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  "  Filson  Club  Publications,"  No.  XIX, 
p.  27.  Collins,  I,  p.  28,  gives  the  number  as  2,500,  which  was  probably  the 
number  which  Governor  Shelby  had  intended  to  send  to  New  Orleans.  M'Afee, 
p.  502,  ibid. 

2  M'Afee,  p.  502;  Collins,  II,  p.  2^.  Governor  Shelby  had  appointed  John 
Adair  Adjutant  General  of  the  Kentucky  troops,  with  the  brevet  rank  of  Urig- 
adier,  in  recognition  of  his  gallantry  at  the  battle  of  the  'l"hames. 

3  Major  Latour,   Jackson's  chief  engineer,  compiled,  from   British  official 


358        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

In  spite  of  the  overwhelming  strength  of  this  army 
of  invasion,  the  Kentucky  troops  found  General  Jack- 
son confident  of  his  abiHty  to  defend  the  city.  In  two  inde- 
cisive engagements  ^  he  had  already  taught  the  conquerors 
of  the  great  Napoleon  to  respect  the  militia  of  the  New 
Republic,  and  had  sworn,  with  his  customary  oath,  "  By 
the  Eternal,"  to  drive  them  from  the  land.  His  military 
prudence  had,  however,  led  him  to  send  swift  messengers 
northward,  to  urge  the  detachments  of  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee militia  to  make  all  possible  haste  to  reach  New 
Orleans. 

It  is  not  likely  that  this  urgent  message  was  in  any 
way  responsible  for  the  fact  that  the  Kentucky  troops 
entered  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  on  January  4,  18 15,  as 
an  army  without  arms  or  proper  equipment.  General 
Jackson  himself,  in  a  letter  to  the  War  Department,  has 
recorded  the  fact  that,  "  Hardly  one  third  of  the  Kentucky 
troops,  so  long  expected,  are  armed;  and  the  arms  they 
have  are  barely  fit  for  use.""  The  responsibility  for  this, 
as  for  so  many  similar  misfortunes  during  this  war,  must 
rest  with  the  War  Department.  Arms  had  been  collected 
at  Pittsburg,  and  were  to  be  sent  down  the  Mississippi  to 
New  Orleans,  together  with  certain  military  stores,  which 
were  almost  as  essential  to  General  Jackson's  army  as  arms 
themselves:  but  the  quartermaster,  appointed  to  super- 
intend the  shipment,  had,  for  some  unaccountable  reason, 
chosen  to  send  them  by  flatboat,  instead  of  by  steamer, 
as  the  result  of  which  they  did  not  reach  New  Orleans 

sources,  a  detailed  statement  of  these  troops.    With  the  royal  marines  and  sailors 
from  the  fleet,  about  4,450  in  number,  he  places  the  force  at  14,450. 

1  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  pp.  40-52,  gives  details  of  the  first,  and, 
on  pp.  56-64,  of  the  second  of  these  engagements. 

2  Latour,  p.  142. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  359 

for  many  days  after  the  battle,'  and,  in  consequence,  the 
Kentucky  troops  went  into  camp  without  tents,  or  proper 
bedding,  most  of  them  without  arms,  and  many  without 
the  necessary  clothing  and  cooking  utensils.  Their  suf- 
ferings were  somewhat  alleviated  by  a  relief  fund  of  six 
thousand  dollars,  generously  voted  by  the  Louisiana  Legis- 
lature," and  later  supplemented  by  a  gift  of  ten  thousand 
dollars,  raised  by  public  subscription;  while  the  women  of 
Nev/  Orleans  showed  their  humanity  by  making  and  dis- 
tributing such  garments  as  could  be  quickly  prepared  for 
use.  By  these  relief  measures,  the  physical  needs  of  the 
Kentucky  troops  were  met  after  a  fashion;  but  the  ques- 
tion of  arming  them  v/as  not  so  easy  of  solution. 

On  the  seventh  of  January,  the  day  before  the  decisive 
battle,  only  six  hundred  of  the  Kentucky  troops  had  been 
furnished  with  arms;^  and  General  Adair  decided  to  make 
an  appeal  to  the  Mayor  and  Committee  of  Safety  of  the  city 
of  New  Orleans.  He  knew  that  the  city  armory  contained 
several  hundred  stand  of  arms,  kept  constantly  on  hand  for 
use  in  case  of  sudden  insurrection;  but  he  did  not  know 
that  General  Jackson  Vv^as  counting  upon  these  very  arms 
for  the  equipment  of  a  reserve,  which  could  be  sent  to  any 
point  most  threatened,  when  the  battle  should  begin. "^    The 

1  The  same  want  of  efficiency  marked  the  transportation  of  the  troops  them- 
selves. When  the  Kentucky  troops  were  called  for,  Governor  Shelby  was  as- 
sured that  the  United  States  quartermaster  would  furnish  suitable  transportation 
for  them.  When,  however,  the  detachment  reached  the  place  of  embarkation, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  River,  they  found  no  boats;  and  Colonel  Richard 
Taylor,  quartermaster  of  the  Kentucky  militia,  was  compelled  to  borrow  money 
and  purchase  such  boats  as  could  be  secured,  at  the  last  moment.  The  accom- 
modations were  quite  inadequate,  and  much  of  the  necessary  camp  equipment 
had  to  be  left  behind. 

2  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  67. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  73. 

*  The  Jackson-Adair  correspondence  (Durrett  MSS.,  A)  clearly  shows  this. 


360        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Mayor  and  Committee  of  Safety  agreed  to  allow  General 
Adair  to  take  the  arms,  upon  condition  that  their  removal 
should  be  accomplished  secretly,  as  they  feared  to  let  the 
populace  know  that  they  were  gone,  and  accordingly,  when 
night  came,  the  arms  were  secretly  hauled  to  the  Ken- 
tucky camp  and  distributed.^ 

Thus  on  the  morning  of  January  8,  the  day  of  the  great 
battle,  about  one  thousand  of  the  twenty-two  hundred 
Kentucky  troops  marched  to  their  places  with  effective 
weapons  in  their  hands. ^'  There  still  remained  twelve 
hundred  without  arms,  or  armed  only  with  the  an- 
cient fowling  pieces  which  they  had  brought  from  their 
homes. 

In  the  preliminary  discussion  as  to  placing  the  American 
troops,  General  Adair  had  suggested  ^  that  it  would  be  wise 
to  reserve  several  detachments  which  should  be  ready,  at 
a  moment's  notice,  to  reenforce  the  points  most  threatened 
by  the  veteran  columns  of  the  enemy.''  Jackson  had  ap- 
proved the  suggestion,  and  ordered  Adair  to  place  his 
one  thousand  armed  Kentuckians,  just  in  the  rear  of 
General  Carroll's  Tennesseeans,  who  were  to  occupy  eight 

Jackson,  in  one  of  these  letters,  complains  that  Adair  should  have  known  of  his 
plan  to  arm  500  Kentuckians  with  the  store  of  arms  in  the  city  arsenal.  Adair 
admits  that  this  plan  had  been  made  known  to  General  Thomas,  chief  com- 
mander of  the  Kentucky  troops,  but  explains  that  General  Thomas  was  ill  in 
his  tent,  while  he  himself  was  in  the  city,  and  had  not  heard  of  the  plan  until  too 
late. 

1  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  74. 

2  "With  this  timely  supply  of  arms  we  were  enabled  to  bring  on  the  lines  on 
the  morning  of  the  eighth  fully  1,000  men.  This  corps  was  stationed  .  .  . 
some  distance  in  the  rear  of  the  breastwork,  with  the  sole  view  that  they  might 
be  led  to  the  defence  of  any  part  of  the  works  where  their  services  might  be  most 
useful  and  necessary."     Adair  to  Jackson,  March  20,  1815.     Durrett  MSS. 

3  General  Thomas  being  ill,  General  Adair  commanded  the  Kentuckians. 
Collins,  I,  p.  314;  M'Afee,  p.  516. 

*  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  74. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  361 

hundred  yards  in  the  center  of  the  breastworks  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  river.' 

Against  this  point,  the  massive  columns  of  the  British 
army  advanced  at  an  early  hour.  General  Adair  formed 
his  Kentuckians  into  two  lines,  and  brought  them  forward 
to  the  support  of  the  Tennesseeans.  The  combined  force 
of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  riflemen  were  then  arranged 
in  open  order,  line  behind  line,  in  order  that  the  first  line 
having  fired  might  give  place  to  the  second,  which  in  turn 
would  yield  to  the  third,  and  so  on,  until  the  entire  body 
had  delivered  its  fire,  the  rear  ranks  meanwhile  recharg- 
ing their  pieces." 

The  columns  of  the  British  were  at  first  hidden  by  a 
dense  fog;  but,  at  the  first  discharge  of  artillery,  this 
slowly  lifted,  disclosing  a  force  which  left  no  doubt  of  the 
fact  that  the  enemy  had  selected  this  point  for  the  main 
assault.'^  The  field  over  v/hich  they  advanced  Vv^as  "  as  level 
as  the  surface  of  the  calmest  lake,"  and  their  lines  were 
steady  and  resolute,  even  under  the  fire  from  the  Ameri- 
can artillery,  which  was  sending  its  shots  ploughing  through 
them  from  front  to  rear. 

The  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  riflemen,  behind  the  high 
fortifications,'*  meanwhile  stood  quiet,  waiting  for  the 
enemy  to  come  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards.     To 

1  M'Afee,  p.  516. 

2  Smith's  "Kentucky,"  p.  49S.  Shalcr,  p.  170,  conceives  that  the  plan  was 
for  the  rear  ranks  to  pass  the  loaded  muskets  forward  to  those  on  the  front 
line  of  battle;  but  such  a  plan  would  scarcely  have  appealed  to  the  men 
behind  these  guns. 

3  McAfee,  p.  518. 

■*  The  parapet  was  about  five  feet  high,  and  from  ten  to  twenty  feet  thick  at 
its  base,  extending  from  the  river  banks  1,000  yards  eastward.  Beyond  that,  a 
breastwork  was  formed  of  a  double  row  of  logs,  laid  one  over  the  other,  the 
space  between  being  filled  with  earth.    Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  70. 


362        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

that  point  they  quickly  advanced,  some  even  reaching  the 
edge  of  the  ditch,  carrying  ladders  with  which  to  scale  the 
parapet;  but  they  came  no  farther.  The  musketry  and 
rifles,  manned  by  pioneers  of  deadly  aim,  suddenly  opened 
fire  all  along  the  fortifications.  The  ranks  wavered  for 
a  moment,  broke  into  disorder  and  retreated,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, the  second  in  command,  and  a  host  of  in- 
ferior officers  having  been  sacrificed. 

General  Lambert,  who  now  succeeded  to  the  command 
of  the  British  forces,^  rallied  his  men  for  a  second  attack, 
but  their  spirit  was  gone,  and  a  disastrous  repulse  was 
the  result. 

Thus  was  the  main  body  of  Lord  Pakenham's  invading 
army  of  ten  thousand  veterans  decisively  defeated,  by  a 
force  not  exceeding  forty-six  hundred  men,'  of  whom  al- 
most one-fourth  were  Kentuckians. 

The  effect  produced  upon  the  British  army  by  the  daring 
coolness  of  a  single  Kentucky  rifleman  is  thus  graphically 
described  by  one  of  the  British  officers,  who  took  part  in 
this  historic  engagement: 

"We  marched  in  solid  column  in  a  direct  line,  upon  the 
American  defences.  I  belonged  to  the  stafl^;  and  as  we 
advanced,  we  watched  through  our  glasses,  the  position 
of  the  enemy,  with  that  intensity  an  officer  only  feels  when 
marching  into  the  jaws  of  death.  It  was  a  strange  sight, 
that  breastwork,  with  the  crowds  of  beings  behind,  their 
heads  only  visible  above  the  line  of  defence.  We  could 
distinctly  see  their  long  rifles  lying  on  the  works,  and  the 

'  Collins,  I,  pp.  314-315- 

2  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  75.  Collins,  I,  p.  316,  gives  Jackson 
4,698  men,  of  whom  a  considerable  part  were  not  engaged,  while  to  the  British 
he  gives  6,893  actually  engaged  in  the  attack. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  363 

batteries  in  our  front,  with  their  great  mouths  gaping 
towards  us. 

"  We  could  also  see  the  position  of  General  Jackson, 
with  his  staff  around  him.  But  what  attracted  our  at- 
tention most,  was  the  figure  of  a  tall  man  standing  on  the 
breastworks,  dressed  in  linsey-woolsey,  with  buckskin 
leggins,  and  a  broad-brimmed  felt  hat  that  fell  round  the 
face,  almost  concealing  the  features.  He  was  standing  in 
one  of  those  picturesque  graceful  attitudes  peculiar  to 
those  natural  men  dwelling  in  forests.  The  body  rested 
on  the  left  leg,  and  swayed  with  a  curved  line  upward. 
The  right  arm  was  extended,  the  hand  grasping  the  rifle 
near  the  muzzle,  the  butt  of  which  rested  near  the  toe  of 
his  right  foot.  With  the  left  hand  he  raised  the  rim  of  the 
hat  from  his  eyes,  and  seemed  gazing  intently  on  our  ad- 
vancing column.  The  cannon  of  the  enemy  had  opened 
on  us,  and  tore  through  our  works  with  dreadful  slaughter; 
but  we  continued  to  advance,  unwavering  and  cool,  as  if 
nothing  threatened  our  progress. 

"  The  roar  of  cannon  had  no  effect  upon  the  figure  before 
us;  he  seemed  fixed  and  motionless  as  a  statue.  At  last 
he  moved,  threv/  back  his  hat-rim  over  the  crown  with  his 
left  hand,  raised  the  rifle  to  the  shoulder,  and  took  aim 
at  our  group. 

"Our  eyes  were  riveted  upon  him;  at  whom  had  he 
leveled  his  piece  .?  But  the  distance  was  so  great,  that  we 
looked  at  each  other  and  smiled.  We  saw  the  rifle  flash, 
and  very  rightly  conjectured  that  his  aim  was  in  the  direc- 
tion of  our  party.  My  right  hand  companion,  as  noble  a 
fellow  as  ever  rode  at  the  head  of  a  regiment,  fell  from  his 
saddle. 

"The  hunter  paused  a  few  moments,  without  moving 


364        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

his  gun  from  his  shoulders.  Then  he  reloaded  and  as- 
sumed his  former  attitude.  Throwing  the  hat-rim  over 
his  eyes,  and  again  holding  it  up  with  the  left  hand,  he 
fixed  his  piercing  gaze  upon  us,  as  if  hunting  out  another 
victim.  Once  more  the  hat-rim  was  thrown  back,  and  the 
gun  raised  to  his  shoulder.  This  time  we  did  not  smile, 
but  cast  glances  at  each  other,  to  see  which  of  us  must  die. 
"When  again  the  rifle  flashed,  another  one  of  our  party 
dropped  to  the  earth.  There  was  something  most  awful 
in  this  marching  on  to  certain  death.  The  cannon  and 
thousands  of  musket  balls  playing  upon  our  ranks,  we 
cared  not  for;  for  there  was  a  chance  of  escaping  them. 
Most  of  us  had  walked  as  coolly  upon  batteries  more  de- 
structive, without  quailing;  but  to  know  that  every  time 
that  rifle  was  leveled  toward  us,  and  its  bullet  sprang  from 
the  barrel,  one  of  us  must  surely  fall;  to  see  it  rest,  motion- 
less as  if  poised  on  a  rack,  and  know,  when  the  hammer 
came  down,  that  the  messenger  of  death  drove  unerringly 
to  its  goal,  to  know  this,  and  still  march  on,  was  awful.  I 
could  see  nothing  but  the  tall  figure  standing  on  the  breast- 
works; he  seemed  to  grow,  phantom-like,  higher  and 
higher,  assuming,  through  the  smoke,  the  supernatural 
appearance  of  some  great  spirit  of  death.  Again  did  he 
reload  and  discharge,  and  reload  and  discharge  his  rifle, 
with  the  same  unfailing  aim,  and  the  same  unfailing  result; 
and  it  was  with  indescribable  pleasure  that  I  beheld,  as 
we  neared  the  American  lines,  the  sulphurous  cloud  gather- 
ing around  us,  and  shutting  that  spectral  hunter  from  our 
gaze.  We  lost  the  battle;  and  to  my  mind,  the  Kentucky 
rifleman  contributed  more  to  our  defeat,  than  anything 
else;  for  while  he  remained  in  our  sight,  our  attention  was 
drawn  from  our  duties;  and  when,  at  last,  he  became  in- 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  365 

shrouded  in  the  smoke,  the  work  was  complete;  we  were 
in  utter  confusion,  and  unable,  in  the  extremity,  to  restore 
order  sufficient  to  make  any  successful  attack. — The  bat- 
tle was  lost."^ 

So  much  for  the  conduct  of  General  Adair's  one  thou- 
sand armed  Kentuckians  in  the  great  battle  on  the  cast 
bank.  We  must  now  consider  the  one  hundred  and  seventy 
Kentuckians  who  shared,  or — as  General  Jackson  and 
Commodore  Patterson  expressed  it — who  caused  the  defeat 
of  the  Americans  on  the  west  bank,  during  that  same 
eventful  day. 

In  preparing  his  defences.  General  Jackson  had  care- 
fully provided  against  the  possibility  of  an  attack  by  way 
of  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi.  Major  Latour,  the 
chief  engineer,  had  been  sent  over  to  select  a  line  for  de- 
fensive works  on  that  side  of  the  river.  He  had  indicated 
a  position  in  which,  as  he  afterwards  declared,  "one  thou- 
sand men  could  have  guarded  a  breastwork  line,  and  half 
that  number  would  have  been  sufficient,  had  pieces  of 
cannon  been  mounted  in  the  intended  outworks."' 

But  General  Morgan,  whom  Jackson  had  placed  in  com- 
mand of  the  defences  on  the  west  bank,'''  after  a  conference 
with  Commodore  Patterson,  decided  to  disregard  Major 
Latour's  expert  advice.  Instead  of  the  position  which  the 
chief  engineer  had  selected,  he  chose  a  line  '^  lov/er  down 
the  stream,  where  he  would  be  under  the  protection  of  the 

1  This  manuscript  is  marked,  "  Kentucky  Rifleman  in  battle  of  New  Orleans," 
Durrett  Collection.  The  hero  here  described  was  E.  M.  Brank  of  Greenville, 
Kentucky. 

2  Latour's  "Historical  Memoir  of  the  War  in  West  Florida  and  Louisiana  in 
1814-15,"  pp.  167-168. 

3  General  Morgan  commanded  the  Louisiana  militia.    Latour,  p.  i6fi. 

*  The  Court  of  Inquiry  later  gave  the  choice  of  this  line  as  one  of  the  causes 
of  the  defeat  on  the  west  bank. 


366        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

twelve  pieces  of  cannon  of  Commodore  Patterson's  battery, 
on  the  right  bank.  This  Hne,  having  been  duly  approved 
by  the  commander-in-chief,  was  provided  with  a  breast- 
work mounting  three  pieces  of  artillery,  and  behind  it 
General  Morgan,  on  January  7,  massed  his  Louisiana 
troops, — some  five  hundred  in  number.  Their  position 
was  critical.  On  their  right  stretched  an  open  plain  about 
a  mile  in  width,  undefended  by  fortifications  of  any  kind, 
where  the  advancing  enemy  might  operate  at  will,  subject 
only  to  the  fire  of  Commodore  Patterson's  guns  from  the 
right  bank,^  and  of  the  few  defences  of  the  breastwork  by 
the  river. 

The  weakness  at  this  point  did  not  escape  the  keen  eyes 
of  General  Jackson,  who  designed  to  employ  the  unarmed 
Kentuckians  for  the  defence  of  this  open  plain.  There 
were  in  camp  twelve  hundred  of  these,  and,  for  arming 
such  of  them  as  he  planned  sending  to  the  west  bank. 
General  Jackson  counted  upon  the  arms,  which  the  Mayor 
and  Committee  of  Safety  always  kept  stored  in  the  city 
armory. 

These  arms.  General  Adair  had  already  borrowed,  and 
was  waiting  for  nightfall  to  distribute  them  to  his  Ken- 
tuckians; but  General  Jackson,  not  having  been  informed 
of  this  fact  (as  the  arms  were  regarded  as  a  private  store), 
issued  orders  for  five  hundred  of  the  Kentuckians  to 
march  into  New  Orleans  and  secure  them.  It  was  late  in 
the  afternoon  of  January  7,  when  they  started  upon  this 
long  tramp  of  ten  miles,  through  mud  and  water;  and, 
when  they  reached  the  city  armory,  they  were  informed 
that  General  Adair  had  already  removed  the  arms. 

With  great  difficulty,  about  one  hundred  and  seventy 

1  Smith's  "  BalU;;  of  New  Orleans,"  pp.  95,  97. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  367 

ancient  guns  of  various  patterns  were  secured;  and,  pro- 
vided with  these,  one  hundred  and  seventy  of  this  un- 
fortunate detachment  of  Kentucky  volunteers,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Davis,  crossed  the  river,  and  marched 
through  the  darkness  of  night  to  the  camp  of  General 
Morgan. 

They  arrived  shortly  before  daylight  of  January  8th, ^ 
to  find  the  camp  already  in  commotion.  News  had  come 
that  a  body  of  British  troops  had  landed  on  the  west 
bank,  and  that  Major  Arnaud  who  had  been  sent  down 
the  river  to  check  their  advance,  was  retiring  before  them." 
The  weary  Kentuckians  were  at  once  ordered  to  march 
to  his  assistance.^  For  twenty-four  hours  not  one  of  them 
had  slept;  they  had  marched,  without  food,  almost  con- 
tinuously since  the  afternoon  of  the  previous  day;  they  were 
armed  with  an  assortment  of  guns  with  whose  efficiency 
they  were  not  acquainted,  but  which,  to  say  the  least,  did 
not  give  them  great  confidence.  Some  were  old  flintlock 
muskets,  which  were  by  no  means  certain  to  fire,  when 
wielded  by  men  unaccustomed  to  their  use.^  Some  were 
guns  whose  bore  was  too  small  for  the  cartridges  which 
had  been  provided;  some  were  old  muskets  or,  fowling 
pieces;  while  more  than  one  man  was  in  effect  unarmed, 
the  lock  of  his  gun  being  out  of  commission.     However, 

1  Latour's  "Historic  Memoir,"  p.  170. 

2  Major  Arpaud's  detachment  consisted  of  150  Louisiana  militia.  Smith's 
"Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  99. 

3  "General  Morgan  despatched  the  Kentuckians,  immediately  on  their 
arrival,  about  4  A.  M.,  to  reinforce  a  party  which  had  been  sent  out  early  on  the 
night  of  the  7th,  to  watch  and  oppose  the  landing  of  the  enemy."  Commodore 
Patterson's  Report;  Copy,  Durrett  MSS. 

4  This  description  of  the  arms  I  have  gathered,  in  part,  from  the  conversations 
of  elderly  Kentuckians,  whose  fathers  or  near  relatives  were  members  of  Colonel 
Davis's  detachment.  For  the  most  part,  however,  I  have  depended  upon  the 
account  in  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  99. 


368        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

at  the  word  of  command,  they  advanced  to  the  support 
of  Major  Arnaud  and  his  one  hundred  and  fifty  Louisiana 
mihtia,  who  were  facing  what  proved  to  be  a  British  de- 
tachment of  one  thousand  men,  under  Colonel  Thornton. 

About  a  mile  below  General  Morgan's  line,  the  advanc- 
ing Kentuckians  and  the  retreating  Louisianians  came  to- 
gether. A  stand  against  so  overwhelming  a  force  of  British 
was  of  course  out  of  the  question;  and  the  Louisiana  mili- 
tia, observing  the  size  of  their  reenforcement,  retired  to  the 
shelter  of  a  neighboring  wood,  and  took  no  further  part  in 
the  engagements  of  the  day. 

The  Kentuckians,  after  trying  the  effect  of  several  vol- 
leys, were  glad  to  retreat,  at  the  command  of  General 
Morgan's  aid-de-camp,  v*ho  had  just  joined  them.^  This 
retreat  was  made  in  good  order,  and  in  obedience  to  a 
command,  which  it  would  have  been  military  insubordina- 
tion to  disregard,  even  had  they  so  desired. 

Upon  reaching  the  main  line  of  General  Morgan's  de- 
fences, the  Kentuckians  were  assigned  a  position  far  to 
the  right  of  the  fortifications,  upon  the  open  plain.  Be- 
tween them  and  Morgan's  right,  there  stretched  a  space 
of  tv/o  hundred  yards,  while  the  line,  which  they  were 
called  upon  to  defend,  was  about  three  hundred  yards  in 
length."  Beyond  them,  on  their  right,  lay  a  wide  plain, 
wholly  undefended  except  by  a  body  of  eighteen  pickets, 
under  Colonel  Caldwell.^  Their  position  might,  therefore, 
be  easily  turned,  either  on  the  right  or  on  the  left,  and 
was  extremely  precarious,  in  view  of  the  strength  of  the 
British  detachment  now  advancing  upon  them. 

1  M'Afcc,  p.  519. 

2  General  Orders  of  Court  of  Inquiry,  held  at  New  Orleans,  on  February  19, 
1815.    Full  text  Smith's  "B'attleof  New  Orleans,"  pp.  iio-iii. 

3  M'Afee,  p.  519. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  369 

Colonel  Thornton,  who  commanded  that  force,  instantly 
saw  his  opportunity,  and  promptly  availed  himself  of  it. 
A  part  of  his  force  was  turned  against  the  intrenchments 
near  the  river,  behind  which  lay  General  Morgan  and  his 
five  hundred  Louisiana  militia,  with  three  cannon  to  pro- 
tect them;  but  this,  as  Gleig,^  the  English  historian,  seems 
to  imply,  was  only  designed  to  distract  General  Mor- 
gan's attention  from  the  main  attack,  which  was  directed 
against  the  isolated  Kentuckians.^  To  turn  their  unpro- 
tected wings,  and  attack  them  from  the  rear,  was  his  pur- 
pose, and  it  was  easily  accomplished.  Flanked  at  both  ex- 
tremities by  four  times  their  own  number,  and  unsup- 
ported, the  Kentucky  militia,  after  firing  several  volleys, 
"gave  way;"  writes  Latour,  "nor  v^as  it  possible  .  .  . 
to  rally  them.  .  .  .  Confidence  had  vanished,  and  with 
it  all  spirit  of  resistance.   .   .   ."  ^ 

When  we  picture  to  ourselves  the  position  of  these  one 
hundred  and  seventy  Kentuckians,  with  their  ancient  arms, 
we  wonder,  not  that  "confidence  had  vanished,"  but  that 
it  had  ever  existed.  "What  could  be  expected  from  men 
thus  dispirited,  ill  armed,  and  exhausted  with  inanition 
and  fatigue.?"  asks    the   same  author,''  and  himself   re- 

1  "  Campaigns  of  the  British  Army  at  Washington  and  New  Orleans."  By 
Rev.  George  Robert  Gleig,  pp.  336-339. 

2  Latour,  however,  seems  to  consider  the  attack  on  the  intrenchments  near 
the  river  as  a  serious  one,  after  the  failure  of  which,  the  attack  on  the  isolated 
Kentuckians  was  made.  He  says  that  the  artillery  and  musketry  of  Gen- 
eral Morgan's  Louisiana  troops  "having  obliged  him  to  fall  back,  he  next  di- 
rected his  attack  against  [the  detached  Kentuckians  on]  our  right,  one  column 
moving  toward  the  wood  and  the  other  toward  the  center  of  the  line.  .  .  . 
Now  .  .  .  was  felt  the  effect  of  the  bad  position  that  we  occupied."  Latour's 
"Historical  Memoir,"  p.  172. 

3  Latour's  "Historical  Memoir,"  p.  172. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  170.  I  am  quite  conscious  that  Latour  writes  as,  in  a  sense,  a 
partisan  in  this  case.    The  line  of  defence,  which  he  had  selected  and  urged,  had 

Kentucky — 24 


370        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

plies/ "I  believe  .  .  .  that  veteran  troops  of  the  line,  in  less 
perilous  situations,  have  not  unfrequently  been  seized  with 
panic,  and  given  way;  nor  do  I  think  that  any  mili- 
tary man  of  much  experience  will  be  surprised  that 
militia  troops,  ill  armed,  drawn  like  Indians,  on  an 
immense  front,  seeing  themselves  turned  and  cut  off 
by  troops  of  the  line,  quitted  their  post  and  retired  in 
disorder.   .  .   ."  " 

This  "disgraceful  example,"  says  Commodore  Patter- 
son,"'* "was  soon  followed  by  the  whole  of  General  Morgan's 
command,  notwithstanding  every  exertion  was  made  by 
him,  his  staff  and  several  officers  of  the  city  militia,  to  keep 
them  to  their  posts.  .  .  .  The  flight  of  the  Kentuckians 
paralyzed  their  exertions  and  produced  a  retreat  which 
could  not  be  checked.   .   .   ." 

When  we  recall  the  fact  that  General  Morgan  and  Com- 
modore Patterson  had  chosen  to  fortify  a  position  which 
the  Chief  Engineer  of  Jackson's  army,  had  condemned, 
we  must  feel  that  it  is  unsafe  to  rely  too  implicitly  upon 
their  version  of  the  cause  of  the  defeat  on  the  west 
bank.  But  when  their  reports,  laying  the  responsibility 
upon  the  one  hundred  and  seventy  Kentucky  militia, 
reached  Jackson,  he  was  in  no  position  to  discount  them, 
and,  upon  the  basis  of  the  information  which  they  con- 
tained, prepared,  the  next  day,  January  9,  18 15,  his  official 


been  abandoned,  in  favor  of  the  one  now  under  discussion.  His  natural  impulse 
would  be,  therefore,  to  see  and  describe  it  in  the  worst  possible  light.  But,  in 
this  instance,  the  facts  seem  to  fully  justify  his  opinion. 

1  "Historical  Memoir,"  pp.  174-175. 

2  Gleig,  p.  339,  says  that  Thornton's  attack  was  greatly  aided  by  the  false 
report  that  "all  had  gone  well  on  the  opposite  bank." 

^  Report  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  dated  Marine  Battery,  five  miles  below 
New  Orleans,  January  13,  1815.    Durrett  MSS. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OE  l8i2  371 

report  ^  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  a  report  which  all  loyal 
Kentuckians  familiar  with  the  facts  promptly  challenged, 
as  unfair  and  untrue." 

General  Adair,  as  commander  of  the  Kentucky  militia, 
demanded  a  court  of  inquiry,  which  was  convened  at 
once,  and  a  note  was  sent  to  General  Morgan, ""^  request- 
ing him  to  introduce  such  witnesses  as  he  chose,  at  a 
hearing  to  be  held  on  the  following  day.  It  is  only  fair  to 
suppose  that  all  available  factswere  presented  in  support  of 
a  charge,  which  had  found  its  way  into  General  Jackson's 
official  report,  through  the  medium  of  Commodore  Patter- 
son and  General  Morgan.'*  But  the  verdict  of  the  court  ^ 
is  a  clear  acquittal  of  the  Kentucky  troops.    Their  conduct 

1  Durrett  MSS.  Shaler,  "Kentucky,"  p.  171,  attributes  Jackson's  unrea- 
sonable severity  against  the  Kentucky  troops  to  a  permanent  jealousy  between 
Kentuckians  and  Tennesseeans,  Jackson  being,  "by  affiliation,"  a  Tennesseean. 
This,  however,  seems  an  insufBcient  explanation. 

2  Commodore  Patterson's  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  dated 
January  13,  1815,  w'as,  if  possible,  even  more  severe  upon  the  unfortunate 
Kentucky  detachment.  Pie  magnifies  their  number  to  "about  four  hundred 
militia  from  Kentucky,  very  badly  armed  or  equipped,  the  general  not  having 
arms  to  furnish  them.  ..."  Copy  of  Text,  Durrett  MSS.  But  it  was  the 
fierce  censure  of  the  commander-in-chief  which  most  exasperated  the  people 
of  Kentucky. 

3  Dated  New  Orleans,  February  9,  1815,  and  signed  by  Major  General  Wm. 
Carroll,  President  of  the  Court.  Full  text,  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans," 
p.  109. 

4  Major  Latour,  before  publishing  his  "  Historical  Memoirs  of  the  War  of 
181 2-15,"  wrote  to  General  Morgan  a  letter  (now  the  property  of  Judge  Wm.  H. 
Seymour  of  New  Orleans,  printed  in  full  in  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans," 
p.  119),  declaring,  "...  I  am  of  opinion  that  you  are  to  bear  the  blame  of  our 
disgrace  on  that  part  of  our  defence."  Ke  then  lays  his  account  of  the  battle 
before  General  Morgan,  with  the  request  for  evidence  proving  the  inaccuracy 
of  the  views  presented.  If  any  reply  was  made,  it  is  lost,  and  Major  Latour's 
book  appeared  without  corrections  in  General  Morgan's  favor. 

5  Dated  New  Orleans,  La.,  February  19,  1815.  Full  text,  Durrett  MSS. 
See  also  "Spirit  of  '76,"  April  12,  1827,  and  following  numbers,  for  a  series  of 
articles  dealing  with  the  whole  question  of  the  conduct  of  the  Kentucky  troops, 
and  Jackson's  censure  of  them. 


372        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

is  declared  "not  reprehensible,"  the  real  cause  of  the  dis- 
aster being  ascribed  to  "the  shameful  flight  of  the  com- 
mand of  Major  Arnaud,  sent  to  oppose  the  landing  of  the 
enemy; "  and  to  "  the  manner  in  which  the  force  was  placed 
on  the  line"  of  defence. 

General  Jackson  approved  this  verdict,  thus  admitting 
the  injustice  of  his  obnoxious  report;  but  General  Adair 
felt  that  justice  demanded  a  revision  of  the  official  report 
itsehV  as  the  words  of  the  victor  of  New  Orleans  would 
have  much  greater  publicity  than  the  report  of  a  court 
of  inquiry.  Andrew  Jackson,  however,  was  not  a  man  to 
submit  to  dictation,  even  as  to  the  method  of  rectifying  an 
admitted  error.  He  still  cherished  the  belief,  which  indeed 
was  well  founded,  that,  by  removing  the  arms  from  the  city 
arsenal,  General  Adair  had  made  it  impossible  for  him  to 
carry  out  his  plan  of  adequately  reenforcing  General  Mor- 
gan's position.  He  therefore  refused  General  Adair's  re- 
quest; the  result  of  which  refusal  was  an  intensely  bitter, 
and  increasingly  abusive  and  personal  correspondence  be- 
tween the  two  generals,'  ending,  as  such  controversies  usu- 
ally ended  in  those  days,  in  a  challenge.  A  meeting  with 
pistols  was  arranged;  but,  by  the  timely  mediation  of 
friends,  the  duel  was  averted,  a  reconciliation  having  been 
effected  upon  the  field,  in  the  presence  of  seconds,  sur- 
geons and  invited  friends.'^ 

1  As  the  Jackson-Adair  correspondence  (Durrett  MSS.,  A)  clearly  shows, 
the  Kentucky  people  felt  that,  not  only  had  Jackson  slandered  the  Kentuckians 
who  had  fought  on  the  west  bank,  but  that  he  had  failed  to  do  justice  to  the 
gallantry  of  those  who  defended  his  center  in  the  greater  contest  on  the  east 
bank. 

2  Durrett  MSS.,  A,  for  the  correspondence,  which  throws  much  light  upon 
the  unfortunate  misunderstandings,  which  led  to  the  disaster  on  the  west  bank. 

•*  This  account  of  the  meeting  was  gathered  from  oral  traditions  by  Mr.  Z.  F. 
Smith.    It  is  given,  in  fuller  detail,  in  his  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  pp.  113-114. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1 8 12  373 

General  Adair's  championship  of  the  cause  of  Kentucky 
honor  was  deeply  appreciated  by  the  Kentucky  people, 
who,  through  their  Legislature,  publicly  thanked  him  "for 
his  spirited  vindication  of  a  respectable  portion  of  the 
troops  of  Kentucky  from  the  libelous  imputation  of  cow- 
ardice most  unjustly  thrown  upon  them  by  General  An- 
drew Jackson."  ^ 

As  the  defeat  of  General  Morgan's  command  on  the 
west  bank  did  not  affect  the  final  result  of  the  battle  of 
New  Orleans,  so  that  great  victory  itself  did  not  influence 
the  outcome  of  the  war  of  18 12,  for  the  reason  that  peace 
had  been  concluded  before  it  was  fought. ^ 

In  the  negotiations  leading  to  the  treaty  of  peace,  Ken- 
tucky's great  statesman,  Henry  Clay,  played  a  leading 
part.  At  the  call  of  the  President,  he  had  resigned  his  post 
as  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  had  retired  to  Gottingen, 
where  the  negotiations  were  opened.  Associated  with  him 
in  this  important  embassy,  were  Albert  Gallatin,  James 
A.  Bayard,  John  Quincy  Adams  and  Jonathan  Russell.^ 
Adams  was,  by  title,  first  in  the  commission;  w^hile  Gallatin, 
with  a  great  European  reputation  as  a  financial  genius, 
was  the  man  to  whom  all  most  willingly  deferred.  Clay, 
however,  by  his  winning  personality,  secured  the  favor  of 
the  commissioners  of  his  Britannic  Adajesty,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  gained  an  influence  over  Bayard  and  Russell, 
which  enabled  him  to  dominate  the  commission.  This 
fact  was  fortunate  for  the  western  country,  whose  interests 
Clay  perfectly  understood.     It  was  of  enormous  impor- 

1  Act  of  February  lo,  1816.     See  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  p.  112. 

2  The  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  at  Ghent  on  December  24,  1814,  the 
day  after  the  first  landing  of  the  British  army  on  the  soil  of  Louisiana. 

3  Announcement  in  the  "Lexington  Reporter"  of  January  29,  1814;  "Memoir 
of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  79. 


374        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tance  to  Kentucky  and  the  West,  that  the  Mississippi,  the 
whole  course  of  whose  waters  now  flowed  through  Amer- 
ican territory,  should  be  kept  under  the  exclusive  control 
of  the  United  States,  but  the  only  point  upon  which  any 
serious  difference  of  opinion  arose,  among  the  American 
Commissioners  themselves,  involved  this  very  question. 
They  were  all  cognizant  of  the  fact  that,  by  the  third  arti- 
cle of  the  treaty  of  1783,  certain  rights  of  fishing  and  dry- 
ing fish  within  the  British  dominions  in  Canada,  were  guar- 
anteed to  Americans;  and  that,  as  compensation  for  this 
valuable  privilege,  that  same  treaty  provided,  in  the  eighth 
article,  that :  "  The  navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi,  from 
its  source  to  the  ocean,  shall  forever  remain  free  and  open 
to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States."^  They  knew,  also,  that  this  same  right 
had  been  confirmed  to  Great  Britain,  by  the  third  article 
of  Jay's  treaty  of  1794.^  And  so,  while  discussing  what 
details  were  to  be  insisted  upon,  in  the  negotiation  with  the 
representatives  of  Great  Britain,  the  question  naturally 
arose  ^  as  to  whether  an  article  should  be  inserted  in  the 
proposed  treaty,  renewing  these  old  provisions. 

Adams,  with  the  views  of  a  native  New  Englander,  was 
eager  to  insert  such  an  article.  He  felt  that  the  interests 
of  American  fishermen  could  not  be  otherwise  secured; 
and,  like  Jay  of  old,  saw  no  particular  necessity  for  our 
catering  to  the  interests  of  the  Mississippi  Valley.  Clay, 
on  the  other  hand,  understood  the  importance  of  control 
of  the  Mississippi  too  well  to  allow  it  to  be  shared  with 
England,  in  order  to  gain  fishing  rights  for  New  England 

1  Text  of  treaty,  Snow's  "American  Diplomacy,"  pp.  62  et  seq. 
2 Text  Snow's  "American  Diplomacy,"  p.  68. 

3  Introduced  by  Gallatin,  Prentice's  "  Life  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  io8;  "  Memoir 
of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  93. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812  375 

fishermen.  He  urged,  with  justice,  that  circumstances  had 
completely  changed  since  Jay's  treaty  had  heen  made.  In 
1794,  Spain  had  held  Louisiana  and  the  west  bank  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  it  was  supposed  that  the  British  domin- 
ions touched  upon  its  head  waters.  "  But  now,"  he  argued, 
"the  whole  course  of  the  Mississippi  is  known  and  ad- 
mitted to  be  within  the  well  defined  limits  of  the  United 
States.  There  is  no  more  reason  for  Kn«rland  to  claim 
equal  rights  upon  the  Mississippi  than  for  the  United 
States  to  claim  equal  rights  in  the  navigation  of  the 
Thames."  ^  He  further  pointed  out  that  the  right  to  navi- 
gate the  Mississippi  would  give  Great  Britain  free  access 
to  the  Indians  of  the  Northwest,  so  lately  pacified,  and 
that  the  danger  of  her  agents  stirring  them  up  to  re- 
newed border  warfare,  was  by  no  means  remote. 

The  contest  growing  excited,  Gallatin  found  it  no  easy 
task  to  umpire  this  strife  of  sectional  interests."  At  length, 
however,  a  vote  was  taken  as  to  "whether  the  navioation 
of  the  Mississippi  should  be  offered  to  Great  Britain  as  an 
equivalent  for  the  fisheries.""''  Adams,  Gallatin  and  Bay- 
ard favored  the  proposition,  while  Clay  and  Russell  op- 
posed it.  Clay,  however,  by  his  arguments  and  his  final 
declaration,  "that  he  would  affix  his  signature  to  no 
Treaty,  which  should  make  to  Great  Britain  the  contem- 
plated concession,"'*  at  length  secured  the  concurrence  of 
Bayard;  and  Adams  and  (jallatin  were  overruled.^ 

1  Sargent's  "Clay,"  p.  i8. 

2  Schoulcr,  II,  435. 

3  Prentice's  "Clay,"  p.  log. 

■•  Quoted  by  Sargent  in  his  "Life  of  Clay,"  p.  nj,  and  also  by  Prcntire  in  his 
"Life  of  Clay,"  p.  109. 

5  See  "Diplomatic  notice  proposed  by  Mr.  Clay  at  dhent,"  on  pp.  41-44  of 
Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay." 


27(>        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

As  a  result  of  this  victory,  the  treaty  of  Ghent  omitted 
all  reference  to  either  question,  and,  upon  the  ratification 
of  that  instrument,  the  great  "Father  of  Waters,"  the 
cause  of  so  much  anxiety,  and  the  source  of  so  many  dark 
conspiracies,  was  finally  liberated  from  all  complicity  with 
foreign  courts,  and  became  in  law,  and  in  fact,  the  sole 
and  undisputed  possession  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Thus,  under  the  skillful  management  of  Henry  Clay, 
the  war  of  1812  was  made  to  conserve  the  interests  of  the 
great  West,  and  with  them  also  the  highest  interests  of  the 
young  nation,  which  Clay  rejoiced  to  serve. ^ 

1  "To  Henry  Clay,  as  its  chief  mover  and  author,"  says  John  J.  Crittenden, 
"belongs  the  statesman's  portion  of  the  glory  of  that  war;  and  to  the  same 
Henry  Clay,  as  one  of  the  makers  and  signers  of  the  treaty  .  .  .  belong  the 
blessings  of  the  peacemaker.  His  crown  is  made  up  of  the  jewels  of  peace  and 
of  war."    Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  II,  p.  46. 


CHAPTER  XII 

A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY 

The  end  of  the  war  of  1812,  marked  an  era  in  the  in- 
dustrial history  of  the  United  States.  The  embargo  and 
non-intercourse  acts,  followed  by  two  years  of  war,  had 
completely  deranged  the  industrial  system  of  the  country, 
and  had  inaugurated  the  change  which  was  to  make  of 
the  New  England  states  a  manufacturing,^  instead  of  an 
almost  purely  commercial  region.  Then  too,  the  suspen- 
sion of  specie  payment,  which  the  Napoleonic  wars  neces- 
sitated in  Europe,  had  raised  the  price  of  goods  enor- 
mously; but,  with  Napoleon  a  prisoner,  and  peace 
restored,  specie  payment  was  again  resumed,  with  a  con- 
sequent lowering  of  prices,^  and  an  irresistible  tendency 
to  speculation  and  over-trading.  An  era  of  fictitious 
prosperity,  such  as  usually  follows  a  long  suspension  of 
specie  payment,  was  ushered  in,  to  meet  which  successfully 
required  both  acuteness  and  conservatism.  Kentucky,  un- 
fortunately, was  blessed  with  neither  the  one  nor  the  other. 
Her  people  were  far  from  financial  centers,  and  lacked 
that  grasp  of  financial  problems  which  only  contact  with 
affairs  can  give.  Moreover,  her  experience  in  the  handling 
of  actual  money  had  been  unusually  limited.  In  the  early 
pioneer  days,  skins  had  served  as  her  medium  of  ex- 
change, her  merchants  generally  keeping  their  accounts 

1  Turner's  "  Rise  of  the  New  West,"  pp.  12-15,  for  figures. 
2Shaler,  p.  174;  Phelan's  "Tennessee,"  p.  260. 

377 


378        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  fflSTORY 

in  terms  of  beaver  skins/  and  sometimes  even  issuing 
certificates  of  deposit  of  skins  which,  when  properly  en- 
dorsed, served  as  a  species  of  bank  note.  The  following 
is  a  specimen  of  this  kind  of  paper  money. 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents  that  Daniel  Boone 
hath  deposited  6  beaver  skins  in  my  Keep  in  good  order 
and  of  the  worth  of  six  Shillings  each  skin,  and  I  have  took 
from  them  6  Shillings  for  the  keep  of  them,  and  when  they 
be  sold  I  will  pay  the  balance  of  30  Shillings  for  the  whole 
lot  to  any  person  who  presents  this  certificate  and  delivers 
it  up  to  me  at  my  Keep.  Louisville,  Falls  of  Ohio,  May  20, 
1784. 

"John  Sanders."  ^ 

As  the  period  of  the  hunter  had  given  place  to  that  of  the 
agriculturalist,  the  practice  of  making  exchanges  in  terms 
of  tobacco  had  become  general,  assignable  receipts  for  cer- 
tain quantities  passing  current,  and  performing  many  of 
the  functions  of  the  bank  note  of  the  older  communities. 
Land  warrants,  too,  had  served  a  similar  purpose,  the 
purchaser  depositing  his  money  with  the  State  treasurer, 
and  receiving  in  return  a  warrant  for  a  certain  number  of 
acres. 

As  population  increased  and  commerce  began  to  as- 
sume real  importance  in  the  life  of  Kentucky,  a  new 
medium  of  exchange  appeared,  but  one  scarcely  less  primi- 
tive than  those  already  mentioned.  Tobacco  gave  place 
to  coins,  but  coins  of  such  varied  types  that  their  circulating 
value  could  be  determined  only  by  a  very  rough  approxi- 

1  Duke's  "History  of  the  Bank  of  Kentucky,"  p.  g. 
3  Durrett  MSS. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY 


379 


mation;  and  a  pair  of  balances  for  weighing  them  was  a 
necessary  part  of  every  mercantile  establishment. 

When  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  in  1803,  had  given 
Kentucky  the  right  to  carry  her  goods  untaxed  to  New  Or- 
leans, or  to  distribute  them  at  points  along  the  Mississippi, 
trade  had  taken  a  marvelous  bound  forward.  This  had 
been  speedily  followed  by  the  opening  up  of  the  once  al- 
most impassable  wilderness  lying  between  Kentucky  and 
the  older  States;*  and  this  in  turn  by  the  appearance  of 
steamboats  on  the  waters  of  the  west,^'  which  cut  down 
the  cost  of  transportation  about  two-thirds,  and  reduced 
the  time,  required  for  a  trip  to  New  Orleans,  from  thirty 
or  forty,  to  six  or  seven  days.^ 

So  extensive  a  trade,  as  was  now  opened  to  Kentucky, 
could  not  long  be  carried  on  without  some  attempt  to  secure 
a  proper  and  uniform  circulating  medium,  and,  out  of  these 
conditions,  had  developed  the  first  banking  concern  of  the 
State,  the  so-called  "Kentucky  Insurance  Company." 
This  company  had  not  been  intended  by  the  Legislature 
as  a  banking  establishment,'*  its  ostensible  purpose  being 
to  make  trade,  with  New  Orleans  and  other  distant  points, 
more  safe,  by  insuring  cargoes  against  ordinary  accidents 
and  losses;  but  the  promoters  had  arranged  an  elastic 
clause  in  their  charter,  the  twentieth  section  of  which  con- 

1  By  1812  Kentucky  was  sending  east,  over  the  mountains,  500,000  hogs 
annually;  and  the  trade  by  water  was  proportionately  large.  Turner's  "  Rise  of 
the  New  West,"  p.  loi. 

2  Kentucky  was  the  home  and  burial  place  of  three  of  the  earliest,  successful 
experimenters  in  steam  navigation,  John  Fitch,  James  Rumsey,  and  Edward 
West.     Sketches  of  their  activities  and  experiments,  etc.,  Collins,  II,  p.  174. 

3  Annals  of  Congress,  17th  Cong.,  Sess.  2,  p.  407. 

*  "An  act  to  Incorporate  the  Kentucky  Insurance  Company,"  Decem- 
ber 16,  1802.  The  full  text  is  given  in  Wm.  Littell's  "The  Statute  Law  of 
Kentucky,"  III,  pp.  25-31. 


380        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tains  these  words:  "And  such  of  the  notes  as  are  payable 
to  bearer,  shall  be  negotiable  and  assignable  by  delivery 
only." 

In  this  clause,  had  been  laid  the  foundation  of  banking 
in  Kentucky;  for  the  company  had  proceeded  to  make  the 
freest  use  of  the  privileges  of  a  bank  of  issue,^  and  had 
soon  "divided  eight  per  cent  profit  for  six  months — a  fact 
which  drew  upon  it  the  horrific  denunciation  of  being  a 
'monied  aristocracy,'  and  therefore  to  be  put  dov\^n."  ' 

The  Kentucky  Insurance  Company,  however,  had  not 
long  been  left  to  enjoy  the  monopoly  of  so  rich  a  field. 
On  December  27,  1806,  a  charter  had  been  granted,  creat- 
ing the  Bank  of  Kentucky,^  with  a  capital  stock  fixed  at  one 
million  dollars,  half  of  which  was  reserved  for  the  State; 
which  latter  was  to  choose  annually  the  president  and  six 
of  the  twelve  directors."*  The  charter  also  contained  the 
remarkable  provision,  that  the  State  Legislature  might,  at 
any  time,  increase  the  number  of  directors  from  twelve  to 

1  Durrett  Collection  for  specimens  of  notes  of  the  Kentucky  Insurance  Com- 
pany.   The  following  is  one  specimen  from  that  collection: 

"The  President  and  Directors  of  the  Kentucky  Insurance  Company  promise 
to  pay  C.  Vaness  or  bearer  on  demand  one  dollar. 
"Lexington,  16  June,  1816. 

"  Wm.  H.  Richardson,  Prest. 
"J.  L.  Martin,  Cashr." 

2  Marshall,  II,  p.  374.  Henry  Clay's  first  nomination,  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Kentucky  Legislature,  was  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was  opposed  to  a  plan,  then 
on  foot,  to  repeal  this  charter,  which  had  been  granted  until  January  i,  1818. 
Such  a  repeal.  Clay  insisted,  would  be  in  violation  of  the  rights  vested  in  the 
company  by  its  charter,  and  would  be  unconstitutional.  He  was  elected  by  a 
large  majority,  and,  upon  taking  his  seat,  easily  defeated  the  attempt  to  repeal 
the  charter.  "Memoir  of  Henry  Clay,"  in  "Life  and  Speeches,"  Anon.,  I, 
pp.  28-29. 

3  Usually  distinguished  as  the  "Old  Bank  of  Kentucky."  "An  act  to  estab- 
lish a  State  Bank."  Full  te.'ct,  Win.  Littcll's  "Statute  Law  of  Kentucky," 
III,  pp.  390-399. 

■*  The  other  six  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  stockholders. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  381 

twenty-four,  thus  insuring  the  permanent  management  of 
the  bank  by  this  body,  which  would  be  generally  certain 
to  know  very  little  about  its  affairs,  and  to  intervene  for 
the  worse  in  any  critical  moment. 

Such,  then,  was  the  condition  in  which  Kentucky  was 
forced  to  meet  the  extraordinary  financial  temptations,  fol- 
lowing upon  the  resumption  of  specie  payment,  after  the 
close  of  the  war  of  18 12.  The  hard  times  forced  the  Bank 
of  Kentucky  to  suspend,^  and  the  Legislature,  with  in- 
excusable ignorance,  proceeded  to  give  it  relief  by  allow- 
ing it  to  increase  its  capital  stock  to  three  million  dollars.^ 
Moreover,  that  this  new  stock  might  be  the  more  readily 
taken  up,  it  prefaced  the  increase  by  an  act  authoriz- 
ing the  trustees  of  educational  institutions  to  sell  their 
lands,  and  use  the  money  for  the  purchase  of  bank  stock. ^ 

These  measures  naturally  failed  to  restore  public  confi- 
dence. Debtors  found  it  impossible  to  get  money  with 
which  to  discharge  their  obligations;  and  creditors  de- 
clined to  accept  the  notes  of  the  suspended  bank.  In 
1815,  matters  reached  a  point  where  the  Legislature  again 
felt  called  upon  to  intervene,  and  again  their  interference 
proved  the  folly  of  subjecting  banking  operations  to  po- 
litical control.  Any  creditor,  they  declared,  who  shall 
"refuse  to  take  pay  for  his  debt,  in  the  notes  of  the  sus- 
pended bank,"  shall  not  collect  his  dues  for  one  year. 

This  piece  of  injustice  was  followed,  in   1817,  by  the 

1 A  general  suspension  throughout  the  country,  New  England  excepted, 
occurred  about  1814.    Phelan's  "Tennessee,"  p.  260. 

2  "An  act  to  increase  the  capital  of  the  State  Bank,"  approved  February  8, 
1815.    Littell's  "Statutes,"  III,  p.  281. 

3  "An  act  authorizing  the  sale  of  Seminary  Lands  and  the  investure  of  the 
proceeds  in  Bank  Stock,"  approved  January  26,  1815.  Littell's  "Statutes,"  III, 
pp.  163-164. 


382        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

legalizing  of  "an  agreement  between  the  Bank  of  Ken- 
tucky and  its  thirteen  branches,  to  the  effect  that  neither 
should  be  required  to  take  the  notes  of  the  others."  ^  In 
other  words,  private  creditors  must  be  satisfied  to  be  paid 
in  notes  which  were  so  worthless  that  the  banks,  which  is- 
sued them,  would  not  receive  them  again.- 

The  natural  effect  of  this  was  that  the  creditor  class  was 
largely  bankrupt.  The  choice  between  taking  bank  notes, 
worth  only  half  their  enforced  value,  and  waiting  a  year 
for  any  payment,  was  a  severe  test  of  solvency,  and  one 
which  few  could  stand.  Nor  was  the  debtor  in  much  better 
case,  as  the  possibility  of  borrowing  any  more  money,  in 
the  face  of  such  laws,  was  very  small. 

In  the  serious  distress  which  prevailed,  the  people 
had  recourse  to  the  expedient,  which,  even  yet,  financial 
distress  is  likely  to  call  forth,  that  of  demanding  "fiat 
money;"  and  the  Kentucky  Legislature  was  neither  wise 
enough  to  resist  the  demand,  nor  experienced  enough  to 
foresee  the  results  of  acceding  to  it.  It  chartered  forty  in- 
dependent banks,^with  an  aggregate  capital  of  ;^8, 520,000, 
and  with  the  privilege  of  issuing  notes,  to  an  "amount 
equal  to  three  times  the  amount  of  their  capital  stock,  less 
their  indebtedness."  These  notes,  redeemable,  not  in 
specie,  but  in  the  notes  of  the  Bank  of  Kentucky,  which 
had,  by  this  time,  managed  to  resume  specie  payment, 
soon  flooded  the  State,  bringing  with  them  rash  specula- 

1  Durrett's  "Early  Banking  in  Kentucky,"  in  Kentucky  Bankers'  Associa- 
tion Proceedings  of  1892,  p.  41. 

2  Duke's  "History  of  the  Bank  of  Kentucky,"  p.  16. 

3  Act  of  January  26,  1818,  printed  among  the  "Acts  Passed  at  the  First 
Session  of  the  26th  General  Assembly  for  the  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky." 
Frankfort.  Printed  by  Kendall  &  Russclls,  Printers  to  the  State,  1818.  Dut- 
rett  Collection. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  383 

tion  and  reckless  expenditure.  Men  began  to  look  upon 
banks  as  "institutions  for  making  the  poor  rich,"  and  to 
clamor  for  a  share  in  the  blessings  which  the  United 
States  bank  was  supposed  to  be  showering  upon  the  re- 
gions where  its  branches  were  established.  In  response 
to  this  demand,  branches  of  that  institution  were  set  up 
at  Lexington  and  Louisville,  but  their  presence  only 
served  to  increase  the  mania  for  borrowing  and  reckless 
speculation.  "All  hastened  to  get  into  debt,"  says  Pro- 
fessor Sumner,^  "because  to  do  so  was  not  only  the  only 
way  to  get  rich,  but  the  only  way  to  save  one  self  from 
rum. 

The  reckoning  came  swiftly.  One  by  one,  the  Forty 
Independent  Banks — "The  Forty  Thieves,"  as  they  were 
popularly  called — failed,  being  unable  to  pay  their  demand 
notes,  and  they  loudly  accused  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  of  being  the  cause  of  their  ruin,  thus  drawing  upon 
it  the  hatred  which  they  themselves  merited.  They  had 
over-issued,  and  their  notes  had  found  their  way  into  the 
possession  of  the  branches  of  the  United  States  Bank. 
Their  presentation  was  hailed  as  oppression;  as  the  cul- 
mination of  a  deliberate  plot  to  gain  absolute  control  of 
the  field.  In  June,  1819,  Niles  reported,^  "The  whole 
State  is  in  considerable  commotion.  The  gross  amount 
of  debts  due  the  banks  is  estimated  at  ten  millions  of 
dollars.  .  .  .  Several  county  meetings  have  been  held. 
Their  purpose  is:  i,  a  suspension  of  specie  payments; 
2,  more  paper  money;  3,  an  extra  session  of  the  Legisla- 
ture to  pass  some  laws  on  this  emergency." 

For  a  few  months  the  old  Bank  of  Kentucky  continued 

1  Sumner's  "Jackson,"  p.  155. 

2  16  Niles,  p.  261. 


384        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

to  maintain  herself,  but  the  pressure  from  the  United 
States  Bank,  which  held  much  of  her  paper,  was  too  severe. 
On  May  4,  1820,  the  stockholders  voted  to  suspend;  and 
the  National  Bank  held  the  field  without  a  rival.  It  was 
roundly  cursed  as  a  monster  of  wickedness,  which  had 
brought  ruin  upon  the  State,  and  wrecked  the  fortunes 
of  her  citizens  for  its  own  dishonest  ends;  the  fact  that, 
pleading  exemption,  it  had  refused  to  pay  a  tax  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  dollars,  which  the  Ken- 
tucky Legislature  had  imposed  upon  its  two  Kentucky 
branches,^  adding  greatly  to  its  unpopularity  in  the  State. ^ 

To  save  Kentucky  debtors  from  the  clutches  of  this  "mon- 
ster monopoly,"  the  Legislature  again  interfered.  It  passed 
a  law  extending  the  power  to  replevy  judgments  from  three 
to  twelve  months,'"*  thus  encouraging  the  debtor  to  feel  that 
the  Legislature  could  further  protect  him  from  the  con- 
sequences of  his  rashness,  if  men  of  the  right  type  could 
be  elected.  The  politicians  at  once  saw  the  political  power 
that  lay  in  the  campaign  cry,  "  Relief;  "  and,  as  a  result, 
a  majority  of  the  Legislature,  after  the  elections  of  Au- 
gust, 1820,  stood  pledged  to  relief  measures. 

As  an  initial  step  in  their  dangerous  program,  the  new 
Legislature  passed  a  bill  providing  a  charter  for  the  bank 


1  Collins,  I,  p.  29.  The  object  of  the  tax,  says  Professor  Sumner,  was  to 
drive  the  bank  out  of  the  State.    Jackson,  p.  i66. 

2  This  plea  of  exemption  was  sustained,  a  few  months  later,  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  in  McCulloch  vs.  Maryland  (1819),  4  Wheaton, 
316.  This  decision  declared  that  the  States  could  not  tax  the  bank.  In  his  mes- 
sage of  November  7,  1825  (text,  29  Niles,  pp.  219  et  seq.),  Governor  Desha  de- 
clared that  the  Supreme  Court  had  allied  itself  with  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  to  overthrow  Kentucky  sovereignty;  and  denounced  the  Court  of  Appeals 
of  Kentucky  for  not  sustaining  the  Kentucky  law  taxing  the  bank,  instead  of 
yielding  to  the  Supreme  Court  decision  above  quoted. 

3  Collins,  I,  p.  29;  Duke's  "History  of  the  Bank  of  Kentucky,"  p.  18. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANICAL  HISTORY  385 

which  Humphrey  Marshall,  with  characteristic  scorn,  de- 
scribes as,  "the  paper  bubble,  called  'The  Bank  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Kentucky  ';  The  People's  Bank;  God 
save  it."  ^  This  governmental  monstrosity  was  indeed  a 
veritable  paper  mill,  such  as  is  often  dreamed  of  to-day 
by  those  socialistic  philosophers  who  believe  that  the  gov- 
ernment can  create  money  by  the  mere  operation  of  its 
printing  press. ^  Its  sole  business  was  to  turn  out  money, 
which  it  was  not  required  to  redeem  in  specie.^  The 
value  of  this  money  rested  upon  public  lands,  and  it  was 
receivable  for  taxes  and  all  public  debts;  but,  in  order 
to  insure  its  being  accepted  also  in  payment  of  private 
debts,  which  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  creation  of  the 
bank,  the  law  provided,  that  if  a  creditor  refused  to  accept 
payment  in  this  bank  paper,  the  debtor  could  "replevy 
the  debt  for  the  space  of  two  years."  ^ 

The  object  of  this  law  was  to  enable  debtors  to  pay 
their  debts  in  money  of  low  value,  and  to  compel  credi- 
tors to  accept  much  less  than  was  due  them  under  their 
contracts.  It  was,  therefore,  manifestly  contrary  to  the 
express  wording  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  which  says 
(Art.  I,  Sec.  10),  "No  State  shall  .  .  .  pass  any  .  .  .  Law 
impairing  the  Obligation  of  Contracts.  ,   .  ."  ^ 

1  Act  of  November  29,  1S20.     Marshall,  II,  p.  375. 

2  "Capital  stock,  three  millions  of  dollars;"  says  Marshall,  II,  p.  375,  "to 
be  printed  on  slips  of  paper  representing  public  faith,  for  its  redemption."  The 
only  real  capital  of  the  bank  was  $7,000  appropriated  by  the  Legislature  for  the 
purchase  of  an  outfit  for  printing  the  notes.  Turner's  "  Rise  of  the  New  West," 
p.  138. 

3  Battle  (1887  Ed.),  p.  312;  Sumner's  "  Jackson,"  p.  162. 

4  "The  Patriot,"  March  13,  1826;  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  p.  48. 

5  The  constitutionality  of  the  Bank  of  the  Commonwealth  was  sustained  by 
judicial  recognitions  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  Kentucky;  by  an  express  de- 
cision of  Chief  Justice  Robertson,  and  the  Judges  Underwood  and  Nicholas. 
It  was  also  sustained  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  (Craig  vs. 

Kentucky — 25 


386        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

The  unhappy  creditor  thus  found  himself  ground  be- 
tween the  upper  and  the  nether  millstones.  If  he  declined 
to  accept  payment  in  the  paper  of  the  Bank  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, worth  only  half  its  face  value,^  he  was  to  re- 
ceive nothing  at  all,  for  two  years,  and  then  face,  perhaps, 
the  same  alternative.  If  he  accepted  the  paper,  he  lost 
at  least  half  the  value  of  the  debt.-  No  wonder,  then,  that 
he  raised  an  outcry  at  this  wholesale  public  robbery, 
claiming  that  the  Legislature  had  no  constitutional  right 
to  pass  a  law  which  was  retroactive  in  its  operation,  and 
contrary  to  the  State  Constitution,  as  well  as  that  of  the 
nation. •'' 

No  important  case,  except  the  Dartmouth  College  case,^ 
had  as  yet  caused  an  official  interpretation  of  the  Con- 
tract Clause  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  the  news 
of  that  famous  case  had  not  reached  the  courts  of  the 
West;  ^  but,  to  the  more  conservative  minds,  the  wording 
of  the  Constitution  upon  that  subject  was  so  clear  as  to 
require  no  judicial  illumination.  To  the  masses,  how- 
ever, the  question  of  constitutional  interpretation  was 
one  which  could  be  solved  by  political  organization,  and 

Missouri).    The  validity  of  the  statutes  extending  replevins  was  still  to  be  de- 
cided upon.    "Sketch  of  the  Court  of  Appeals,"  Collins,  I,  p.  495. 

1  By  October,  1822,  a  specie  dollar  w^as  w^orth  $2.05  in  notes  of  the  Bank  of 
the  Commonwealth.    23  Niles,  p.  96. 

2  "If  a  judgment  creditor,"  says  Judge  Robertson  ("Scrap  Book,"  p.  48), 
"would  endorse  on  his  execution  that  he  would  take  the  paper  of  the  said  bank 
at  i)ar  in  satisfaction  of  his  judgment,  the  debtor  should  be  entitled  to  a  replevin 
of  only  three  months;  but  ...  if  such  endorsement  should  not  be  made,  the 
debtor  might  replevy  for  two  years.  ..." 

•'  "Lexington  Monitor,"  March  24,  1820. 

*  4  Wheaton,  p.  518. 

^  Justice  Harlan — Interview.  The  decision,  Fletcher  vs.  Peck,  had  declared 
that  Georgia  could  not  cancel  land  grants,  even  when  obtained  by  fraud;  and 
the  Dartmouth  College  case  decision  had  declared  that  New  Hampshire  could 
not  alter  a  charter  which  had  been  granted  before  the  War  of  Independence. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  387 

they  promptly  arranged  to  defend  the  rehef  laws,  hy 
banding  themselves  together  into  a  political  party  called 
the  "Relief  party";  while  the  opponents  of  the  laws,  less 
numerous  but  more  intelligent,  also  united,  calling  them- 
selves the  "Anti-Relief  party."  ^ 

At  this  time,  there  were,  practically  speaking,  no  oppos- 
ing political  parties  in  national  politics.  The  Federalists 
had  breathed  their  last  in  the  operations  of  the  Hartford 
Convention,  and  James  Monroe  had  encountered  no 
serious  opposition  in  the  election  of  18 16;  ^  while,  in  1820, 
the  lack  of  national  parties  was  still  more  emphasized  by 
the  fact  that  Monroe  received  all  the  electoral  votes  cast 
for  President,  save  one.^  It  was  a  period,  therefore,  when 
one  might  expect  a  new  division  of  parties,  and,  in  Ken- 
tucky, that  division  grew  out  of  the  question  as  to  whether 
the  relief  laws  should  stand,  or  should  be  considered  as 
unconstitutional,  null  and  void. 

This  question  was  not  long  in  finding  its  way  into  the 
Kentucky  courts.  Judge  Clark  of  Clark  County  and 
Judge  Blair  of  Fayette  County  both  registered  the  opinion 
that  the  Replevin  laws  were  in  plain  violation  of  both  the 
State  and  the  Federal  Constitutions,^  and,  while  the  Relief 

1  Geo.  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  p.  49. 

2  In  this  election  Monroe,  the  Democratic  candidate,  received  183  electoral 
votes  against  34  of  his  Federalist  opponent,  Rufus  King  of  New  York.  Schouler, 
III,  p.  460. 

3  That  of  a  New  Hampshire  elector  who  was  determined  that  Washington 
should  remain  the  only  President  ever  chosen  by  a  unanimous  vote. 

4  "Patriot,"  March  13,  1826,  for  review  of  case;  Collins,  I,  pp.  30,  320; 
II,  pp.  132-133;  23  Niles  (Supp.  to  vol.  22),  pp.  153  et  seq.,  for  Clark's  opinion 
and  various  documents  bearing  on  the  case.  "Though  it  is  true  that  this  case 
is  immediately  concerning  the  interests  of  that  State  only,"  comments  the 
editor,  "it  is  of  so  much  importance  to  the  general  principles  it  embraces,  as  to 
bring  it  home  to  the  bosoms  of  all.  It  is  for  this  reason  we  allot  so  much  space 
to  it."    The  case  was  Williams  vs.  Blair,  etc. 


388        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

party  was  lashing  itself  into  a  fury  over  this  "treachery  to 
the  people's  interests,"  the  Court  of  Appeals  found  itself 
face  to  face  with  the  same  question.  Its  opinion  ^  was 
unanimous;  that,  "as  the  Legislature  had  attempted  to 
make  the  extension  of  replevin  retroactive,  its  acts  were 
interdicted  by  both  the  Constitution  of  the  State  and  of 
the  Union."  ^ 

Under  normal  conditions,  these  decisions  would  have 
settled  the  question,  but  the  subject  had  ceased  to  be  a 
mere  question  of  legal  interpretation.  In  it  the  radical 
leaders  saw  an  important  political  issue.  "Resistance  to 
the  sovereign  will,"  roared  the  Relief  orators,  "is  tyranny, 
and  will  not  be  endured."  They  then  turned  to  the  prob- 
lem of  how  to  enforce  that  "sovereign  will,"  in  defiance 
of  the  fiat  of  "corrupt  courts  of  law,"  and  wisely  decided 
that  the  first  step  must  be  the  capture  of  the  State  Gov- 
ernment in  the  coming  gubernatorial  election. 

The  cry  of  "Relief  for  the  debtor"  proved  most  effect- 
ive, and,  when  the  election  was  held  (August  7,  1824),^ 
the  Relief  party  found  its  success  greater  than  its  fondest 
hope  had  dared  to  picture  it.  General  Joseph  Desha, 
their  candidate  for  governor,  was  elected  by  a  majority  of 
over  fifteen  thousand,  and,  with  him,  an  overwhelming  ma- 
jority of  Relief  members  for  each  House  in  the  State  Legis- 
lature. 

This  triumph  of  radicalism   in   Kentucky  was  one  of 

1  Opinion  delivered  October  8,  1823,  by  Chief  Justice  Boyle,  in  case  of  Blair 
vs.  Williams.  Separate  opinions  by  Wm.  Owsley  and  Benj.  Mills,  on  Octo- 
ber II,  1823,  in  case  of  Lapsley  vs.  Brasher  &  Co.  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book," 
pp.  49-74,  gives  a  careful  examination  of  the  decision.  See  also  Collins,  I, 
pp.  320,  495. 

2  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  p.   48.      Outline  of  the  opinion,  Collins,  I, 

PP-  495-496- 

3  Collins,  I,  p.  31;    Sumner's  "  Jackson,"  p.  164. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  389 

th^^:traws  indicating  the  course  of  the  wind  in  the  national 
canif^gn  of  1824,  which  was  now  at  its  height.  In  tlie 
peaceful  cays  of  1822,  when  every  man  was  merely  a  demo- 
crat, the  Kentucky  Legislature,  at  a  joint  meeting  of  both 
Houses,^  had  unanimously  declared  Henry  Clay  the  fittest 
person  to  succeed  James  Monroe,'  and  a  committee  had 
been  appointed  to  correspond  with  other  likely  States, 
with  a  view  to  securing  a  similar  endorsement.-"*  Their 
effort  had  been  successful,  and  Louisiana,  Missouri,  Illi- 
nois and  Ohio,  through  their  Legislatures,  had  formally 
announced  Clay  as  their  candidate,"*  a  man  committed  to  a 
protective  tariff  and  internal  improvements  at  national  cost. 
Meanwhile,  three  other  men,  of  undoubted  ability,  had 
been  preparing  to  capture  the  office  of  president,  all  of 
them,  like  Clay  himself,  members  of  the  party  of  James 
Monroe.  John  Quincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State,  was  a 
strong  candidate,  by  virtue  both  of  his  eminent  public 
services,  and  of  his  position,  which  had  always  been  re- 
garded as  the  stepping  stone  to  the  presidency.  Andrew 
Jackson's  aspirations  were  more  ridiculed  than  feared  by 
the  politicians,  who  fancied  his  candidacy  merely  a  new 
and  aggravated  expression  of  egotism;  while  William  H. 
Crawford  of  Georgia,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was  en- 
couraged to  hope  that  his  masterly  knowledge  of  machine 
politics  might  secure  him  the  coveted  position. 

1  Frankfort,  November  i8,  1822.  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  p.  147; 
Sargent's  "Clay,"  p.  35. 

2  This  was  the  first  time  Henry  Clay  was  presented  as  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  He  was  then  in  his  forty-sixth  year.  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book," 
p.  147. 

3  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  pp.  148-149,  gives  the  address  of  this  com- 
mittee to  the  Ohio  representatives,  urging  the  reasons  why  the  West  should  sup- 
port Clay. 

*  Prentice's  "Clay,"  p.  223. 


390        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Between  Clay  and  Jackson,  there  existed  a  f^;  ^^:)f 
long  standing,  which  had  arisen  out  of  the  famoui^^c^^'in- 
inole  debates  of  1819.  In  1818  Jackson  had  bee-i  ordered 
by  Calhoun,  Monroe's  Secretary  of  War,  to  pi't  an  end  to 
the  outrages  which  the  Seminole  Indians,  urged  on  by 
certain  British  subjects  resident  in  Florida,  had  for  years 
been  committing  along  the  southern  frontier.  He  was 
specifically  commanded  to  respect  the  sovereignty  of  Spain 
in  the  peninsula,  and  on  no  account  to  molest  a  Spanish 
post.  Jackson  had  raised  volunteers  in  Georgia,  and,  plac- 
ing himself  at  their  head,  had  marched  boldly  into  Florida, 
driving  the  Indians  before  him.  The  fugitives  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  Spanish  posts,  which  Jackson  had  promptly 
seized  and  garrisoned  with  his  own  men,  contrary  to 
the  specific  terms  of  his  marching  orders.  It  was  a  glorious 
campaign,  but  it  was  as  high-handed  a  piece  of  insubor- 
dination as  our  history  records,  and  Clay,  with  charac- 
teristic impetuosity,  had  headed  a  movement  to  censure 
Jackson  for  his  conduct.^  To  a  man  of  the  latter's  imperi- 
ous disposition,  this  was  a  personal  insult,  and,  to  the  last 
day  of  his  life,  he  hated  Clay,  and  all  who  had  been  associ- 
ated with  him  in  this  movement,  with  a  bitterness  which 
nothing  could  assuage.  It  was  out  of  this  personal  hos- 
tility between  the  two  great  leaders,  that  a  new  division  of 
national  parties  was  soon  to  emerge.^ 

In  the  election  of  1824,  the  Kentucky  people  were  called 
to  decide  between  these  four  candidates,  and,  as  the  na- 
tional questions,  involved  in  the  presidential  election,  did 

1  "Memoir  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  120. 

2  The  Jacksonites,  and  the  anti-Jacksonites,  as  they  were  first  called;  then 
the  Democratic  Republicans  and  the  National  Republicans;  and  finally,  after 
Clay's  genius  for  organization  had  molded  the  opposition  into  a  semblance  of 
unity,  the  Democrats  and  the  Whigs.    See  Schouler,  III,  p.  90. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  391 

not  touch  the  local  issue  of  rehcf  or  anti-reUef,  all  their 
electoral  votes  were  given  to  Henry  Clay.  In  addition  to 
these  fourteen,  however,  Clay  received  only  twenty-three 
votes,  a  total  too  small  to  entitle  his  name  to  consideration 
at  the  hands  of  the  National  House  of  Representatives,  to 
whom  the  choice  of  a  president  was  referred,  no  one  of  the 
candidates  having  received  a  majority.* 

In  spite  of  his  defeat,  Clay  found  himself  in  a  position  of 
remarkable  power,  as  he  could  control  enough  votes  in  the 
House  to  assign  the  presidency  to  any  one  of  his  three 
rivals  whom  he  should  choose.^  If  the  will  of  the  people 
were  to  be  carried  out,  disregarding  the  fact  that  it  had  not 
been  expressed  by  a  legally  binding  majority,  he  was  in 
duty  bound  to  support  his  bitter  personal  and  political 
enemy,  Andrew  Jackson,  who  had  received  a  plurality  of 
the  electoral  vote,  and  the  highest  popular  vote.'^  This 
was  the  course  which  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  now  un- 
der the  influence  of  the  Relief  party,  urged  upon  its 
representatives.**  But  Clay  saw  no  such  duty  in  his 
present  position.  He  believed  that  the  wording  of  the 
Twelfth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  gave  Congress 

1  Jackson  had  received  99  electoral  votes;  Adams,  84;  Crawford,  41;  and 
Clay,  37.  Jackson  received  more  electoral  votes  than  any  other  candidate,  as 
well  as  the  greatest  popular  vote,  and  his  friends  at  once  declared  him  the  evi- 
dent choice  of  the  nation.  Schouler,  III,  p.  325;  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry 
Clay,"  Anon.,  I,  p.  133;  Sargent's  "Clay,"  p.  37. 

2  Schouler,  III,  p.  325;  Turner,  p.  260;  Sargent's  "Clay,"  p.  35. 

3  This  would  have  meant  practically  that  a  mere  plurality  was  competent  to 
elect  a  president.  But  the  Twelfth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  declares: 
"The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President,  shall  be  Presi- 
dent, if  such  numljer  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  Electors  appointed: 
and  if  no  person  have  such  majority  .  .  .  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
choose.  ..." 

4  Adams's  "Memoirs,"  VI,  p.  446;  Prentice's  "Clay,"  p.  231;  Collins,  I, 
p.  31.  Request  to  vote  for  Jackson  sent  by  Kentucky  Legislature  on  Janu- 
ary II,  1825. 


392        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

absolute  freedom  of  choice  as  between  the  three  names 
referred  to  them  and,  in  defiance  of  the  express  instruc- 
tions of  Kentucky,  he  threw  his  influence  for  John  Quincy 
Adams,  thus  securing  his  election. 

At  the  news,  the  rage  of  the  Relief  party  knew  no 
bounds.  Indignation  meetings  were  held  in  various  towns 
throughout  the  State:  the  sentiment,  "the  will  of  the 
sovereign  people,  the  supreme  law,"  was  bellowed  from 
every  platform,  and  effigies  of  the  man  who  had  dared 
to  defy  it,  was  brought  out  and  burned  to  ashes. ^  The 
crowds  then  dispersed,  rousing  the  echoes,  as  they  rode 
homeward,  with  the  cry  of,  "Relief  for  the  debtor." 

But  this  excitement  was  as  nothing  compared  to  the 
roar  that  greeted  the  announcement  of  Clay's  having  ac- 
cepted the  portfolio  of  State,  under  the  administration 
which  he  had  thus  created.  The  charge  of  "bargain  and 
corruption,"  which  Jackson  ungenerously  countenanced, 
began  its  strange  career,  and,  all  unfounded  as  we  now 
know  it  to  have  been,  it  never  afterward  ceased  to  im- 
pede the  progress  of  the  "Great  Commoner,"  toward  the 
goal  of  his  ambitions. 

"The  Spirit  of  '76,"  the  official  organ  of  the  Anti- 
Relief  party  in  Kentucky,  published  elaborate  refutations 
of  the  slander,  and  Clay  and  Adams  -  provided  sufficient 
evidence  to  disprove  it  three  times  over;  but  Jackson,  in 
impassioned  letters,  designed  for  the  public  eye,  expressed 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  32. 

2  Speaking  at  Maysvillc,  Ky.,  on  November  14,  1844,  Mr.  Adams  said: 
"The  charges  ...  I  have  denied  before  the  whole  country.  And  I  here 
reiterate  and  reaffirm  that  denial;  and,  as  I  expect  shortly  to  appear  before  my 
God  to  answer  for  the  conduct  of  my  whole  life,  should  those  charges  have  found 
their  way  to  the  Throne  of  Eternal  Justice,  I  will,  in  the  presence  of  Omnipo- 
tence, pronounce  them  false."  See  also  Seward's  "Life  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,"  chap.  VIII. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY 


393 


his  faith  in  the  story,  and  his  party  managers  made  of  it 
a  permanent  poHtical  asset. 

A  single  stanza,  from  a  jingle  published  in  one  of  the 
local  papers,  strikes  the  heart  of  the  matter,  but  it  ap- 
pealed only  to  the  opponents  of  Jackson: 

"O!  Jackson  Hick'ry  Joe  Jack 
Your  letter  I  have  seen; 
And  its  contents  are  nothing  else 
But  jealousy  and  spleen, 
'Gainst  Adams  and  his  friends  Jack, 
As  we  full  well  do  know; 
Because  you  was  not  chosen  Jack, 
O!  Jackson  Jack  my  Joe." 

In  the  meantime,  the  Kentucky  Legislature  had  been 
making  use  of  its  Relief  majorities  to  remove  the  judges 
of  the  Court  of  Appeals,  who  had  dared  to  resist  public 
opinion  in  defence  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  The  at- 
tempt had  first  been  made  by  the  constitutional  means  of 
"an  address"  to  the  governor;  ^  but,  this  having  failed,  for 
lack  of  the  constitutional  two-thirds  majority,^  an  act  was 
passed^  abolishing  the  Old  Court,  and  providing  for  the 
organization  of  a  new  one,  to  be  composed  of  judges 
pledged  to  support  the  Replevin  laws.     It  was  a  dastardly 

1  Text  of  resolutions  for  removal,  "Patriot,"  March  13,  1826,  together  with 
an  historical  summary  of  the  case.  The  vote,  61  to  36,  showed  the  strength  of  the 
Relief  party  after  the  elections  of  1824.  For  details  of  a  similar  case  in  Rhode 
Island,  in  1786,  see  Fiske's  "Critical  Period,"  pp.  174-176.  To  this,  and 
similar  cases  of  the  year  1786,  Mr.  Fiske  traces  the  origin  of  the  Contract  Clause 
of  the  Federal  Constitution. 

2  Collins,  I,  p.  321. 

3  December  g,  1824.  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  p.  75.  A  bare  majority 
sufficed  for  passing  this  act. 


394        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

attempt  to  subvert  the  intent  of  law,  and  bring  the  judiciary 
under  the  controlHng  power  of  the  Legislature,  nor  was  its 
real  meaning  disguised  by  calling  it  "an  act  reorganizing 
the  Court  of  Appeals."  ^ 

The  New  Court  was  organized;  -  but  the  judges  of  the 
Old  Court  stoutly  denied  the  constitutionality  of  the  reor- 
ganizing act,  and  continued  to  try  such  cases  as  were 
brought  before  them.  They  claimed  to  be  still  the  legally 
constituted  Court  of  Appeals  of  Kentucky,  and  the  majority 
of  the  attorneys  in  the  State  recognized  their  claim.  Some, 
however,  adhered  to  the  New  Court,  and  others  were  quite 
unable  to  decide  between  them.  It  was  a  crisis  which 
might  easily  have  given  rise  to  civil  war;  but,  instead,  it 
became  the  political  question  of  the  hour,  and  in  place 
of  the  former  party  names,  Relief  and  Anti-Relief,  now 
appeared  the  names.  New  Court  party  and  Old  Court 
party.  The  situation  was  peculiar;  for  the  question  at  the 
bottom  of  an  excitement  purely  local  was  itself  decidedly 
national  in  character,  viz:  "Shall  the  people  interpret  the 
Federal  Constitution  for  themselves,  or  must  they  accept 
the  interpretation  set  upon  it  by  their  courts  .^"  The  Old 
Court  of  Appeals  had  declared  the  "Replevin  laws"  con- 
trary to  the  Federal  Constitution;  but  the  majority  of  the 
voters  in  the  State  had,  by  the  election  of  Relief  candi- 
dates, declared  them  constitutional. 


1  To  abolish  any  one  of  the  three  coordinate  branches  of  the  Government 
was  evidently  beyond  the  powers  of  either  or  both  of  the  other  two.  To  abolish 
any  one  of  them  required  an  amendment,  passed  in  due  constitutional  form; 
but  this  the  Relief  majority  in  the  Legislature  knew  to  be  impossible.  See 
"Spirit  of  '76,"  March  17,  1826.  It  passed  the  House,  after  fierce  debate,  on 
December  24,  1824.  Acts  of  33d  General  .'\sscmbly  of  Kentucky,  pp.  44-56; 
Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  p.  75. 

2  Personnel  of  New  Court,  etc.    Collins,  I,  pp.  322,  496. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  395 

The  leaders  of  the  Old  Court  party  wisely  decided  to 
make  the  campaign  of  1825  a  campaign  of  education.^ 
Their  orators  and  writers  spared  no  pains  to  set  forth  the 
dangers  incident  to  the  policy  of  subjecting  the  courts  to 
the  domination  of  the  State  Legislature,  and  the  result  was 
a  sweeping  victory.  Most  of  the  seats  in  contest  were  cap- 
tured by  Old  Court  candidates,  and  they  secured  complete 
control  of  the  House.  The  Senate,  however,  remained 
equally  divided,  as  only  one-third  of  its  seats  had  been  in- 
volved in  the  election;  -  but  the  vote  of  the  presiding  officer, 
Lieutenant  Governor  Robert  B.  M'Afee,  placed  it  under 
the  control  of  the  New  Court  party.  Every  eflPort,  there- 
fore, to  repeal  the  reorganizing  act  was  in  vain;  and  the 
Old  Court  party  again  applied  itself  to  the  task  of  educat- 
ing the  people,  that  the  Senate  also  might  be  regenerated 
in  the  election  of  1826. 

That  election  was  preceded  by  a  campaign  of  intense 
bitterness,  a  war  to  the  death;  but  the  Old  Court  was  again 
victorious.^  The  Senate,  as  well  as  the  House,  now  came 
under  their  control,  and  they  promptly  declared  ''  the  hated 
reorganizing  act,  unconstitutional,  null  and  void.  The 
heroic  judges  of  the  Old  Court  were  voted  full  salary  for 
the  period  during  which  they  had  been  illegally  deprived 

1  Text  of  Protest  (December,  1824),  placing  the  cause  of  the  Old  Court 
before  the  people  in  a  clear  statement  of  the  issues  involved.  Robertson's 
"Scrap  Book,"  pp.  92-94;  also  "Spirit  of  '76,"  for  March  17,  1826,  where  it 
was  reprinted  after  the  campaign. 

2  Collins,  I,  p.  497. 

3  In  Robertson's  "Scrap  Book,"  pp.  97-137,  we  have  a  collection  of  the 
articles  written  during  this  campaign.  They  surpass  in  bitterness  even  the 
famous  newspaper  war  of  Freneau  and  Fenno  during  Washington's  second  ad- 
ministration. 

4  Act  of  December  30,  1826,  "An  act  to  remove  the  unconstitutional  ob- 
structions which  have  been  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  Court  of  Appeals."  Collins, 
I,  p.  497;  and  I,  p.  33. 


396        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  their  offices,'  and  the  fiercest  poUtical  conflict,  which  has 
ever  occurred  in  Kentucky,  was  terminated  without  blood- 
shed. The  Old  and  the  New  Court  parties  gradually  be- 
came absorbed  in  the  new  national  parties  which  were 
taking  shape,  the  former  following  Henry  Clay  into  the 
ranks  of  the  National  Republicans,  later  to  become  the 
Whigs;  while  the  latter  sought  the  shelter  of  the  Jack- 
sonian  democracy.  But,  in  spite  of  the  recent  victory  of 
the  conservative  element  in  Kentucky,  it  soon  became  ap- 
parent that  the  jacksonian  leadership  was  restoring  the 
radical  party  to  its  position  of  control  m  that  State,  Adams 
being  found  a  heavy  burden  for  Clay's  Kentucky  friends 
to  carry.  There  was  little  surprise  felt,  therefore,  when,  in 
the  presidential  election  of  1828,  Kentucky  gave  her  four- 
teen electoral  votes  to  Jackson  and  Calhoun. 

Although  Clay  was  not  -  personally  concerned  in  this 
election,  he  felt  deeply  the  humiliation  of  seeing  his  own 
State  marshalled  in  the  ranks  of  his  victorious  enemy; 
and  at  once  began  organizing  his  defeated  party  for  the 
great  battle  of  1832,  when  it  was  evident  that  he  himself 
would  be  pitted  against  Jackson  for  the  presidency.  He 
retired  to  his  country  home  on  the  outskirts  of  Lexington, 
where,  after  enjoying  the  prolonged  ovation  which  there 
always  awaited  him,  he  busied  himself  with  the  duties 
of  his  estate,  keeping  a  keenly  critical  eye  on  the  new 
administration,  and,  at  intervals,  exposing  its  failures  in 
popular  addresses.  The  plan  of  his  friends  was  to  keep 
him  in  retirement  for  a  couple  of  years,  and  then  to  send 


1  Collins,  I,  p.  322. 

^  If  Clay  had  been  the  candidate  chosen  to  oppose  Jackson  in  this  election, 
it  is  likely  that  Jackson  would  have  sustained  a  second  defeat,  not  in  Kentucky 
alone,  but  in  the  nation.    It  was  Clay's  golden  opportunity. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  397 

him  to  the  United  States  Senate,  where  his  campaign  was 
to  be  opened.^ 

The  poHtical  events  of  Jackson's  first  term  were  not 
such  as  to  endear  him  to  the  hearts  of  the  Kentuckians.^ 
If  they  had  doubted,  before  his  election,  what  his  views 
would  be,  they  were  soon  enlightened.  The  United  States 
Bank  by  this  time  completely  occupied  the  field  in  Ken- 
tuck}'.  The  "Forty  Ihieves"  were  gone,  the  old  Bank 
of  Kentucky  had  wound  up  its  affairs,  and  the  Bank  of 
the  Commonwealth  had  run  its  mad  course  and  gone  into 
liquidation,  leaving  wrecked  fortunes  behind  it.  Six  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars,  says  Professor  Sumner,''  "fairly 
represents  the  net  swindle  which  the  relief  system  perpe- 
trated on  its  dupes,  to  say  nothing  of  its  effects  on  cred- 
itors and  on  the  general  prosperity  of  the  State."  ^ 

Under  the  beneficent  influence  of  the  United  States 
Bank,  the  people  were  beginning  to  experience,  for  the 
first  time,  the  blessings  of  a  really  good  currency,  while 
the  old  cry  of  the  Relief  Party,  that  the  bank  was  a 
corrupt  monopoly,  aiming  to  destroy  the  sovereignty  of 
the  States,  had  subsided.  Great  was  the  consternation, 
therefore,  when  Jackson  took  up  the  "  Kentucky  relief 
notion  of  the  bank  in  its  extreme  and  most  malignant 
form."  ^    It  is  not  known  that  he  felt  any  hostility  toward 

1  Schouler,  III,  p.  465. 

2  His  appointment  of  Wm.  T.  Barry  of  Kentucky  as  Postmaster-General 
was  not  a  popular  choice  in  Kentucky,  for  Barry  had  been  a  Clay  man  in  1824, 
and  had  later  "deserted  to  the  enemy."  Jackson  also  offended  Kentucky  by 
recalling  General  Harrison  from  his  post  as  Minister  to  Columbia,  on  account 
of  his  friendship  for  Clay.    Schouler,  HI,  p.  455. 

3  Jackson,  p. 173. 

•1  The  charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  Commonwealth  was  to  expire  by  limitation 
in  1841,  but  by  1830  it  had  ceased  to  do  business  as  a  bank.  Duke's  "History 
of  the  Bank  of  Kentucky,"  p.  21. 

5  Sumner's  "  Jackson,"  p.  277. 


398        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  bank  when  he  came  to  Washington  for  his  inauguration, 
but,  before  his  first  message  was  sent  to  Congress,  he  had 
decided  to  make  war  upon  it.  In  bringing  him  to  this 
decision,  says  Professor  Sumner,^  "the  ultimate  agents 
were  Amos  Kendall,  who  brought  the  Kentucky  relief  ele- 
ment, .  .  .  Isaac  Hill  .  .  .  and  Blair,  who  was  stronger 
than  either."  '  Kendall,  fresh  from  Kentucky,  had  con- 
vinced Jackson  that  bank  officers,  in  that  State,  had  used 
money  for  carrying  the  State  elections  of  1825,  when  the 
fight  between  the  Old  and  the  New  Courts  had  been  at  its 
height.  Blair,  who  had  been  clerk  of  the  New  Court  of 
Kentucky,^  and  had  lost  his  position  by  the  repeal  of  the 
reorganizing  act,  had  been  brought  to  Washington,  at 
Kendall's  suggestion,  to  play  the  part  of  political  editor 
to  Jackson's  administration.  He  had  held  the  position 
of  President  of  the  Bank  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Ken- 
tucky, and  was  deeply  in  debt  to  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States.'*  It  is  not  astonishing,  therefore,  that  he  joined 
Kendall  in  turning  the  President  against  that  institution, 
and  in  bringing  him  to  see  it  as  the  Relief  Party  of  Ken- 
tucky had  seen  it,  in  the  days  of  its  conflict  with  the  Bank 
of  the  Commonwealth. 

But,  although  Jackson's  denunciation  of  the  bank  en- 
dangered the  basis  of  Kentucky  prosperity,  another  of 
his  views  was  even  more  unpopular  in  the  State — his  hos- 
tile attitude  toward  internal  improvements  at  national  cost. 
The  first  bill  sent  to  him,  which  involved  this  question, 

1  Jackson,  pp.  278-279. 

2  Both  Kendall  and  Blair  had  formerly  been  ardent  Clay  men  but  "had  been 
carried  by  Kentucky  bank  politics  into  the  Jackson  party."  Schouler,  III, 
p.  502. 

3  Collins,  I,  pp.  32,  33,  322,  496. 

*  Kendall's  "Autobiography,"  p.  372. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY 


399 


authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on  behalf  of 
the  Federal  Government,  to  subscribe  for  fifteen  hundred 
shares  of  the  capital  stock  of  a  Kentucky  corporation, 
the  Maysville,  Washington,  Paris  and  Lexington  Turn- 
pike Road  Company,*  thus  contemplating  the  appropria- 
tion of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  of  national 
money  for  a  purpose  purely  local  in  character.  Not  only 
was  it  the  darling  project  of  the  strongest  Jackson  district 
in  Kentucky,  but  it  was  regarded  as  a  sort  of  test  case. 
A  veto  of  this  bill  would  destroy  all  hope  of  securing 
national  aid,  in  internal  improvements  for  Kentucky,  and 
would  mean,  also,  a  death  to  Jackson  enthusiasm  in  the 
region  affected.  But  these  facts  had  no  weight  with  Jack- 
son. He  returned  the  bill  to  Congress  with  his  veto,-  thus 
giving  to  the  Maysville  turnpike  project  a  fame  as  "broad 
as  the  Union,"  and  dashing  the  hopes  of  hundreds  of  other 
districts  which  were  waiting  with  similar  proposals.^ 

With  reference  to  the  protective  tariff,  Jackson  was  more 
cautious,  as  he  preferred  to  remain  noncommittal  until 
after  the  election  of  1832;  '*  but  this  course  was  denied 
him,  as  Clay  soon  found  himself  in  a  position  to  force  this 
issue,  which  he  hoped  would  aid  in  securing  the  defeat  of 
his  enemy.  In  November,  1831,  according  to  the  plan 
already  mentioned,  Clay  was  elected  to  the  United  States 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  539,  gives  analysis  of  vote. 

2  Veto  message,  Richardson's  "Messages  and  Papers  of  the  Presidents," 
II,  pp.  483-494- 

3  Collins,  I,  pp.  36,  540.  A  bill  for  the  Louisville  canal  was  also  presented 
to  Jackson,  but  he  disposed  of  it  by  means  of  the  so-called  "pocket  veto." 
Ibid.,  p.  494,  and  Sumner's  "  Jackson,"  p.  235. 

■*  Schouler,  III,  pp.  481-482.  Kentucky  wanted  high  duties  on  wool,  iron, 
hemp,  molasses,  etc.,  their  raw  products,  and  on  whiskey,  which  they  manu- 
factured; but  low  duties  on  woolen  and  cotton  fabrics.  Sumner's  "Jackson," 
p.  244;  Schouler,  IV,  p.  59. 


400        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Senate,  and,  upon  arriving  at  Washington,  found  the  po- 
sition of  organizer  and  leader  of  the  anti-Jackson  forces 
of  both  Houses  awaiting  him.  While  busying  himself 
with  the  task  of  trying  to  form  a  compact  party  out  of 
factions  having  little  in  common,  but  a  bitter  hatred  of 
Jackson,  he  received  formal  notification  that  the  National 
Republicans  had  nominated  him  for  the  presidency.^ 

Clay's  position,  and  that  of  his  party,  was  definite. 
They  favored  the  recharter  of  the  National  Bank,  a  sys- 
tem of  protective  tariff  duties  and  internal  improvements 
at  national  cost.  To  such  a  program  they  could  not  hope 
to  hold  the  Calhoun  wing  of  the  opposition,  but  they 
might  hope  to  win,  without  their  aid,  if  only  Jackson 
could  be  forced  to  take  as  definite  a  position  upon  the 
tariff  question,  as  he  had  already  taken  upon  the  bank 
and  internal  improvements.  Accordingly,  in  July,  1832, 
a  bill  was  passed  and  sent  to  the  President,  reducing  the 
revenue,  but  retaining,  in  distinct  form,  the  principle  of  a 
protective  tariff.' 

At  the  same  moment,  Jackson  held  in  his  hand  another 
Clay  bill,  providing  for  the  recharter  of  the  National  Bank.^ 
There  was  no  immediate  necessity  for  a  recharter  at  this 
time,  as  the  existing  charter  was  not  to  expire  until  1836, 
but  Clay  felt  it  to  be  good  generalship  to  force  the  tariff 
question  and  the  bank  question  together,  in  order  to 
weaken  the  Jackson  party  m  the  coming  election. 

Finding  himself  facing  a  political  campaign  with  the 

1  Baltimore,  December  12,  1831. 

2  Parton's  "Jackson,"  III,  p.  451.  It  went  to  llie  President,  July  9;  signed 
and  returned  July  14,  1832. 

3  Sent  to  President,  July  4;  vetoed  July  10,  1832.  Text  of  veto  message, 
Richardson's  "Messages  and  Papers,"  II,  pp.  576  et  scq.  Full  details,  Benton's 
"Thirty  Years'  View,"  I,  pp.  243  et  seq. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  401 

necessity  of  deciding  two  such  questions,  eacli  of  which  was 
certain  to  make  powerful  enemies  for  liis  party,  Jackson 
met  the  issues  squarely.  The  bank  he  had  openly  threat- 
ened and  denounced  as  a  corrupt  monopoly,  and  he  was 
willing  to  take  the  consequences  of  putting  an  end  to  its 
existence.  He  therefore  vetoed  the  bill  for  its  recharter, 
and  returned  it  to  Congress  with  his  objections.  On  the 
subject  of  the  tariff,  however,  he  had  never  expressed 
such  strong  opinions,  and,  although  Clay  had  drawn  the 
bill,  he  deemed  it  wise  to  accept  it.  It  was  accordingly- 
signed  and  returned  to  Congress.^ 

To  attempt  to  carry  the  bank  bill  over  the  veto  was 
useless,  and  all  the  arts  of  politics  were  now  put  into 
operation  to  convince  the  people  of  the  ruinous  results 
of  the  failure  of  the  bill  for  a  recharter,  but  without  avail. 
In  the  campaign  of  1832,  Clay  was  hopelessly  defeated.^ 

The  attempt  to  corner  Jackson  had  not  profited  the 
opposition,  and  it  soon  became  evident  that  it  had  en- 
dangered the  Union  itself.  South  Carolina,  regarding  the 
passage  of  Clay's  tariff  bill,  followed  by  the  reelection  of 
the  President  who  had  signed  it,  as  evidence  that  protection 
was  now  the  settled  policy  of  the  nation,  passed  (Novem- 
ber 24,  1832)  the  ordinance  of  nullification,-^  declaring  the 
tariff  laws  of  1828  and  1832,  void  and  of  no  force  within 
her  territory.  This  was  the  first  explicit  application  of  the 
principles  announced  in  Jefferson's  draft  of  the  Kentucky 
Resolutions  of  1798,  the  test  case  as  to  whether  a  single 
State  may  nullify  and  set  at  defiance  a  Federal  law.^ 

1  Schouler,  IV,  p.  69. 

2  In  1828  Jackson  had  a  majority  of  7,934  in  Kentucky.  In  1832  Clay 
carried  the  State  by  a  majority  of  7,324.    Collins,  I,  pp.  35,  37. 

■f  Benton,  I,  pp.  297-298,  text. 

*  On  September  7,  1831,  John  Quincy  Adams  had  written  Clay  a  letter, 
Kentucky — 26 


402         KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

In  this  important  crisis,  Jackson  showed  himself  a 
national  man.  His  message  of  December  4,^  it  is  true, 
refers,  with  most  uncharacteristic  mildness,  to  the  "op- 
position to  the  revenue  laws  .  .  .  which  threatens  to 
thwart  their  execution,"  but,  in  his  proclamation,  issued 
six  days  later,-  he  announced  a  firm  "determination  to 
execute  the  laws,  to  preserve  the  Union  ...  to  arrest, 
if  possible,  by  moderate,  but  firm  measures,  the  neces- 
sity of  a  recourse  to  force;  and  if,"  he  adds,  "it  be  the 
will  of  Heaven  that  the  recurrence  of  its  primeval  curse 
on  man  for  the  shedding  of  a  brother's  blood  should  fall 
upon  our  land,  that  it  be  not  called  down  by  any  offensive 
act  on  the  part  of  the  United  States."  The  views  expressed 
in  this  document  are  as  purely  national  as  those  of  Web- 
ster in  his  "Reply  to  Hayne."  "One  short  w^eek,"  wrote 
Henry  Clay,  "  produced  the  message  and  the  proclama- 
tion— the  former  ultra  on  the  side  of  State-rights,  the 
latter  ultra  on  the  side  of  consolidation."  ^ 

Upon  the  face  of  the  two  documents,  this  might  be 
considered  a  just  criticism,  but,  before  the  message  had 
been  sent  to  Congress,  Jackson  had  arranged  for  the 
vigorous  enforcement  of  the  laws  in  South  Carolina.  As 
early  as  November  6th,  he  had  ordered  the  collector  of 


expressing  in  detail  his  views  concerning  nullification.  "Among  the  States," 
he  says,  "which  I  have  charged  with  directly  asserting,  or  imprudently  giving 
countenance  to  it  is  your  beloved  State  of  Kentucky,  as  well  as  my  own  Massa- 
chusetts. I  believe  we  are  indebted  to  Kentucky  for  the  word.  ..."  In 
this  Mr.  Adams  was  mistaken,  as  Jefferson's  draft  had  furnished  "the  word. " 
Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  31 1-3 14,  for  full  text. 

1  Text,  Richardson's  "Messages  and  Papers,"  II,  591  et  secj. 

2  Proclamation   of   December   10,    1832.     Text,    Benton's   "Thirty   Years' 
View,"  I,  299-303. 

3  Clay   to   Francis   Brooke,    Washington,    December    12,    1832.      "Private 
Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  Colton,  p.  345. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  403 

the  port  of  Charleston  to  "resort  to  all  the  means  pro- 
vided by  the  laws  ...  to  counteract  the  measures  which 
may  be  adopted  to  give  effect"  to  the  ordinance  of  nulli- 
fication, which  is  likely  to  be  adopted,'  and,  a  few  days 
later,  General  Scott  had  been  ordered  to  Charleston. 

Clay  was  doubtless  ignorant  of  these  orders,  which 
certainly  were  not  those  of  a  man  "ultra  on  the  side  of 
State-rights,"  but  his  criticism  of  Jackson's  supposed 
change  of  position  is  strange,  in  view  of  what  he  himself 
proceeded  to  do,  by  way  of  meeting  the  crisis.  Fearful  lest 
the  defiance  of  South  Carolina  should  result  in  placing 
war  powers  in  Jackson's  hands.  Clay,  the  father  of  the 
American  system,  yielded  to  a  suggestion  of  P.x-Governor 
Letcher  of  Kentucky,^  and  entered  into  a  compromise 
with  Calhoun,  the  champion  of  absolute  free  trade.  On 
February  12,  1833,  he  offered  in  the  Senate  a  tariff  bill  ^ 
for  scaling  dov/n  the  duties  every  two  years,  until,  by  the 
end  of  June,  1842,  they  should  reach  a  basis  of  twenty- 
five  per  cent  or  lower. 

This  compromise  measure,  once  launched,  attracted 
much  hostile  criticism,  and  justly  so.  Webster  objected 
to  it  on  the  ground  that,  "it  would  be  yielding  great  prin- 
ciples to  faction,  and  that  the  time  had  come  to  test  the 
strength  of  the  constitution."  But  Clay  carried  it  through, 
and  the  circumstances  of  its  final  triumph  show  his  skill 
as  a  parliamentary  tactician.  Being  a  revenue  bill,  it 
could  not  constitutionally  emanate  from  the  Senate,  so  use 

1  Text  of  these  orders,  Parton's  "  Jackson,"  III,  pp.  460-461. 

2  Now  a  member  of  the  National  House  of  Representatives.  Details  of  the 
conversation  in  which  the  compromise  idea  originated.  Benton's  "Thirty- 
Years'  View,"  I,  pp.  342-343. 

3  Full  details  of  bill,  etc.,  Benton's  "Thirty  Years'  View,"  I,  pp.  313-330; 
Parton's  "Jackson,"  III,  p.  477. 


404        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

was  made  of  the  so-called  Verplanck  bill,  an  administra- 
tion measure  for  tariff  revision,  which  had  been  before 
the  House  since  December  27,  1832.^  Late  in  the  after- 
noon of  February  25,  1833,  says  Parton,-  "Mr.  Letcher  of 
Kentucky,  a  fast  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  rose  in  his  place  [in 
the  House  of  Representatives],  and  moved  to  strike  out 
the  whole  Verplanck  bill — every  word  excepting  the  enact- 
ing clause — and  insert,  in  lieu  of  it,  a  bill  offered  in  the 
Senate  by  Mr.  Clay,  since  called  'The  Compromise.'  " 
It  was  done,  and  the  bill,  thus  strangely  amended,  passed 
the  House,  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and  nineteen  to 
eighty-five.  This  settled  the  immediate  dispute,  and 
South  Carolina  repealed  her  ordinance  of  nullification; 
but,  before  the  final  conclusion  of  this  compromise,  which 
Clay  in  his  latter  years  bemoaned  as  one  of  the  greatest 
blunders  of  his  public  life,  the  Kentucky  Legislature, 
chafing  under  the  charge  that  Kentucky  had  paved  the 
way  for  South  Carolina's  position,  issued  a  statement 
strongly  condemning  the  nullification  theory,  and  express- 
ing unqualified  attachment  to  the  Union. ^ 

The  South  Carolina  affair  thus  disposed  of,  Jackson 
turned  to  the  task  of  carrying  out  the  people's  verdict 
against  the  National  Bank,  and,  after  several  experi- 
ments, secured,  in  Roger  B.  Taney,  a  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  who  would  strike  the  fatal  blow.  On  Septem- 
ber 22,  1833,^  Taney  issued  his  famous  order,  stopping  gov- 

1  Details,  Schurz's  "Clay,"  pp.  8-9. 

2  "Jackson,"  III,  p.  481. 

3  February  2,  1833.  Collins,  I,  p.  37.  The  general  tendency,  during  this 
entire  controversy,  was  to  treat  the  Virginia  Resolutions  of  1798,  instead  of 
the  Jefferson  draft  which  served  as  the  original  text  for  both  Kentucky  and 
Virginia,  as  the  direct  antecedent  of  Calhoun's  theories. 

4  Full  details,  documents,  etc.,  relative  to  Removal  question,  Benton's 
"Thirty  Years'  View,"  I,  pp.  373-379;  Parton's  "Jackson,"  III,  pp.  493  et  seq. 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  405 

ernmental  deposits  in  the  National  Bank,  and  directing 
that  the  sum  already  on  deposit  be  drawn  upon  until  ex- 
hausted.^ This  meant  the  end  of  the  National  Bank,  for 
the  fierce  opposition  of  Clay,  Webster  and  Calhoun  com- 
bined, was  unable  to  force  a  reconsideration  upon  Jack- 
son.- 

Almost  at  once  there  resulted  a  relapse  toward  fiat 
money  throughout  the  Union.  State  banks  sprang  up 
like  Jonah's  gourd, ^  and  poured  forth  in  ever  increasing 
streams,  says  BoUes,  "those  spurious  issues  of  paper 
money — those  pictured  shadows  that  bewildered  the  brain, 
intoxicated  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  drove  them  into 
the  maddest  schemes  of  speculation  and  extravagance."  "* 
Under  their  influence  trade  went  mad.  The  prices  of  all 
commodities  rose  prodigiously,^  in  itself  a  sure  sign  of 
dangerous  inflation.  Throughout  the  entire  country 
schemes  of  internal  improvement  upon  a  gigantic  scale 
were  entered  upon,  while  private  speculation  ran  riot. 
The  history  of  one  State  was  the  history  of  all;  projects 
for  canals,  railroads  and  turnpikes,  quite  beyond  the  de- 
mands of  commerce,  excited  all  communities,  while  little 
serious  attention  was  given  to  the  final  reckoning  which 
was  sure  to  follow. 


1  "A  few  only — a  fraction  of  the  cabinet  and  some  friends — concurred 
heartily  in  the  act:  Mr.  Taney,  .  .  .  Mr.  Kendall,  Mr.  Francis  P.  Blair  .  .  . 
and  some  few  others,"  says  Parton  (Jackson,  III,  374).  This  shows  that 
the  principles  of  the  New  Court  party  of  Kentucky  was  still  deeply  influencing 
the  current  of  national  history. 

2  Bolles'  "Financial  History  of  the  United  States,"  I,  p.  345. 

3  Statistics  showing  sudden  growth  of  State  banks  under  these  conditions, 
Schurz's  "Clay,"  II,  p.  116. 

1  Bolles'  "Financial  History  of  the  United  States,"  I,  p.  347. 
5  Wilson,  IV,  pp.  66-67,  for  description  of  the  process.     Also  Collins,  I, 
P-  325- 


406        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

While  business  was  tluis  abnormally  stimulated,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  announced  that  the  Govern- 
ment was  entirely  out  of  debt  and  that  a  surplus  was 
mounting  up,  which  could  not  be  prevented,  as  the  tariff 
revenues  were  derived  from  the  Compromise  Tariff  law 
which  none  dared  alter.  In  order,  therefore,  to  reduce 
this  surplus,  Congress  ordered  that  all  surplus  funds,  above 
five  million  dollars,  should  be  apportioned  among  the 
States  as  loans  without  interest.  This  of  course  served 
to  drive  the  States  still  deeper  into  plans  for  internal  im- 
provements. The  banks  were  all  soon  far  over  the  line 
of  safety,  and  trade  was  dashing  along  simply  upon  pub- 
lic confidence.  The  crisis  came  when  this  confidence  was 
suddenly  disturbed  by  a  command,  issued  July  ii,  1836, 
that  government  land  agents  should  accept  only  gold  and 
silver  in  payment  for  public  lands. 

At  this  critical  point,  the  campaign  of  1836  opened,  and 
it  is  proof  of  Jackson's  resistless  popularity  that,  in  spite 
of  his  high-handed  conduct  in  removing  the  deposits, 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  he  was 
able  practically  to  appoint  his  successor,  and  that  a  suc- 
cessor who  had  pledged  himself  to  follow  in  Jackson's 
footsteps,  in  case  of  his  election. 

Within  two  months  after  Van  Buren's  inauguration, 
Jackson's  specie  circular  had  brought  on  a  panic,  and 
most  of  the  banks  of  the  country  had  suspended.  Ken- 
tucky found  herself  in  much  the  condition  which  had 
produced  the  Relief  and  the  Anti-Relief  parties,  of  a  few 
years  before.  Her  citizens  were  almost  all  of  the  debtor 
class,  having  borrowed  money  for  numberless  private 
speculations  based  upon  the  supposition  that  the  high 
prices,  then  prevailing,  were  to  be    permanent.      When 


A  CHAPTER  IN  FINANCIAL  HISTORY  407 

the  Legislature  again  assembled,  in  the  spring  of  1837, 
therefore,  they  were  met  by  tumultuous  demands  for 
some  sort  of  relief,  but,  in  this  crisis,  they  recalled  the  fate 
of  the  Replevin  laws,  and  avoided  extreme  measures. 

By  safe  and  conservative  means,  the  immediate  crisis 
was  passed,  and  specie  payment  was  resumed,  after  a 
suspension  of  a  little  more  than  a  year. 

The  spirit  which  had  caused  the  passage  of  the  old 
Replevin  laws  was  still  vigorous  in  the  State,  but  it  never 
again 'secured  control  of  the  Legislature,  and,  from  the 
panic  of  1837  to  the  present  day,  conservatism  has  ruled 
in  the  financial  affairs  of  the  Pioneer  Commonwealth. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

KENTUCKY    IN    THE    WAR    WITH    MEXICO 

The  institution  of  slavery,  established  in  Virginia  in 
1619,  spread  to  Kentucky  as  naturally  as  it  spread  to  any 
other  section  of  the  "Old  Dominion,"  and  when  separa- 
tion took  place,  slavery  remained  in  Kentucky  by  a  right 
which  few  thought  of  disputing.  In  expressing  her  will- 
ingness to  allow  Kentucky  to  become  a  State,  Virginia 
stipulated  that  the  existing  custom  of  slavery  should  not 
be  interfered  with,^  and,  in  the  Constitution,  made  and 
submitted  to  her  before  Kentucky  took  her  place  in  the 
Union,  it  was  expressly  stated  that,  "The  Legislature 
shall  have  no  power  to  pass  laws  for  the  emancipation  of 
slaves  without  the  consent  of  their  owners,  or  without 
paying  their  owners,  previous  to  such  emancipation,  a 
full  equivalent  in  money,  for  the  slaves  so  emancipated: 
they  shall  have  no  power  to  prevent  immigrants  to  this 
State  from  bringing  with  them  such  persons  as  are  deemed 
slaves  by  the  laws  of  any  one  of  the  United  States,  so  long 
as  any  person  of  the  same  age  or  description  shall  be 
continued  in  slavery  by  the  laws  of  this  State."  - 

Under  these  sufficient  guarantees,  the  slave  population 
of  Kentucky  increased  two  hundred  and  twenty-four  and 
one-half  per  cent  between  1790  and  iSoo,-"^  although,  dur- 

1  Johiiston's  "American  Political  History,"  Woodburn  Ed.,  II,  p.  34. 

2  Art.  IX,  Text  of  Constitution,  Marshall,  I,  pp.  396-413.  This  whole 
article  describes  powers  {^ranted  and  denied  the  Legislature  relative  to  slavery. 

3  A  table,  in  Collins,  II,  pp.  258-271,  gives  full  census  reports  for  Kentucky 

408 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        409 

ing  the  same  period,  there  began  to  be  manifested  the  in- 
evitable desire  of  the  few  opponents  of  the  system  to  or- 
ganize for  its  destruction. 

Up  to  the  year  1829,  however,  abolition  and  emancipa- 
tion movements,  in  the  nation  as  in  the  State,  were  in 
general  peaceful,  but  the  appearance  of  William  Lloyd 
Garrison  and  his  publications,  "The  Genius  of  Universal 
Emancipation,"  and  the  "Liberator,"  mark  a  new  epoch. ^ 
With  them  abolition,  immediate  and  irrespective  of  the  so- 
called  rights  of  owners,  started  upon  its  wild  career. 
Peaceful  discussion  of  plans  acceptable  to  North  and 
South  alike  ended;  for  abolition  in  Garrison's  hands  be- 
came a  firebrand,  a  doctrine  of  aggression  which  knew  no 
compromise,'  a  war  against  "union  with  slaveholders," 
an  attack  upon  the  very  Constitution  itself,  which  was 
denounced  as,  "  a  league  with  death  and  a  covenant  with 
Hell." 

In  1831,  Cassius  M.  Clay,  son  of  General  Green  Clay, 
went  to  Yale  College,  and  was  there  brought  under  the 
magic  of  Garrison,  already  well  launched  upon  his  dra- 
matic crusade.  Soon  after  Clay's  admission  to  the  Jun- 
ior Class,  the  College  was  stirred  by  the  news  that  "Gar- 
rison was  going  to  speak  in  the  South  Church." 

"I  had,"  writes  Clay,^  "never  heard  an  abolitionist,  nor 
the  name  hardly,"  so  complete  was  "the  isolation  of 
thought  between  the  Liberals  of  the  South  and  the  North," 

from  1790  to  1870.  On  p.  261  the  figures  concerning  slave  population  and  rate 
of  increase  are  given. 

1  The  former  was  started  in  Baltimore  in  1829;  the  latter  in  Boston  two 
years  later. 

2  Johnston's  "History  of  American  Political  Parties,"  Woodburn  Ed.,  II. 

P-  45- 

3  "Memoirs,"  I,  p.  56-58. 


410        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

but,  "I  went  to  hear  Garrison.  In  plain,  logical  and  sen- 
tentious lan<ruao;e  he  treated  the  'Divine  Institution,'  so  as 
to  burn  like  a  branding-iron  into  the  most  callous  hide  of 
the  slaveholder  and  his  defenders.  I  felt  all  the  horrors 
of  slavery;  but  my  parents  w^ere  slaveholders;  all  my  kin- 
dred in  Kentucky  were  slaveholders;  and  I  regarded  it 
as  I  did  other  evils  of  humanity,  as  the  fixed  law  of  na- 
ture or  of  God.  .  .  .  Garrison  dragged  out  the  mon- 
ster .  .  .  and  left  him  stabbed  to  the  vitals,  and  dying  at 
the  feet  of  every  logical  and  honest  mind.  ...  I  then 
resolved  .  .  .  that,  when  I  had  the  strength,  if  ever,  I 
would  give  slavery  a  death  struggle." 

Such  was  the  initiation  of  the  man  who  boasted  that  he 
was  the  first  real  abolitionist  of  Kentucky.  The  iron  had 
entered  deep  into  his  soul,  and,  from  that  moment,  the 
friend  of  slavery  was  to  him  the  enemy  of  mankind. 

After  tw^o  years  spent  at  Yale,  Cassius  Clay  returned  to 
Kentucky,  where  he  entered  the  field  of  politics,  and  be- 
gan the  free  expression  of  his  views.  The  impression, 
made  by  Garrison,  time  and  experience  only  served  to 
deepen,  and,  as  the  slavery  cloud  darkened  over  Kentucky, 
the  "Lion  of  Whitehall,"  vaunted  his  abolitionist  theories 
in  the  faces  of  the  slaveocracy  as  boldly  and  fearlessly 
as  if  the  whole  world  were  on  his  side.  He  knew  the 
danger  of  his  course  as  well  as  any  man.  The  terror  in- 
spired by  the  slave  power,  he  said  upon  one  occasion,  is 
but  faintly  indicated  by  the  declaration  of  a  minister  of 
South  Carolina  who  said  that  it  "were  better  for  him, 
rather  than  denounce  slavery,  'to  murder  his  own  mother, 
and  lose  his  soul  in  hell!'  "  '  This  is  of  course  the  exag- 
gerated style,  characteristic  of  the  abolitionist  of  the  pe- 

1  "  Memoirs,"  I,  p.  io6. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO       411 

riod;  but  no  one,  who  knew  Cassius  M.  Clay,  will  ven- 
ture to  deny  that  he  had  the  courage  of  his  convictions, 
and  was  a  man,  if  one  ever  existed,  who  feared  no  foe. 

In  1 84 1,  an  act  was  introduced  into  the  Kentucky  Leg- 
islature, for  repealing  the  law  of  1833/  which  prevented 
the  importation  of  slaves  into  Kentucky,  but  it  failed  to 
pass.  Cassius  Clay  seized  this  occasion  for  denouncing 
slavery  and  its  defenders  in  the  savage  language  which 
he  knew  well  how  to  use.  To  the  threats  of  the  slave- 
holders, he  replied  that  neither  bowie  knives,  pistols  nor 
mobs  could  force  him  to  change  his  course  toward  the  in- 
stitution, and  he  warned  them  that,  although  ready  to  sac- 
rifice his  life,  if  need  be,  in  the  cause,  they  would  not  find 
him  "a  tame  victim  of  either  force  or  denunciation."  - 

In  the  election  of  1844,  one  grave  and  important  ques- 
tion of  international  interest  dominated  all  others:  •''  "Shall 
Texas  be  admitted  to  the  union  of  the  States  V  There  is 
now  a  very  general  agreement,  among  historians,  that 
Texas  was  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase."*  It  is  also  a 
recognized  fact  that,  in  the  treaty  of  18 19,  in  which  Florida 
was  purchased  by  the  United  States,  our  claim  to  Texas  was 

1  Passed  February  2,  1833.  See  Collins,  I,  p.  37.  This  law  was  responsible 
for  the  fact  that  the  slave  population  in  Kentucky  increased  less  rapidly  during 
the  decade  1830-1840  than  during  any  other  decade  prior  to  1850.  On  Febru- 
ary 24,  1849,  it  was  so  amended  as  "no  longer  to  prohibit  persons  from  pur- 
chasing and  bringing  into  the  State  slaves  for  their  own  use."  Collins,  I,  p.  58. 
On  March  2,  i860,  all  such  restrictions  were  finally  repealed.    Ibid.,  p.  83. 

2  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power  in  .ALmerica,"  I,  p.  629. 

3  The  question  of  "The  re-occupation  of  Oregon,"  was  only  a  campaign  cry 
by  which  the  Democrats  hoped  to  hold  their  Northern  following.  Negotiations 
for  compromise  with  England  had  been  quietly  opened  even  before  the  election, 
by  which  the  49°  instead  of  54"^  40'  parallel  was  fixed,  in  1846.  Blaine's  "Twenty 
Years  in  Congress,"  I,  p.  50. 

4  This  is  proved  almost  to  a  demonstration  in  Henry  .\dams'  "Administra- 
tion of  Jefferson  and  Madison." 


412        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

definitely  abandoned,  against  the  earnest  protest  of  Henr^ 
Clay,^  and  many  other  prominent  leaders.  Andrew  Jack- 
son had,  at  the  time,  given  his  consent  to  the  treaty,  as 
Monroe  had  represented  to  him  that  the  cession  of  Texas 
was  a  temporary  measure.  "Having  long  known,"  writes 
Monroe  to  Jackson,  while  the  treaty  was  pending,'  "the 
repugnance  with  which  the  Eastern  portion  of  our  Un- 
ion .  .  .  have  seen  its  aggrandizement  to  the  West  and 
South,  I  have  been  decidedly  of  the  opinion  that  we  ought 
to  be  content  with  Florida  for  the  present.  .  .  ."  In  re- 
ply Jackson  declared,  "I  am  clearly  of  your  opinion  that, 
for  the  present,  we  ought  to  be  content  with  the  Floridas."  ^ 

And  so  Clay's  eloquent  protests  had  been  lost,  his  claim 
"that  Congress  alone  have  power  to  cede  territory"  ^  had 
been  of  no  avail,  and  the  Florida  treaty  had  become  the 
law  of  the  land.  It  had  "  cut  off  slave  territory  beyond 
the  Mississippi,  below  36°  30',  all  except  the  diagram  in 
Arkansas,  which  was  soon  to  become  a  State,"  ^  but  it  had 
opened  Florida,  and  had  therefore  been  accepted  by  the 
slaveholders,  under  the  belief  that  no  better  terms  could 
have  been  secured  from  Spain.  This  belief,  however,  had 
been  soon  shattered,  in  Jackson's  mind,  by  a  discovery 
that  Spain  had  actually  offered  to  grant  both  Florida  and 
Texas  for  the  sum  finally  paid  for  Florida  alone. 

"In  1829-30,  .  .   ."  writes  Jackson,'' "Mr.  Irwin  ^  .  .  . 

1  Johnston's  "American  Political  History,"  Woodburn  Ed.,  II,  p.  66. 

2  Monroe  to  Jackson,  May  22,  1820.    Text,  Benton's  "Thirty  Years'  View," 

I,  P-  15- 

3  Benton,  I,  p.  16. 

4  "Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,"  V,  j3.  53. 

5  Benton,  I,  p.  18. 

8  Ford  MSS.,  Lenox  Library. 

7  Geo.  W.  Erving,  minister  at  Madrid  during  the  negotiation  of  the  Florida 
Treaty. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        413 

placed  in  my  hands  a  copy  of  the  correspondence  between 
him  and  the  Spanish  minister  at  Madrid,  which  showed 
that  he  had  negotiated  a  treaty  by  which  Spain  recognized 
the  ancient  hmit  of  Louisiana,  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and 
ceded  Florida  for  the  sum  paid  for  it,  that  he  had  written 
to  Washington  ^  for  powers  to  close  this  treaty  at  Madrid; 
instead  ...  he  received  an  order  to  transfer  the  negotia- 
tion to  Washington,  where  Mr.  Adams  closed  the  negotia- 
tion confining  the  Western  boundary  of  Louisiana  to  the 
Sabine.  I  at  once  knew  that  Mr.  Adams'  object  was  to 
keep  down  the  growing  political  ascendency  in  the  South 
and  West."  - 

From  the  moment  that  Jackson  made  this  astonishing 
discovery,  he  had  regarded  the  treaty  of  18 19  as  void. 
"The  treaty  of  1803  (which  gave  us  Texas)  .  .  .  remains 
in  force,"  he  declared,  "as  the  supreme  law  of  the  land."  ^ 
By  it  Texas  was  made  a  part  of  the  United  States.  It 
was  "wantonly  and  corruptly  ceded  from  us  .  .  .  we 
must  regain  Texas,  peaceably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  we 
must." 

He  had  then  deliberately  set  on  foot  a  series  of  events, 
beginning  with  Sam  Houston's  migration  to  Texas,  and 

1  In  reply  to  questions  concerning  this  story  of  Erving's,  as  John  Quincy 
Adams  declares  in  his  "Diary"  (VIII,  p.  464),  "...  I  said  I  had  no  doubt  this 
was  one  of  G.  W.  Erving's  lies,  as  there  was  not  a  greater  liar  upon  earth." 
Benton,  however  ("Thirty  Years'  View,"  I,  p.  16),  says  that,  during  the  re- 
newed negotiations  Mr.  Adams  used  an  expression  that  "Spain  had  offered 
more  than  we  accepted,  and  that  she  dare  not  deny  it." 

2  Benton's  "Thirty  Years'  View,"  I,  pp.  15,  16,  shows  that  he  was  dimly 
conscious  of  the  fact  that  we  had  "refused  to  accept  as  much  as  Spain  had 
offered.  .  .  .  To  prevent  the  slavery  extension  question  from  becoming  a  test 
in  the  presidential  election,"  he  says,  "was  the  true  reason  for  giving  away 
Texas,  and  the  true  solution  of  .  .  .  the  strange  refusal  to  accept  as  much  as 
Spain  offered." 

3  Ford  MSS.,  Lenox  Library. 


414        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ending  with  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  by  which  Texas 
was  freed  from  Mexico,  and  made  an  independent  Repub- 
lic. But  he  had  done  this,  not  as  the  champion  of  slavery 
and  its  extension,  as  we  have  long  been  led  to  believe,  but 
as  the  champion  of  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  nation's 
rights. 

The  southern  States  generally  advocated  annexation 
for  two  reasons.  They  felt  that,  with  the  prospect  of  the 
speedy  admission  of  two  more  northern  States,  a  new 
slave  State  was  needed  to  help  preserve  the  traditional 
"balance  in  the  Senate,"  and  they  also  believed  that  Eng- 
land was  preparing  to  bring  about  the  abolition  of  slavery 
in  Texas,  if  not  to  secure  her  own  authority  over  the  new 
Republic.^  Of  this  latter  danger,  Jackson  was  profoundly 
convinced;  and,  had  Henry  Clay  viewed  the  question 
from  this  standpoint,  there  is  little  doubt  that  his  posi- 
tion in  1844  would  have  been  consistent  with  that  of  18 19. 
Then,  he  had  been  the  chief  opponent  of  the  treaty  which 
surrendered  our  claim  to  Texas.  Now  he  came  forward 
to  oppose  the  re-annexation  policy;  but  the  basis  of  his 
opposition  was  the  plea  that  such  a  course  would  cause  an 
unnecessary  war  with  Mexico.  "We  could  not  .  .  . 
incorporate  Texas  into  the  Union,"  he  wrote  in  Decem- 
ber, 1843,^  "without  involving  the  United  States  in  war 
with  Mexico,  and,  I  suppose,  nobody  would  think  it  wise 
or  proper  to  engage  in  war  w4th  A'lexico  for  the  acquisition 
of  Texas.  ..."  In  this  opinion.  Clay  strangely  mis- 
judged the  character  of  the  man  who,  from  his  place  of 
retirement  at  "The  Hermitage,"  was  directing  the  Texas 
campaign.    "We  must  regain  Texas,"  was  Jackson's  con- 

1  "  Review  of  the  Mexican  War,"  by  Chas.  F.  Porter,  pp.  11-12. 

2  Henry  Clay  lo  J.  J.  Crittenden.    Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  I.  p.  207. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        415 

stant  declaration,  "peaceably  if  we  can,  forcibly  if  we 
must.    ^ 

Clay's  clearly  expressed  belief  was  that  there  were  im- 
portant questions  enough  upon  which  to  appeal  to  the 
people,  in  the  coming  presidential  campaign,  without 
dragging  in  questions  of  annexation.  Therefore,  if  he, 
the  leader  and  certain  candidate  of  the  Whig  party,  and 
Martin  Van  Buren,  who  seemed  sure  to  be  the  demo- 
cratic standard  bearer  in  the  campaign  of  1844,  should 
both  openly  declare  against  the  immediate  annexation 
of  Texas,  the  question  would  be  put  aside,  and  the  two 
parties  could  contend  upon  the  basis  of  the  questions  al- 
ready before  the  nation.  This  appears  to  have  been  the 
idea  upon  which  the  two  rival  leaders  acted;  for,  in  April, 
1844,  just  before  the  meetings  of  the  national  conven- 
tions of  their  respective  parties,  they  issued  their  respec- 
tive declarations. 

That  of  Clay,  dated  Raleigh,  April  17,  1844,  appeared  in 
the  columns  of  the  "  National  Intelligencer. "  It  is  known 
as  the  "Raleigh  letter,"  '  and  expresses  unqualified  op- 
position to  the  project  of  annexing  Texas,  under  existing 
circumstances.  At  present,  it  declares,  "annexation  and 
war  with  Mexico  are  identical,"  but,  "if,  without  the 
loss  of  national  character,  without  the  hazard  of  foreign 
war,  with  the  general  concurrence  of  the  nation,  without 
any  danger  to  the  integrity  of  the  Union,   and  without 

1  This  expression  is  frequently  repeated  in  the  Jackson  letters,  (Ford  Collec- 
tion), in  the  Lenox  Library,  chiefly  unpublished  material. 

2  Text,  Colton's  "Last  Years  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  25-31;  Niles,  LXVI, 
pp.  152-153.  It  was  not  published  until  April  27th.  Schouler,  IV,  p.  465. 
Full  discussion.  Von  Hoist's  "Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,"  II, 
pp.  657-663;  Schurz's  "Clay,"  II,  pp.  244-246.  See  also  letter  of  Clay  to 
Crittenden,  dated  Raleigh,  April  17,  1S44.     Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  II,  p.  219. 


4i6        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

giving  an  unreasonable  price  for  Texas,  the  question  of 
annexation  were  presented,  it  would  appear  in  quite  a 
different  light  from  that  in  which,  I  apprehend,  it  is  now 
to  be  regarded."  In  this  letter,  one  looks  in  vain  for  any 
statement  that  Clay's  opposition  to  annexation  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  slave  territory  will  be  thereby  extended.  He 
lays  the  emphasis  upon  the  inevitable  war  which  would 
follow  annexation  under  present  conditions. 

On  the  same  day,  Van  Buren  published,  in  the  columns 
of  "The  Globe,"  a  letter  of  similar  import.^  Perhaps 
this  was,  as  some  have  surmised,  merely  a  strange  co- 
incidence, but  it  has  much  more  the  appearance  of  pre- 
established  harmony,^  brought  about  by  Clay's  expressed 
desire  to  keep  the  troublesome  Texas  question  out  of  the 
campaign. 

Clay's  declaration,  together  with  his  oft-expressed 
aversion  to  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  his  long  service 
in  the  cause  of  gradual  emancipation,  satisfied  the  Whigs, 
and  he  was  nominated  by  acclamation.'' 

Van  Buren 's  letter,  on  the  other  hand,  proved  his  po- 
litical death  warrant,  as  the  Democrats  wanted  a  candi- 
date who  would  carry  out  the  Jackson  program  and  re- 
annex  Texas.  Their  convention,  accordingly,  passed  him 
over,  and  nominated  (May  29,  1844)  James  K.  Polk."' 

1  Text,  Niles,  LXVI,  pp.  153-157.    It  is  dated  Lindenwood,  April  20,  1844. 

2  Blaine's  "Twenty  Years  in  Congress,"  I,  p.  30.  These  letters  went  before 
the  people  just  when  Secretary  of  State,  Calhoun,  was  presenting  to  the  Senate 
his  annexation  treaty.  With  the  treaty,  Calhoun  presented  a  dispatch  of  Lord 
Aberdeen  mentioning  the  desire  of  England  to  procure  abolition  in  every  part 
of  the  world.  The  treaty  was  defeated  on  June  8,  1844.  Schurz's  "Clay,"  II, 
p.  247,  for  details,  also  II,  p.  259. 

3  May  I,  1844.  Sargent's  "Clay,"  p.  84,  gives  a  graj)hic  jjicture  of  the 
scene  of  the  nomination. 

*  Details  of  convention,  Schurz's  "Clay,"  II,  pp.  250-251. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        417 

The  democratic  watchword,  "  Re-annexation  of  Texas 
and  Re-occupation  of  Oregon,"  was  soon  having  its  nat- 
ural effect,  appeahng,  as  it  did,  to  the  imperiaHstic  in- 
stinct, always  dominant  in  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  The 
abolitionists,  however,  could  see  in  it  only  a  demand  for 
new  slave  territory,  for  to  them  the  entire  agitation,  for 
tlie  re-annexation  of  Texas,  was  a  vast  proslavery  plot 
which  must  he  thwarted  at  any  cost;  and  Cassius  M. 
Clay  entered  into  the  campaign  for  his  great  kinsman, 
with  characteristic  energy.  He  urged  all  anti-slavery 
men  to  support  the  Whig  candidate  ^  rather  than  the  other 
Kentuckian,  James  G.  Birney,  whom  the  "Liberty  party" 
had  nominated  the  previous  year,-  arguing  that  Henry 
Clay  might  be  chosen,  while  Birney  could  not,  and  that 
Clay  was  "irrevocably  bound  to  oppose  the  annexation 
of  Texas. " 

But  it  was  soon  evident  that  Polk,  and  not  Henry  Clay, 
represented  the  popular  position.  Even  Kentucky,  ardent 
as  was  her  loyalty  to  Clay,  showed  signs  of  backsliding. 
R.  P.  Letcher,  her  Whig  Governor,  wrote  to  J.  J.  Critten- 
den, "...  We  have  our  troubles  here,  and  they  are  not 
few.  The  Whig  party  is  in  the  greatest  peril  and  dis- 
traction— no  mistake.  I  am  no  alarmist,  but  a  close 
observer  of  the  times.  There  is  a  restless  state  of  things 
in  the  Whig  ranks  which  amounts  almost  to  delirium. 
D has  behaved  outrageously,  he  has  offered  a  resolu- 

1  Cassius  M.  Clay's  "Memoirs,"  I,  p.  93;  Henry  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall 
of  the  Slave  Power,"  I,  p.  630. 

2  James  G.  Birney  had  been  nominated  at  Buffalo,  August  30,  1843,  ^^  ^^^ 
Liberty  party  candidate,  upon  a  platform  of  slavery  agitation.  Schouler,  IV, 
p.  474.  The  Liberty  party  were  not  in  sympathy  with  the  "Abolitionists"  of 
the  Garrison  type.  They  asked  "nothing  except  what  the  Constitution  au- 
thorizes," and  regarded  the  Constitution  "vvilh  unabated  affection."  Schurz's 
"Clay,"  II,  p.  253. 

Kentucky — 27 


41 8         KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tion  in  the  Senate  nominating  General  Taylor  for  the 
presidency."  ^ 

For  once,  the  "Great  Commoner"  found  himself  upon 
what  appeared  to  be  the  weak  and  timid  side.  He  saw 
himself  misrepresented,  and  was  said  to  be  courting  the 
favor  of  the  abolitionists,  a  charge  which  he  deeply  re- 
sented. Cassius  M.  Clay,  whose  bitter  abolition  speeches 
were  attracting  wide  attention,  was  quoted  as  his  son,- 
and  the  statements  of  the  two  were  often  confused  in  the 
public  mind.  He  was  represented,  in  the  South,  as  an 
abolitionist;  ^  while  his  northern  enemies  abused  him  as 
a  slaveholder  and  the  tool  of  the  slave  power.  As  his 
opposition  to  the  immediate  annexation  of  Texas  had  not 
been  upon  the  ground  of  his  anti-slavery  views,  but  upon 
that  of  political  expediency,  he,  therefore,  determined  to 
restate  his  position  and  clear  himself  from  the  hateful 
charge  of  courting  the  abolitionists."*  Politically  speak- 
ing, it  was  an  unwise  move;  but  it  was  consistent  with 
the  character  of  the  man  who  "would  rather  be  right 
than  be  President."  Late  in  July,  his  restatement  ap- 
peared :  ^ 

"Far  from  having  any  personal  objection  to  the  annex- 

1  R.  P.  Letcher  to  J.  J.  Crittenden,  Frankfort.  Coleman's  "Crittenden," 
I,  p.  220,  for  text. 

2  He  was  really  only  a  distant  kinsman.    Schouler,  IV,  p.  476. 

3  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  pp.  101-102. 

*  Clay  to  St.  F.  Aliller,  Ashland,  July  i,  1844.  Colton's  "  Private  Correspond- 
ence of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  490-491,  for  text.  In  this  letter  he  repeals  the  charge 
of  courting  abolitionists.  "...  As  to  the  idea  of  my  courting  the  abolition- 
ists," he  says,  "it  is  perfectly  absurd.  No  man  in  the  United  States  has  been 
half  as  much  abused  by  them  as  I  have  been." 

5  Dated  Ashland,  July  27,  1844,  addressed  to  Messrs.  Thomas  M.  Peters 
and  John  M.  Jackson.  Text,  Niles,  XLVI,  p.  439.  This  was  only  one  of  a 
number  of  such  letters  written  by  Clay  about  this  time.  See  Schouler,  IV, 
pp.  47M77- 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        419 

arion  of  Texas,  I  should  be  glad  to  see  it,  without  dis- 
honor, without  war,  with  the  common  consent  of  the 
I  nion,  and  upon  just  and  fair  terms.  I  do  not  think  that 
the  subject  of  slavery  ought  to  affect  the  question,  one 
way  or  the  other.  Whether  Texas  be  independent,  or 
incorporated  in  the  United  States,  I  do  not  believe  it 
\N  ill  prolong  or  shorten  the  duration  of  that  institution. 
It  is  destined  to  become  extinct  ...  by  the  operation  of 
the  inevitable  laws  of  population.  It  would  be  unwise  to 
refuse  a  permanent  ac(juisition,  vvhich  will  exist  as  long 
as  the  globe  remains,  on  account  of  the  temporary  insti- 
tution." 

This  is  not  the  letter  of  a  political  trimmer,  such  as 
history  has  tried  to  make  Henry  Clay  appear,  in  connec- 
tion with  this  incident,  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  his 
more  famous  "Alabama  letters"  which  appeared  about 
the  same  time.  These  are  all  consistent  with  the  Raleigh 
letter,  in  which  he  had  announced  his  position,  just  before 
his  nomination,  and  with  his  numerous  private  and  less 
familiar  letters  of  this  period,  and  they  accomplished  what 
they  had  been  written  to  accomplish.  They  showed  that 
Henry  Clay  w^as  not  an  abolitionist  and  was  not  fairly 
entitled  to  the  support  of  the  abolitionists,  and  the  Liberty 
party  press  at  once  held  him  up  to  view  as  a  man  who 
cared  nothing  about  the  slavery  element  in  the  Texas 
question,  which  to  them  was  the  only  element  worthy  of 
consideration. 

"Your  letter  on  the  Texas  question,"  wrote  his  friend, 
J.  C.  Wright,  "has  given  the  rascals  a  new  impulse. 
Liberty-men,  Locofocos,  and  timid  Whigs,  use  the  letter 
as  a  bug-a-boo  to  the  antiannexation.  We  defend  it  as 
in  accordance  with  what  you  before  said,  and  I  think  it 


420        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

will  leave  little  injurious  impression  upon  the  minds  of 
our  friends.  But  the  public  mind  is  excited — men  are 
confederated  together  in  appeals  to  the  very  worst  pas- 
sions of  our  nature,  and  the  public  mind  is  feverish  and 
unstable.  This  will  not  be  more  than  a  nine  days'  topic 
of  vituperation.  With  the  old  issue,  we  are  safe,  depend 
upon  it.  .  .  ."  ^  But  in  this  opinion,  Mr.  Wright  proved 
himself  a  false  prophet.  The  letters,  all  innocent  in  them- 
selves, proved  fatal  to  the  "Great  Commoner's"  ambi- 
tions. They  served,  "to  make  those  Whigs  drop  away 
from  him,  who  considered  annexation  as  the  principal 
question  in  this  electoral  campaign,  and  who  either 
favored  it  or  unconditionally  rejected  it  because  of  slav- 
ery." -  His  kinsman,  Cassius  M.  Clay,  at  once  wrote  to 
him,  explaining  that  he  had  all  along  urged  his  election 
upon  "the  ground  of  his  antislavery  views,  so  often  ex- 
pressed, and  his  opposition  to  Texas."  I  declared,  he 
says,  "that,  if  the  interpretations  put  upon  his  views  in 
the  Raleio-h  and  Alabama  letters  were  the  true  ones,  I 
should  at  once  return  to  Kentucky  and  be  silent."  ^ 

Henry  Clay's  response,  which  was  intercepted  and  pub- 
lished, gave  his  enemies  additional  opportunity  to  declare 
him  a  double  dealer.  In  it,  he  requested  his  kinsman  to 
continue  his  canvass:  but  urged,  "that  you  should  avoid 
committing  me.  ...  At  the  North  I  am  represented 
as  an  ultra  supporter  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  while 
at  the  South  I  am  described  as  an  abolitionist;  when  I 
am  neither  the  one  nor  the  other.  As  we  have  the  same 
surname,  and  are,  moreover,  related,  great  use  is  made 

1  J.  C.  Wright  to  Henry  Clay,  September  5,  1844.  Colton's  "Private  Cor- 
respondence of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  493. 

2  Von  Hoist's  "Constitutional  History  of  the  United  States,"  H,  pp.  662-663. 

3  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  p.  100. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        42 1 

at  the  South  against  me  of  whatever  falls  from  you. 
There  you  are  even  represented  as  being  my  son;  hence 
the  necessity  of  the  greatest  circumspection.  .  .  .  You 
are  watched  wherever  you  go;  and  every  word  you  pub- 
licly express  will  be  tortured  and  perverted  as  my  own 
are.  .  .  .    ^ 

In  this  letter,  also,  there  is  no  evidence  of  intent  to  de- 
ceive. Having  stated  his  position  upon  the  all  pervading 
topic,  Clay  asks  his  kinsman  to  continue  his  canvass,  but 
to  avoid  committing  him  to  a  false  position  before  the 
abolitionists  of  the  country.  If  any  should  care  to  sup- 
port him,  upon  these  grounds,  so  much  the  better,  but,  he 
adds,  "after  all  I  am  afraid  that  you  are  too  sanguine  in 
supposing  that  any  considerable  number  of  the  liberty- 
men  can  be  induced  to  support  me.   .   .   ."  ^ 

But,  in  spite  of  the  consistency  of  his  course,  every  at- 
tempt to  convince  the  North  that  he  had  not  varied  from 
the  position  taken  in  his  Raleigh  letter,  failed.  The  Polk 
presses  held  up  to  scorn  and  ridicule  what  they  called 
Clay's  "  Six  Texas  Manifestoes;  "  ^  and  the  disastrous  effect 
of  his  so-called  temporizing  policy  was  satirized  by  one  of 
his  own  supporters,  who  afterwards  declared  that,  "the 
only  qualification  he  should  ask  of  a  candidate  in  future 
would  be  that  he  could  neither  read  nor  write."  ^ 

The  result  was  natural,  and  reflects  no  discredit  upon 
the  character  of  Henry  Clay.  The  abolitionists  hap- 
pened to  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  the  closely  con- 
tested campaign,  and,  when  they  discovered  that  he  de- 

1  Full  text,  "Cassius  M.  Clay's  Memoirs,"  I,  pp.  101-102. 

2  Ibid. 

3  Several  other  letters  in  a  compromising  vein  had  followed  his  intercepted 
letter  to  Cassius  M.  Clay. 

*  Schouler,  IV,  pp.  477-478. 


422        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

clined  to  pose  as  the  champion  of  their  view  of  the  Texas 
question,  thev  deserted  him  and  voted  for  their  logical 
choice,  James  G.  Birney,  who  received  over  nine  times 
as  many  votes  as  he  had  received  in  1840.^ 

"It  is  pretty  well  ascertained,"  wrote  Ambrose  Spencer, 
on  November  21,  1844,"  "that  had  New  York  given  you 
her  vote,  you  would  have  been  elected.  This  considera- 
tion is  very  mortifying  to  us;  and  yet,  I  venture  to  affirm, 
that  in  no  State  of  the  Union  had  you  warmer,  or  more 
vigilant  and  vigorous  supporters.  Everything  that  could 
be  effected  by  human  means  was  done.  .  .  .  The  result 
of  our  canvass  shows  what  mighty  efforts  have  been  made. 
You  received  232,41 1  votes;  Polk  received  237,432;  Birney, 
15,875.  What  a  monstrous  poll.  You  received  6,594 
more  votes  than  Harrison  did  in  1840,  when  his  majority 
exceeded  13,000.  You  will  perceive  that  the  abolition 
vote  lost  you  the  election,  as  three  fourths  of  them  were 
firm  Whigs,  converted  into  abolitionists." 

If  it  be  bad  politics  to  court  the  support  only  of  those 
who  agree  with  the  position  of  the  candidate,  then  Henry 
Clay  was  guilty  of  "bad  politics"  in  the  campaign  of  1844. 
He  alienated  the  friendly  abolitionist  vote,  by  a  clear 
statement  of  the  fact  that  their  cause  was  not  his  cause, 
their  view  of  the  Texas  question  not  his  view.  By  this, 
he  lost  the  election,  because  there  were  not  Whigs  enough 
left  in  the  party  to  elect  him.  Those  who  did  vote  for 
him,  however,  were  his  real  followers,  and  forever  after- 
ward pointed  "with  unutterable  pride  to  the  fact  that  we 


1  In  1840  Birney  had  received  only  6,745.     In  1844  he  received  58,879. 
Table  in  Blaine's  "Twenty  Years  in  Congress,"  I,  p.  37. 

2  Ambrose  Spencer  to  H.  Clay,  Albany,  N.  Y.,  November  21,  1844.    Colton's 
"Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  501-502. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        423 

cast  our  votes  for  the  man  'who  would  rather  be  right, 
than  be  President.'  "  ' 

Clay,  as  usual,  received  the  electoral  vote  of  Kentucky, 
but  his  popular  majority  in  the  State  was  only  nine  thou- 
sand two  hundred  and  sixty-seven,  whereas  Harrison,  four 
years  before,  had  received  a  majority  of  twenty-five 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  seventy-three. ^  This  falling 
off  of  his  strength  was  due  in  no  wise  to  a  diminution  of 
Clay's  popularity,  for  he  was  now  as  ever  the  idol  of  the 
Kentucky  people,  but  rather  to  the  fact  that  the  Pioneer 
Commonwealth  felt,  to  the  full,  the  martial  strain  which 
ran  through  the  party  cry  of  the  Jacksonian  Democrats — 
"Re-annexation  of  Texas,  fifty-four  forty  or  fight."  This 
was  a  cry  which  many,  even  of  Clay's  staunchest  ad- 
mirers, could  not  resist;  and,  in  addition,  there  was  a 
considerable  population  in  Kentucky,  inclined,  both  by 
training  and  self-interest,  to  favor  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  new  territories.  We  can  realize  the  strength  of  the 
latter  motive  when  we  consider  that,  by  competent  au- 
thority, it  had  been  estimated  that,  could  Texas  be  ob- 
tained and  slavery  established  there,  the  market  price 
of  slaves  would  be  raised  fifty  per  cent — no  small  con- 
sideration to  a  man  owning  fifty  or  a  hundred  slaves.-' 

The  enthusiasm  for  Henry  Clay  was  not  abated  by 
this  new  defeat.  His  Ashland  home  was  the  Mecca  to- 
ward which  delegations  from  the  Whigs  of  every  section 
repaired,  to  present  resolutions  of  unaltered  devotion, 
and  undiminished  confidence.     It  was  more  like  worship 

1  P.  H.  Sylvester  and  others  to  H.  Clay,  Coxsackie,  November  27,  1844. 
Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  507. 

2  Collins,  I,  pp.  45,  50;  also  II,  370. 

3  Smith's  "Political  History  of  Slavery,"  I,  p.  76;  Bryant's  "Popular  History 
of  the  United  States,"  IV,  p.  363. 


424        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

than  political  adherence  that  was  showered  upon  the  de- 
feated statesman.  "It  is  from  the  gushing  out  and  full- 
ness of  our  hearts  that  we  say  to  you  that  you  have  been 
our  political  idol,"  said  one  delegation,^  "and  that  we 
esteem  you  as  highly,  and  love  you  as  dearly  as  we  ever 
have  done — in  defeat  more  than  in  victory — we  can  not 
say  more,  how  can  we  say  less."  '  Nor  did  his  admirers 
confine  themselves  to  words  of  affection.  Clay's  home 
was  heavily  mortgaged,  and  he  was  sadly  considering 
the  question  of  parting  with  it,  when,  upon  calling  at  the 
Lexington  bank  to  make  a  payment,  he  was  informed 
that  money  had  arrived  from  different  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, from  unknown  donors,  sufficient  to  cancel  the  mort- 
gage and  all  his  outstanding  notes.  The  gift  had  been 
so  skillfully  arranged  that  it  could  not  be  easily  declined, 
and  Mr.  Clay,  after  some  hesitation,  accepted  it.^ 

After  the  defeat  of  Henry  Clay,  his  kinsman,  Cassius  M. 
Clay,  redoubled  his  attacks  upon  the  slaveocracy,  en- 
couraged, as  he  said,^  by  having  "seen  a  vitality  in  the 
popular  heart  in  my  Northern  tour  which  foreshadowed 
the  downfall  of  the  slave  power."  He  returned  to  Ken- 
tucky, in  January,  1845,  and  issued  an  address  setting 
forth,  in  strong  terms,  the  blighting  effect  which  slavery 
had  produced  upon  that  "young  and  beautiful  Common- 
wealth." ^  He  urged  his  fellow  Kentuckians  to  choose 
delegates  to  a  convention,  for  amending  the  Constitution 

1  p.  H.  Sylvester  and  others  to  Henry  Clay.  Colto-n's  "Private  Correspond- 
ence of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  506. 

2  About  twenty-five  pages  of  Colton's  "Collection  of  Henry  Clay's  Private 
Correspondence"  (pp.  495-520),  are  filled  with  letters,  almost  every  one  of 
which  expresses  similar  views,  and  in  terms  often  even  more  fervid. 

3  Carl  Schurz's  "Henry  Clay,"  II,  pp.  268-269. 
*  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,^'  I,  p.  105. 

5  Henry  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  I,  p.  631. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        425 

and  destroying  slavery,  and  to  continue  the  attempt  until 
success  should  be  achieved. 

After  using  the  political  journals  until  their  columns 
v^ere  closed  to  him,  he  determined  to  start  a  press  of  his 
own,  devoted  to  the  cause  of  liberty.^  Such  an  under- 
taking, as  he  knew,  would  expose  him  to  the  danger  of 
mob-violence,  and  he  deliberately  prepared  to  defend 
himself  in  case  of  attack.  He  selected  for  his  office  a 
brick  building,  and  lined  the  outside  doors  with  sheet  iron, 
to  prevent  their  being  burned.  He  purchased  two  brass 
four-pounders  and  placed  them,  loaded  with  shot  and  nails, 
on  a  table  just  opposite  a  pair  of  folding-doors,  which 
could  be  easily  opened  to  give  play  to  his  cannon.  "  This 
house,"  he  wTites,"  "I  furnished  with  Mexican  lances, 
and  a  limited  number  of  guns.  There  were  six  or  eight 
persons  who  stood  ready  to  defend  me.  If  defeated  they 
were  to  escape  by  a  trap-door  in  the  roof;  and  I  had 
placed  a  keg  of  powder,  with  a  match,  which  I  could  set 
off,  and  blow  up  the  office  and  all  my  invaders;  and  this 
I  should  most  certainly  have  done,  in  case  of  the  last 
extremity."  ^ 

Thus  barricaded,  "The  Lion  of  Whitehall"  proceeded 
to  insult  his  neighbors,  relations,  friends  and  enemies  by 
his  articles  in  "The  True  American."  He  advocated,  not 
abolition  only,  but  civil  and  political  rights  for  the  slave 
population;  and  warned  the  slaveholders  that  the  aboli- 
tionists were  becoming  quite  as  reckless  as  the  slaveholders 
themselves,  and  might,  if  provoked  too  far,  display  the 
same  bold  and  aggressive  spirit.'* 

1  "Memoirs,"  I,  p.  io6.    The  paper  was  called  "The  True  American." 

2  Ibid. 

3  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  p.  107. 

4  Henry  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  I,  p.  632. 


426        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

At  such  a  time,  any  antislavery  paper,  in  Kentucky, 
however  tactfully  managed,  would  have  been  doomed  to 
failure,  and  perhaps  to  violent  destruction;  but  "The  True 
American"  was  peculiarly  hateful  to  the  slaveholders, 
both  because  of  its  bitter  tone  and  because  it  was  the 
work  of  a  man  v/hom  they  considered  an  apostate  from 
his  rightful  and  hereditary  creed. 

On  August  14,  1845,  therefore,  while  confined  to  his 
bed  by  illness,  Clay  was  visited  by  a  committee,  who 
stated  that  they  had  been  sent  by  a  meeting  of  a  number 
of  respectable  citizens  of  Lexington  to  request  him,  "to 
suspend  the  publication  of  his  paper,  as  its  further  contin- 
uance ...  is  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the  community, 
and  to  the  safety  of  our  homes  and  families." 

Clay's  answer  was  characteristic:  "I  say,  in  reply  to 
your  assertion  that  you  are  a  committee  appointed  by  a 
respectable  portion  of  the  community,  that  it  cannot  be 
true.  Traitors  to  the  laws  and  Constitution  cannot  be 
deemed  respectable  by  any  but  assassins,  pirates,  and 
highway  robbers.  ...  I  treat  them  with  the  burning 
contempt  of  a  brave  heart  and  a  loyal  citizen.  I  deny 
their  power  and  defy  their  action.  Your  advice  with  re- 
gard to  my  personal  safety  is  worthy  of  the  source  w^hence 
it  emanated,  and  meets  with  the  same  contempt  from  me 
which  the  purposes  of  your  mission  excite.  Go  tell  your 
secret  conclave  of  cowardly  assassins  that  Cassius  M. 
Clay  knows  his  rights  and  how  to  defend  them."  ^ 

Four  days  later,-  another  meeting  of  the  slaveholders  of 
Lexington  was  held  to  consider  what  should  be  done  with 

1  This  is  taken  from  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  I,  p.  634, 
and  its  accuracy  is  acknowledged  by  Clay  in  his  "Memoirs,"  I,  p.  109. 

2  Dixon's  "True  History  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Repeal," 
P-  395- 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO       427 

"The  True  American."  Thomas  F.  Marshall,  the  cele- 
brated orator,  and  a  nephew  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall, 
reported  an  address  to  the  people  of  Kentucky,  stating 
that  a  party  had  arisen  at  the  North  which  held  that 
slavery  was  "opposed  to  religion,  morals  and  law,"  and 
that  negroes  are  entitled  to  their  freedom.  The  aim  of 
this  party,  it  said,  is  to  abolish  slavery  in  America,  and 
Cassius  M.  Clay  is  in  "full  Communion"  with  them.  An 
abolition  paper  in  a  slave  State  is  a  nuisance  of  the  most 
formidable  character,  and  "The  True  American"  is  the 
worst  type  of  such  papers.^  This  address  having  been 
adopted,  a  committee  of  sixty  was  sent  to  box  up  Clay's 
appliances,  and  to  ship  them  out  of  the  State. ^ 

Meanwhile,  President  Tyler,  in  cooperation  with  Con- 
gress, had  acted  upon  the  decision  which  the  people  had 
rendered  by  electing  James  K.  Polk,  and  had  brought 
Texas  into  the  Union.  Polk's  inauguration  had  taken 
place  the  next  day,  and  he  had  found  himself  confronted 
with  the  duty  of  meeting  campaign  pledges  which  might 
bring  the  nation  into  two  wars.  The  "re-occupation  of 
Oregon,"  if  forced  with  the  energy  which  the  recent  cam- 
paign had  led  men  to  believe  that  it  would  be,  must  in- 
evitably have  caused  war  with  England;  but  the  negotia- 
tions agreeing  to  compromise  the  Oregon  question  by 
fixing  the  boundary  at  49°  instead  of  54°  40'  were  already 
so  far  advanced  ^  that  anxiety  upon  this  subject  was  no 

1  Henry  Wilson's  "  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  I,  pp.  634-635. 

2  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  pp.  107-109.  Clay,  upon  recover- 
ing from  his  illness,  sued  the  "  Revolutionary  Committee,"  but  the  court  de- 
clared "The  True  American"  a  nuisance  under  the  old  English  common  law. 
Later,  however,  upon  his  return  from  the  Mexican  war,  he  recovered  $2,500 
damages. 

3  Schurz's  "Clay,"  II,  p.  279. 


428        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

longer  felt,  by  those  familiar  with  the  course  of  events. 
President  Polk's  Secretary  of  State,  James  Buchanan, 
continued  these  negotiations,  and,  in  June  of  the  follow- 
ing year,  concluded  the  treaty  of  1846,^  which  peacefully, 
if  not  heroically,  disposed  of  the  question,  and  gave  us  a 
definite  boundary  in  the  Northwest.-  The  gallant  cry, 
"fifty-four  forty  or  fight,"  had  dwindled  to  the  more  dis- 
creet murmur,  "Forty-nine  degrees  and  be  thankful." 

The  "re-annexation  of  Texas,"  however,  already  an 
accomplished  fact,  meant  that  the  United  States  must 
take  up  the  question  of  disputed  boundaries,  and  must 
also  face  the  consequences  of  having  admitted  Texas,  in 
the  face  of  a  declaration,  that  Mexico  would  regard  such 
an  act  as  a  just  cause  of  war. 

With  the  justice  or  injustice  of  the  conflict  which  soon 
began,  we  are  not  directly  concerned:  but  that  it  was  popu- 
lar in  Kentucky  cannot  be  doubted.  Indeed  the  Presi- 
dent's call  for  volunteers  was  received  with  genuine 
enthusiasm  in  all  sections,  except  New  England.  For  the 
Whig  leaders,  who  believed  that,  as  an  historical  and  geo- 
graphical fact,  the  Nueces  was  the  real  v/estern  boundary 
of  Texas,  and  that  the  President  had  committed  an  act  of 
unjustifiable  aggression  ^  in  sendmg  an  army  to  occupy 

1  It  was  proclaimed  in  August,  1846.  Text  of  treaty,  Snow's  "American 
Diplomacy,"  pp.  84-85. 

2  Blaine's  "Twenty  Years  in  Congress,"  I,  pp.  50-54;  Schouler,  IV,  p.  514; 
Wilson,  IV,  p.  117.  Webster  joined  Calhoun  in  the  opinion  that  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  would  be  a  fair  settlement  of  the  old  dispute.    Rhodes,  I,  p.  86. 

3  President  Polk  really  desired  peace,  if  peace  could  be  maintained  without 
the  sacrifice  of  our  just  demands.  By  which  he  meant  our  claim  to  Texas,  the 
Texas  for  which  Jackson  had  so  long  struggled,  and  which  comprehended  all 
that  part  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  which  John  Quincy  Adams  had  surrendered 
to  Spain  in  the  Florida  Treaty.  That  Texas,  in  this  sense,  extended  to  the 
Rio  Grande  will  hardly  be  questioned,  after  the  investigations  of  Henry  Adams. 
This  was  the  Texas  described  in  the  act  of  the  Texas  Congress  of  December  19, 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        429 

the  country  west  of  that  river,  enthusiasm  was,  of  course, 
impossible,  but  to  withhold  their  support  from  the  Gov- 
ernment, when  engaged  in  actual  war,  would  have  savored 
more  of  treason  than  of  patriotism.  And  so,  while  stoutly 
insisting  that  the  palm  branch  should  be  offered  instead 
of  the  sword,  they,  for  the  most  part,  supported  the  war 
measures.^ 

In  Kentucky  there  had  been,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
re-annexation  movement,  a  strong  sentiment  of  sympathy 
with  Texas;  and  the  knowledge  that  the  military  opera- 
tions had  been  entrusted  to  General  Zachary  Taylor, 
who  had  been  reared  a  Kentuckian;  ^  and  that  William 
O.  Butler  and  Thomas  Marshall,  both  prominent  citi- 
zens of  the  State,  were  to  be  respectively  commis- 
sioned Major  General,  and  Brigadier  General  of  Vol- 
unteers,^ added  greatly  to  the  enthusiasm  for  the  cause. 
Upon  the  announcement  that  war  had  been  actually  de- 
clared, therefore,  a  wave  of  excitement  swept  over  the 
State.^ 

1836  (Burgess's  "Middle  Period,"  p.  328),  and  Polk  regarded  it  as  his  sworn 
duty  to  defend  every  foot  of  it,  until  other  boundaries  should  be  assigned  to 
Texas  either  by  act  of  Congress,  or  by  treaty  with  Mexico. 

1  Lincoln,  in  his  reply  to  Douglas'  Ottawa  speech,  thus  defines  the  attitude 
of  an  old  Whig  concerning  the  Mexican  war:  "I  was  an  old  Whig,  and  whenever 
the  Democratic  party  tried  to  get  me  to  vote  that  the  war  had  been  righteously 
begun  by  the  President,  I  would  not  do  it.  But  whenever  they  asked  for  any 
money  ...  to  pay  the  soldiers  there,  ...  I  gave  the  same  vote  that  Judge 
Douglas  did."  Raymond's  "  Life,  Public  Services  and  State  Papers  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,"  p.  2;^. 

2".  .  .  It  would  afford  me  much  real  pleasure,"  wrote  General  Taylor  to 
Henry  Clay,  "to  visit,  if  not  the  place  of  my  nativity,  where  I  was  reared  from 
infancy  to  early  manhood.  .  .  ."  Taylor  to  Clay,  December  28,  1847.  Colton's 
"Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  551. 

3  President  Polk  announced  these  appointments  on  June  29,  1846.  "Annals 
of  Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  53. 

4  Henry  Wilson's  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power,"  I,  p.  635.     Gov- 


430        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Governor  Owsley  did  not  wait  for  the  announcement 
of  military  appointments,  or  even  for  the  arrival  of  the 
official  call  for  the  Kentucky  quota  of  troops,  but,  on 
May  17,^  issued  a  proclamation  calling  upon  Kentuckians 
of  military  age  "to  form  themselves  into  volunteer  com- 
panies" and  report  to  him.  The  Louisville  legion  of  nine 
companies  already  organized,  promptly  responded,  and 
were  accepted  by  the  Governor.  Four  days  later,  the 
President  issued  his  call  to  the  States,  to  furnish  forty- 
three  thousand  five  hundred  soldiers  for  service  in  Mexico, 
and,  before  the  close  of  the  next  week,  Governor  Owsley 
announced  that  the  quota  of  Kentucky  (twenty-four  hun- 
dred men)  was  complete.  The  Louisville  legion  (the 
First  Regiment  of  Infantry,  under  Colonel  Ormsby)  had 
already  started  for  the  front,  while  the  Second  Regiment 
of  Infantry,-  under  Colonel  Wm.  R.  McKee,  and  the 
First  Regiment  of  Cavalry,  under  Colonel  Humphrey 
Marshall,  were  ready  for  immediate  service.^ 

These,  together  with  the  company  of  John  S.  Williams, 
were  accepted  by  the  War  Department.  Others  were  less 
fortunate,  as  seventy-five  companies  were  offered  beyond 
the  number  called  for  by  the  President.  The  difficulty  had 
been,  not  in  raising  men  but  in  rejecting  them.  Twelve 
thousand   Kentuckians  stood   ready  and   eager  to  enlist, 

ernor  Owsley  had  promised  to  make  Cassius  M.  Clay  Colonel  of  a  Regiment  of 
Kentucky  Volunteers,  but  was  forced,  by  protests  from  Clay's  proslavery 
enemies,  to  recall  his  promise. 

1  "  Annals  of  Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  53. 

2  Lieutenant  Colonel  Henry  Clay,  Jr.  Other  officers  given  in  "Annals  of 
Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  53. 

3  Cassius  M.  Clay  was  enlisted  as  Captain  of  the  Third  Company  of  Fayette 
County  Volunteers  in  this  Regiment.  Other  officers,  etc.,  see  "Annals  of  Ken- 
tucky," Collins,  I,  p.  53.  See  Clay's  "Memoirs,"  p.  118,  for  characteristic 
account  of  how  he  received  his  captain's  commission. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        431 

and  the  disappointment  was  great  when  it  became  known 
that  most  of  them  must  be  excluded.^ 

This  eagerness  for  mihtary  service,  however,  did  not 
denote  an  educational  fitness  for  it,  on  the  part  of  Ken- 
tucky citizens.  During  the  long  years  of  peace,  which  the 
country  had  enjoyed,  military  habits  had  gone  out  of  fash- 
ion, the  custom  of  serving  in  the  militia  had  fallen  into 
contempt,  and  the  whole  militia  system  of  the  State  had 
come  to  consist  of  a  few  half-drilled  companies,  and  a 
good  many  wholly  undrilled  and  undisciplined  ones.  Even 
among  the  officers,  few  had  known  more  arduous  mili- 
tary service  than  marshaling  a  civic  parade  or  conduct- 
ing a  sham  battle.  The  preliminaries,  which  had  to 
be  gone  through  before  the  troops  could  start  for  the 
front,  therefore,  occupied  considerable  time,  and,  as  a 
result,  most  of  the  Kentucky  volunteers  did  not  reach 
the  front  until  after  the  capture  of  Monterey.^ 

Meanwhile,  however.  Colonel  Humphrey  Marshall's 
First  Kentucky  Cavalry  had  been  transported  to  Mem- 
phis, Tennessee,  by  boat.  Here  they  had  mounted  and 
begun  the  dreary  overland  march  by  way  of  Little  Rock, 
Arkansas,  to  Port  Lavaca  on  the  coast  of  Texas,  where 
commissary  stores  were  collected,  and  the  march  across 
the  disputed  territory  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio 
Grande  was  begun.  Through  this  vast,  silent  wilderness, 
with  an  occasional  diversion  in  the  shape  of  a  hunting 
party  or  a  duel,^  they  pushed  on  towards  General  Taylor's 

1  "Annals  of  Kentucky,"  Collins  I,   p.  53;  Shaler,  p.  201. 

2  September  24,  1846.  The  Louisville  Legion,  First  Kentucky  Infantry, 
had  joined  General  Taylor's  army  just  before  the  siege  of  Monterey  was  begun, 
but  took  no  conspicuous  part  in  the  battle. 

3  At  Port  Lavaca,  Capt.  Thos.  F.  Marshall  and  Lieut.  James  S.  Jackson 
had  met  but  without  fatal  results.  "Cassius  M.  Clay's  Memoirs,"  I,  pp.  141 
et  seq.  for  details  of  this  and  similar  encounters. 


432        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

camp,  where  they  found  him,  depressed  enough,  in  spite  of 
his  recent  victory  at  Monterey.  Acting  under  orders  from 
the  War  Department,  General  Scott  had  sent  him  a  letter  ^ 
declaring,  "  I  shall  be  obliged  to  take  from  you  most  of  the 
gallant  officers  and  men  (regulars  and  volunteers)  whom 
you  have  so  long  and  so  nobly  commanded.  I  am  afraid 
that  I  shall  .  .  .  reduce  you,  for  the  time,  to  stand  on  the 
defensive.   ..." 

"  Upon  our  arrival  "  wrote  Cassius  M.  Clay,^  General 
Taylor  "invited  me  to  dine  with  him.  At  the  hour  named 
I  entered  his  tent,  expecting  to  find,  at  least,  plenty  of 
good  things,  if  not  great  ceremony,  as  the  country  was  a 
fruitful  one.  But  I  sat  down  with  the  plainly  dressed  hero 
before  his  camp-chest,  and  partook  of  salt-pork,  hard 
tack,  and  camp  coffee.   .   .   ." 

After  this  dinner,  so  characteristic  of  the  simplicity 
of  Taylor's  military  life,  Clay,  with  Major  John  P.  Gaines, 
and  two  companies  of  Colonel  Marshall's  regiment,  was 
sent  forward  to  Saltillo,  to  join  the  command  of  Gen- 
eral William  O.  Butler,  where  Clay  was  chosen  to  con- 
duct a  scouting  trip  to  Encarnacion.  On  the  third  day, 
they  reached  their  destination,  only  to  find  Major  Borland, 
with  a  scouting  party  from  General  Wool's  army,  already 
in  possession. 

As  the  ranking  officer  present.  Major  Borland  assumed 
command  of  both  detachments,  and,  confident  that  there 
was  not  a  Mexican  soldier  vv^ithin  five  hundred  miles, 
"determined  to  eat,  drink  and  be  merry,"  as  Clay  indig- 
nantly informs  us.^    At  dawn  the  following  morning,  they 

1  Scott  to  Taylor,  New  York,  November  25,  1846.  Text,  Mansfield's 
"Mexican  War,"  pp.  11 2- 114. 

2  Memoirs,"  I,  p.  142. 

3  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  p.  144. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO 


433 


found  themselves  surrounded  by  General  Minon  with  sev- 
eral thousand  Mexican  cavalry.  Surrender,  under  such 
conditions,  v^as  the  only  possible  course,  and,  accordingly, 
on  January  23,  1847,  ^"^  month  before  the  great  vic- 
tory of  Buena  Vista,  Major  Gaines,  Captain  Clay,  the 
thirty  Kentucky  cavalrymen,  and  Major  Borland  w^ith 
his  fifty  Arkansas  cavalrymen,  were  made  prisoners  of 
war,  to  be  carried  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  and  retained  in 
confinement.^ 

"Before  many  days,"  says  Clay,'  "we  met  Santa  Anna's 
army  on  the  plains.  .  .  .  When  we  came  to  Santa  Anna 
(himself)  who  was  riding  with  his  suite  in  a  carriage  drawn 
by  six  horses,  with  postillions,  and  outriders,  in  great 
style,  I  could  but  think  of  Taylor  and  his  tin  cups.   ..." 

Moving  on  toward  San  Luis  Potosi,  the  American  pris- 
oners had  a  good  opportunity  to  observe  the  habits  and 
tastes  of  the  Mexican  general.  "  He  was  very  fond  of  cock- 
fighting,"  Clay  continues,  "...  and  .  .  .  had  coops  .  .  . 
suspended  on  donkeys  and  mules.  .  .  .  These  were  full 
of  cocks  .  .  .  which  he  fought  and  ate  when  wanted. 
So  passed  on  the  general  to  his  defeat  at  Buena  Vista  .  .  ." 
and,  "so  we  passed  on  to  Mexico." 

At  this  point  we  must  leave  our  interesting  guide,  and 
return  to  the  other  Kentuckians  in  General  Taylor's 
camp.  The  news  of  the  capture  of  Clay  and  his  party 
convinced  Taylor  that  Santa  Anna  was  planning  to  take 
advantage  of  the  weakened  condition  of  the  "Army  of 
Occupation,"  to  strike  a  blow  at  him,  before  turning  to 
meet  the  invading  hosts  which  General  Scott  was  prepar- 

1  "Annals  of  Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  54;  Frost's  "Pictorial  History  of  the 
Mexican  War,"  p.  347. 

2  "Memoirs  of  Cassius  M.  Clay,"  I,  pp.  146-149. 

Kentucky — 28 


434        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ing  to  land  at  Vera  Cruz.^  His  own  forces,  with  the  Ken- 
tucky mounted  volunteers  of  Colonel  Humphrey  Mar- 
shall's regiment,  and  Colonel  McKee's  Second  Kentucky 
Regiment  of  Infantry,  numbered  only  about  seventy-five 
hundred."  Of  these,  a  considerable  part  must  be  left  to 
garrison  Saltillo  and  Monterey;  and  there  appeared  small 
hope  of  accomplishing  anything  of  importance  with  the 
force  which  remained.  His  chief  dependence  was  upon 
General  Wool's  command,  some  five  hundred  of  whom 
were  regulars;  ^  but,  in  the  critical  moment,  he  was  to  find 
the  Kentucky  volunteers  fully  their  equal. 

From  time  to  time,  disquieting  rumors  had  reached  him 
that  Santa  Anna  had  gathered  a  force  of  over  twenty 
thousand  men  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  a  fortified  city,  which  lay 
about  equally  distant  from  Monterey,  Vera  Cruz  and  the 
City  of  Mexico,  and  within  striking  distance  of  them  all.^ 

Convinced  that  Santa  Anna's  plan  was  to  attack  him, 
leaving  Vera  Cruz  to  take  care  of  herself,  aided,  as  she 
was  sure  to  be,  by  the  "Vomito,"  or  yellow  fever,  Taylor 
advanced,  early  in  February,  to  Agua  Nueva,  a  strong 
position  on  the  road  to  San  Luis.^ 

1  Lieutenant  Ritchie,  bearer  of  dispatches  from  Scott  to  Taylor,  fully  ex- 
plaining all  his  plans,  had  been  captured  by  the  Mexicans,  and  Santa  Anna 
thus  had  full  iiiformation  upon  which  to  base  his  decision.  Mansfield,  p.  117; 
Kendall's  "War  Between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,"  p.  11. 

2  H.  II.  Bancroft,  "Mexico,"  V,  p.  414. 

3  Table,  Mansfield,  p.  85;  Frost,  p.  354.  General  Taylor's  official  report 
says  "two  squadrons  of  cavalry  and  three  batteries  of  light  artillery,  making 
no  more  than  453  men,  composed  the  only  force  of  regular  troops,"  engaged  at 
liuena  Vista.     Reprint,  Smith's  "Kentucky,"  pp.  575-582;  Mansfield,  pp.  125- 

143- 

■1  "The  War  Between  the  United  States  and  Mexico."  By  Geo.  W.  Kendall, 
p.  II. 

5  Mansfield's  "Mexican  War,"  p.  120;  Kendall's  "War  Between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico,"  p.  11. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        435 

Here  scouts  brought  definite  information  that  Santa 
Anna,  with  an  overwhehning  force,  was  advancing  toward 
him.  The  exact  size  of  the  enemy's  army  could  not  be 
determined,^  but  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  many 
times  that  of  his  own,  which,  exclusive  of  the  garrisons  at 
Monterey  and  Saltillo,  numbered  only  "forty-four  hundred 
and  twenty-five  men."  ' 

With  the  coolness  and  deliberation  which  never  de- 
serted him,  Taylor  selected  his  battlefield,  choosing  a 
strong  mountain  pass  a  few  miles  south  of  Saltillo,  known 
to  the  Mexicans  as  La  Angostura,  or  "the  narrows,"'' 
but  now  known  to  the  world  by  the  historic  name,  Buena 
Vista. 

"At  this  point,"  says  General  Taylor's  official  report, 
"the  road  becomes  a  narrow  defile,  the  valley  on  its  right 
being  rendered  quite  impracticable  for  artillery  by  a  suc- 
cession of  deep  and  impassable  gullies,  while  on  the  left  a 
succession  of  rugged  ridges  and  precipitous  ravines  extends 
far  back  towards  the  mountain  which  bounds  the  val- 
ley. ..." 

Knowing  Santa  Anna  as  he  did,  Taylor  was  convinced 
that  the  outcome  of  the  engagement  must  be  either  a  vic- 
tory for  the  American  army,  or  a  massacre  similar  to  that 
of  the  Alamo,  though  of  vastly  greater  dimensions.  His 
plan,  in  advancing  to  Agua  Nueva,  was  that,  by  a  sudden 
retreat,  as  the  enemy  appeared,  he  might  draw  them  back 
to  the  favorable  battle  ground  which  he  had   selected."^ 

1  "The  strength  of  the  Mexican  army  is  stated  by  Santa  Anna,  in  his  sum- 
mons," says  Taylor's  official  report,  "to  be  twenty  thousand,  and  that  estimate 
is  confirmed  by  all  the  information  since  obtained." 

2 Taylor's  official  report;  reprint.  Smith's  "Kentucky,"  pp.  575-582. 

3  Bartlett,  III,  p.  681. 

4  Jenkins'  "  War  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,"  p.  217. 


436        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Accordingly,  on  February  2i,  thinking  the  moment  for 
beginning  the  retreat  had  arrived,  he  broke  camp,  and 
leisurely  retired  to  Buena  Vista,  leaving  Colonel  Yell 
and  the  Arkansas  cavalry  ^  to  watch  the  advancing  enemy, 
and  to  lure  them  back  into  the  narrows.  At  the  latter 
point,  he  posted  Colonel  Hardin  with  the  First  Illinois 
Infantry,-  while  the  main  army  was  placed  a  mile  and  a 
half  in  the  rear,  in  order  that  they  might  get  the  benefit 
of  the  stimulus  which  an  army  gains  by  an  advance  move- 
ment.^ 

The  plan  was  successful.  Santa  Anna  advancing,  early 
on  the  morning  of  February  22,  drove  back  the  Arkansas 
cavalry,  who  retired  to  their  new  position  on  "the  extreme 
left  near  the  base  of  the  mountain,"  ^  where  Colonel 
Humphrey  Marshall,  with  his  First  Kentucky  Cavalry, 
joined  him."'^  The  Second  Kentucky  Infantry,  was  posted 
at  the  crest  of  a  ridge  on  the  left  and  in  the  rear;  while 
Colonel  Jefferson  Davis,  and  his  Mississippi  riflemen,  were 
among  the  reserve  in  the  rear. 

The  scene  was  thus  laid  for  a  scientific  reception  of  the 
"Napoleon  of  the  West,"  should  he  display  any  of  the 
rashness  of  his  earlier  days.  But  Santa  Anna  had  grown 
more  cautious  with  advancing  years.  At  eleven  o'clock, 
he  sent  a  summons,  demanding  the  surrender  of  the 
American  army  "at  discression."  "You  are  surrounded," 
he  said,  "by  twenty  thousand  men  and  cannot  .  .  . 
avoid  suffering  a  rout.   ...     I  wish  to  save  you  from  a 


1  Jenkins,  p.  218. 

2  p'urber,  p.  459. 

3  Brooks'  "  Mexican  War,"  p.  205. 

4  Taylor's  Official  Report. 

5  Ibid. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        4^7 

catastrophe,    and    for    that    purpose    give    you    this    no- 
tice. .  .  ."1 

General  Taylor's  reply  was  explicit  and  prompt: 
"...  I  beg  leave  to  say  that  I  decline  acceding  to  your 
request.   .   .   ."  - 

Even  then  the  expected  attack  was  not  made,  as  Santa 
Anna  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  rear  column.''  The 
lesson  of  San  Jacinto  had  not  been  lost  upon  him.  The 
army  before  him  was  small,  but  it  was  commanded  by 
men  trained  in  the  school  which  had  produced  Sam  Hous- 
ton, and  he  felt  that  caution  was  eminently  necessary,  in 
spite  of  the  vast  disparity  in  numbers. 

His  first  movement  was  upon  the  right  of  the  American 
position,  but  it  was  instantly  checked  by  the  Second  Ken- 
tucky Regiment,  and  a  section  of  artillery  which  General 
Taylor  detached  to  meet  them.'* 

A  similar  demonstration,  with  a  similar  result,  was  next 
attempted  against  the  extreme  left  of  the  American  army, 
where  Colonel  Marshall  lay,  with  the  First  Kentucky  and 
the  Arkansas  cavalries,  both  dismounted.^ 

At  three  in  the  afternoon,  a  shell  from  the  howitzer  of 
Santa  Anna,  announced  what  was  supposed  to  be  the  be- 
ginning of  a  serious  assault.  It  was  followed  by  a  terrific 
fire  from  thirty-two  large  Mexican  cannon,  but  General 

1  Document  reprinted  in  Brooks,  p.  208. 

2  Document,  Brooks,  p.  209.  General  Taylor's  messenger  was  a  young 
Kentuckian,  Thomas  L.  Crittenden,  the  son  of  John  J.  Crittenden.  He  was 
admitted,  blindfolded,  into  Santa  Anna's  presence  and  asked  whether  Gen- 
eral Taylor  was  preparing  to  surrender.  His  reply  was  the  afterwards  famous 
expression,  "General  Taylor  never  surrenders!" 

3  Frost,  p.  305;  also  Taylor's  Official  Report. 

4  Official  Report. 

5  The  whole,  together  with  an  Indiana  rifle  brigade,  were  under  command 
of  Colonel  Marshall.    Taylor's  Official  Report. 


438        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Taylor,  observing  the  inaccuracy  of  the  aim,  directed  his 
own  batteries  to  remain  silent. 

Then  a  Mexican  messenger  approached,  bearing  a  flag 
of  truce.  He  was  conducted  into  the  presence  of  the 
American  commander,  who,  "was  sitting  quietly  on  his 
white  charger,  with  his  legs  over  the  pummel  of  the  sad- 
dle, watching  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  .  .  "  ^  The 
messenger  courteously  declared,  says  Major  Coffee,  that, 
"he  had  been  sent  by  his  excellency  .  .  .  to  inquire  in  the 
most  respectful  manner,  what  he  was  waiting  for,"  to 
which  he  adds,  with  evident  relish,  "old  Rough  and 
Ready  gave  the  very  pertinent  reply  that  'he  was  only 
waiting  for  General  Santa  Anna  to  surrender.'  "  ^ 

The  messenger  retired  to  his  own  lines,  and  the  object 
of  his  visit  was  at  once  made  evident,  for  the  fire  of  the 
entire  Mexican  battery  was  immediately  directed  toward 
the  point  where  the  old  chief  sat,  "utterly  indifferent 
to  the  perils  of  his  situation  ...  on  his  conspicuous 
white  horse,  peering  through  his  spy-glass.  .  .  ."  To  the 
anxious  requests  of  his  officers  that  he  should  at  least 
give  up  his  white  horse,  General  Taylor  replied  that, 
"the  old  fellow  had  missed  the  fun  at  Monterey,  on  ac- 
count of  a  sore  foot,  and  he  was  determined  he  should 
have  his  share  this  time."  ^ 

Convinced,  at  last,  that  no  serious  attack  would  be 
made  before  morning,  General  Taylor  retired  to  make 
certain  of  the  safety  of  the  men  and  stores  at  Saltillo;^ 
and,  as  the  darkness  descended  upon  the  field  of  battle, 
the  American   troops  could   hear   the   noise   of  shouting 

1  Coffee's  narative,  "Taylor  and  his  Generals,"  p.  1S4. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  186. 

3  "General  Taylor."    By  the  One-legged  Sergeant,  p.  35. 
*  Official  Report. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        439 

in  the  Mexican  camp,  as  Santa  Anna  used  his  gift  of 
eloquence  to  hearten  his  men  for  the  hard  duties  of  the 
morrow.  Then  there  was  stillness;  and  then  the  soft  notes 
of  Mexican  music  floated  up  through  the  narrows.  Fi- 
nally all  was  again  quiet,  American  and  Mexican  alike 
slumbering  on  their  arms  and  dreaming  of  victory.^ 

At  daybreak  of  the  twenty-third,  the  battle  was  re- 
opened by  an  attack  upon  Colonel  Marshall's  Kentucky 
and  Arkansas  troops  on  the  American  left.-  During  the 
night,  the  enemy  had  thrown  a  body  of  light  troops 
upon  this  side  of  the  mountain,  "with  a  view  to  out- 
flanking us,"  and  these  advanced,  while  a  heavy  column 
was  moving  up  the  San  Luis  road  "against  our  center."  ^ 
This  latter  movement  required  all  the  attention  of  Cap- 
tain Washington's  battery,  and  the  prospect  looked  seri- 
ous for  the  left  wing  defenders,  although  "our  riilemen, 
under  Colonel  Marshall,  who  had  been  reinforced  by 
three  companies  of  Second  Illinois  volunteers,  under  Ma- 
jor Trail,  maintained  their  ground  handsomely  against  a 
greatly  superior  force.  ...  "  ^  Moreover,  the  guns  of 
Washington's  battery  having  now  checked  the  central 
movement,  the  repelled  forces  began  concentrating  on  the 
left,  protected,  in  the  changing  of  position,  by  the  banks 
of  the  deep  ravines  through  which  they  passed,  and  by  "a 
murderous  cross-fire  of  grape  and  canister,  from  a  Mexi- 
can battery  on  the  left."  ^ 

"Our  .   .  .  line  had  given  way,"  writes  Major  Andrew 

1  Brooks,  p.  211. 

2  They  had  been  reinforced  by  three  companies  of  the  Second  IlHnois  Vol- 
unteers. 

3  Taylor's  Official  Report;  reprint,  Mansfield,  pp.  128-129. 

4  Taylor's  Official  Report;  Mansfield,  p.  129. 

5  Ibid.,  p.  129. 


440        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Jackson  Herod, ^  one  of  Jefferson  Davis'  Mississippi  rifle- 
men, "  and  a  large  column  of  infantry  was  advancing  to 
get  between  our  line  of  battle  and  the  city  of  Saltillo,  thus 
cutting  our  army  into  two  parts."  - 

At  this  critical  moment,  General  Taylor  arrived  upon 
the  field,  and  perceiving  the  danger,  turned  to  Colonel  Jef- 
ferson Davis  who  stood  near,  and  gave  his  order,  "Check 
that  column."  ^  It  was  an  order  which  Zachary  Taylor 
would  have  given  to  but  few  men,  an  order  to  sustain  the 
rush  of  a  small  army  already  in  motion  and  feeling  victory 
in  the  air,  and  that  with  a  few  hundred  volunteer  troops. 
But  it  was  promptly  executed,  wMth  the  assistance  of 
Colonel  McKee's  Second  Kentucky  Infantry,  which  "had 
previously  been  ordered  from  the  right  to  reinforce  our 
left."  ^ 

Scarcely  was  this  feat  accomplished,  when  "Colonel 
Davis  discovered  a  brigade  of  cavalry  approaching  us  al- 
most due  south  of  our  position."  "Instantly  reforming 
his  men,"  continues  Major  Herod,''  "he  awaited  their  ap- 
proach, having  issued  orders,  'to  fire  when  the  head  of 
their  column  was  not  over  fifty  yards  from  our  line.'  .  .  . 
We  had  but  two  shots  at  them,  before  they  got  out  of  our 
ranee." 


1  Letter  from  Major  Herod,  dated  Beauvoir,  Miss.,  March  22,  1907. 
"Evansville  Courier,"  Sunday,  April  21,  1907. 

2  "This  portion  of  our  line  having  given  way,"  says  General  Taylor's  Official 
Report,  "and  the  enemy  appearing  in  overwhelming  force  against  our  left  flank, 
the  light  troops  which  had  rendered  such  good  service  on  the  mountain  were 
compelled  to  withdraw,  which  they  did,  for  the  most  part,  in  good  order." 
Mansfield,  p.  130. 

3  Herod  letter,  ante;  Taylor's  Official  Report. 

*  Taylor's  Official  Report.     A  section  of  Captain  Bragg's  artillery  also  be- 
longed to  this  reinforcement.     Ibid, 
s  Herod  letter,  ante. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        441 

Wounded,  but  refusing  to  leave  his  saddle,'  Colonel 
Davis  was  now  called  to  face  a  new  danger.  A  large  body 
of  Mexican  lancers  was  drawing  near  from  the  north- 
east, threatening  the  position  so  long  in  dispute.  Steady- 
ing his  men  for  the  shock  of  the  first  encounter,  Davis 
calmly  waited.  They  had  approached,  "in  columns  of 
regiments,  the  front  regiment  mounted  upon  grey  and 
white  ponies,  ...  to  near  seventy  yards  of  us,"  '  before 
they  again  became  clearly  visible,  so  broken  was  the 
ground  over  which  they  moved.  From  the  opposite  di- 
rection, meanwhile,  reinforcements  were  advancing  to 
Colonel  Davis'  relief.^  Their  fire  caused  the  Mexican 
lancers  to  swerve  sharply  to  the  right,  exposing  their 
flanks  '*  to  the  Mississippi  riflemen,  who  now  opened  upon 
them.  A  chain-shot,  from  the  reinforcing  column  of  Amer- 
icans, completed  the  process,  and  the  lancers  withdrew."' 

Meanwhile,  General  Taylor  sat,  calm  and  alert,  upon 
his  white  horse,  sweeping  the  field  with  his  long  glasses, 
and  marking  the  points  where  reinforcements  seemed 
most  needed.  Seeing  that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy 
was  concentrating  on  his  left,  with  the  evident  purpose  of 
making  a  descent  upon  the  hacienda  of  Buena  Vista, 
where  his  train  and  baggage  were  deposited,  he  ordered 
a  reinforcement  of  cavalry  to  aid  in  defending  this  im- 
portant position;  but,  before  it  could  arrive,  the  enemy 
had  made  the  attack,  and  had  been  "handsomely  met  by 

1  Herod  letter,  ante;  "Taylor  and  his  Generals."  p.  165. 

2  Herod  letter,  ante. 

3  Colonel  Lane's  Third  Indiana  Volunteers,  and  Lieutenant  Kilburn,  with 
a  piece  of  Captain  Bragg's  artillery.  Taylor's  Official  Report;  "Taylor  and  his 
Generals,"  p.  179. 

4  Their  left  had  hitherto  been  protected  by  the  bank  of  a  great  ravine. 

5  Herod  letter. 


442        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  Kentucky  and  Arkansas  cavalry  under  Colonels  Mar- 
shall and  Yell."  ^  In  the  shock  of  this  encounter,  the  Mexi- 
can column  had  been  divided.  One  portion  managed  to 
regain  the  Mexican  lines,  but  the  other,  sweeping  past  the 
American  depot  at  Buena  Vista,  was  cut  off  and  left  in 
perilous  isolation, ^  in  the  rear  of  the  American  army.  At 
this  point,  Santa  Anna,  by  dispatching  a  messenger  to 
General  Taylor,  as  though  requesting  a  parley,  gained 
a  respite  of  sufficient  duration,  to  enable  this  imperilled 
detachment  to  regain  its  own  lines  in  safety.^ 

And  now  came  the  final  scene  of  the  great  battle.  The 
firing  had  almost  ceased,  and  General  Taylor  had  left  his 
position  for  a  moment,  when  he  was  recalled  by  a  terrific 
burst  of  musketry.  Santa  Anna  had  thrown  forward  his 
reserve  for  a  last  effort.  The  Illinois  and  Second  Kentucky 
Infantry,  who  were  in  advance,  had  been  suddenly  con- 
fronted with  an  overwhelming  force, "*  and  compelled  to 
retire  toward  their  lines.  The  Mexicans  pressed  forward 
in  pursuit,  until  they  came  within  range  of  Captain  Wash- 
ington's Battery,  whose  destructive  fire  soon  forced  them 
to  recoil.  Hope  now  deserted  them  and  they  rushed  from 
the  field,  the  loss  of  which  had  cost  them  almost  two 
thousand  men  in  killed  and  wounded.^ 

General  Taylor  was  left  in  possession  of  the  bloody 
field,  and  his  army  bivouacked  under  the  cold  sky,  await- 
ing the  renewal  of  the  conflict  upon  the  morrow.     But 

1  Taylor's  Official  Report.  Colonel  Yell  fell  mortally  wounded,  and  Ad- 
jutant Vaughan  of  the  Kentucky  cavalry  was  also  killed.    Ibid. 

2 Taylor's  Official  Report;  Frost's  "Pictorial  History  of  the  Mexican  War," 

P-  377- 

3  Brooks,  p.  22o;  Frost,  p.  377;  Taylor's  OfTicial  Report,  etc. 
*  Frost's  "Pictorial  History  of  Mexico  and  the  War,"  p.  378. 
5  Mansfield,  p.  175. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO       443 

when  morning  dawned,  they  found  only  a  deserted  battle 
ground,  strewn  with  the  bodies  of  five  hundred  Mexican 
dead.  The  "Liberating  Army  of  the  North"  was  in  full 
retreat,  and,  on  March  9,  it  entered  San  Luis,  having  lost 
from  desertion  and  death,  about  ten  thousand  men.* 
With  those  that  remained,  Santa  Anna  hastened  to  meet 
the  invading  army  of  General  Scott  and  incur  new  disasters 
at  Cerro  Gordo,^  and  along  the  route  to  the  City  of  Mexico. 
The  battle  of  Buena  Vista  was  the  crowning  glory  of 
Zachary  Taylor's  life,  and  it  was  the  only  important  battle 
of  the  war  in  which  Kentucky  troops  played  a  conspicuous 
and  decisive  part.  Their  conduct  in  this  battle,  is  sympa- 
thetically described  by  General  Taylor  himself,  in  a  letter 
written  to  Henry  Clay  from  the  field  where  his  eldest  son 
had  fallen.^ 

"Headquarters,  Army  of  Occupation, 

"Agua  Nueva,  Mexico,  March  i,  1847. 
"  My  dear  Sir:  You  will  no  doubt  have  received,  before 
this  can  reach  you,  the  deeply  distressing  intelligence  of 
the  death  of  your  son  in  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista.  It  is 
with  no  wish  of  intruding  upon  the  sanctuary  of  parental 
sorrow,  and  with  no  hope  of  administering  any  consolation 
to  your  wounded  heart,  that  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of 
addressing  you  these  few  lines;  but  I  have  felt  it  a  duty 
which  I  owe  to  the  memory  of  the  distinguished  dead,  to 
pay  a  willing  tribute  to  his  many  excellent  qualities,  and 

1  H.  H.  Bancroft's  "  Mexico,"  V,  p.  433. 

2  Luther  Giddings'  "Sketches  of  the  Campaign  in  Northern  Mexico," 
p.  295.  The  only  Kentucky  troops  engaged  in  this  battle  were  Capt.  John  S. 
Williams'  company,  which  had  been  rejected  under  the  Kentucky  quota,  but 
were  specially  accepted  by  the  War  Department.  "Annals  of  Kentucky," 
Collins,  I,  pp.  53,  55. 

3  Text,  Sargent's  "Henry  Clay,"  p.  102. 


444        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

while  my  feelings  are  still  fresh,  to  express  the  desolation 
which  his  untimely  loss  and  that  of  other  kindred  spirits 
have   occasioned. 

"I  had  but  a  casual  acquaintance  with  your  son,  until  he 
became  for  a  time  a  member  of  my  military  family,  and  I 
can  truly  say  that  no  one  ever  won  more  rapidly  upon  my 
regard,  or  established  a  more  lasting  claim  to  my  respect 
and  esteem.  Manly  and  honorable  in  every  impulse,  with 
no  feeling  but  for  the  honor  of  the  service  and  of  the 
country,  he  gave  every  assurance  that  in  the  hour  of  need 
I  could  lean  with  confidence  upon  his  support.  Nor  was 
I  disappointed.  Under  the  guidance  of  himself  and  the 
lamented  M'Kee,  gallantly  did  the  sons  of  Kentucky,  in 
the  thickest  of  the  strife,  uphold  the  honor  of  the  state 
and  the  country, 

"A  grateful  people  will  do  justice  to  the  memory  of 
those  who  fell  on  that  eventful  day.  But  I  may  be  per- 
mitted to  express  the  bereavement  which  I  feel  in  the  loss 
of  valued  friends.  To  your  son  I  felt  bound  by  the  strong- 
est tie  of  private  regard,  and  when  I  miss  his  familiar 
face  and  those  of  M'Kee  and  Hardin,  I  can  say  with  truth 
that  I  feel  no  exultation  in  our  success. 

"With  the  expression  of  my  deepest  and  most  heartfelt 
sympathies  for  your  irreparable  loss,  I  remain  your  friend, 

"Z.  Taylor. 

"Hon.  Henry  Clay,  New  Orleans,  La." 

With  the  history  of  General  Scott's  triumphant  march, 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  heart  of  the  Mexican  capital,  we 
are  not  particularly  concerned,  as  the  Kentucky  troops 
designed  for  service  in  "The  Army  of  Invasion"  did  not 
reach  the  front  in  time  to  share  in  the  glories  of  the  cam- 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO       445 

paign.^  The  war  came  to  an  end  with  General  Scott's 
army  in  full  possession  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  the 
Mexican  nation  prostrate  at  our  feet.' 

At  the  close  of  the  war  the  question  upon  every  tongue 
was,  "What  shall  we  do  with  our  victory?"  By  degrees 
there  emerged  a  widespread  desire  that,  "The  banner 
now  floating  from  the  city  of  Mexico  shall  never  be  with- 
drawn," which  desire  was  clearly  expressed  in  a  para- 
graph which  James  Buchanan,  Secretary  of  State,  pre- 
pared for  President  Polk's  opening  message  to  Congress, 
and  which  President  Polk  promptly  rejected.-'' 

"We  must,"  it  declared  with  suspicious  devoutness, 
"fulfill  that  destiny  w^hich  Providence  may  have  in  store 
for  both  countries."  In  plain  language  we  must  yield  to 
"manifest  destiny"  and  absorb  the  whole  of  Mexico. 

This  desire  was  by  no  means  confined  to  the  pro-slavery 
sections,  but  was  national  in  scope,  though  most  of  the 
Whigs,  northern  and  southern  alike,  were  united  in  op- 
position to  it;  and,  in  both  sections,  it  was  felt  that  Clay, 
as  the  accepted  head  of  the  party,  should  give  definite 
form  to  the  party  views."*  He  yielded  to  the  demands  of 
the  delegations  sent  to  solicit  his  aid,  and  agreed  to  speak 
at  Lexington,  on  November  13,  1847. 

1  For  details  of  organization  of  these  troops,  see  "Annals  of  Kentucky," 
Collins,  I,  p.  55.  Captain  John  S.  Williams'  Independent  Company  of  Vol- 
unteers from  Clark  County,  Kentucky,  had  joined  Scott's  army  just  before 
the  battle  of  Cerro  Gordo,  and  fought  gallantly  in  that  battle.  Their  leader, 
upon  his  return  to  Kentucky,  was  generally  given  the  title,  "Cerro-Gordo" 
Williams. 

2  At  7  A.  M.,  on  September  14,  1847,  the  American  flag  had  been  raised  over 
the  walls  of  the  national  palace.  Mansfield,  p.  303;  Scott's  Official  Report, 
ibid.,  304-320. 

3  "Bourne  Essays,"  p.  232.  This  rejection  met  with  the  approval  of  but  one 
member  of  his  cabinet. 

4  Smith's  "Political  History  of  Slavery,"  I,  p.  89. 


446        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Upon  the  appointed  day,  a  vast  audience  assembled. 
Mr.  Clay  arose,  and,  referring  to  the  dismal  weather,^ 
likened  it  to  the  "condition  of  our  country  in  regard  to  the 
unnatural  war  with  Mexico,  ..."  the  consequences  of 
which  are  "menacing  the  harmony,  if  not  the  existence, 
of  our  union." 

He  declared  the  war  to  have  been  brought  on  by  deceit, 
and  that  Congress  ought  at  once  to  disclaim  any  wish  to 
gain  territory  for  the  purpose  of  propagating  slavery,  and 
should  announce  exactly  the  objects  of  the  war,  control 
the  President  in  the  prosecution  of  it,  and  explicitly  dis- 
claim any  idea  of  annexing  Mexico.  At  the  close  of  the 
speech,  his  views,  embodied  in  a  series  of  eight  resolu- 
tions,- were  submitted  to  the  meeting  and  enthusiastically 
adopted. 

These  resolutions  assign  the  annexation  of  Texas  as  the 
cause  of  the  war,  but  declare  the  immediate  occasion  of  it 
to  have  been  the  removal  of  General  Taylor  and  his  army 
from  Corpus  Christi  to  a  point  opposite  Matamoras. 
This  removal,  made  by  order  of  the  President,  without 
the  concurrence  of  Congress,  is  declared  to  have  been 
improvident  and  unconstitutional,  and,  the  resolutions 
add,  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  "to  declare  by 
some  authentic  act,  for  what  purposes  and  objects  the 
existing  war  ought  to  be  further  prosecuted,"  and  to  see 
that  the  President  continue  it  for  no  other  purposes  or 
objects.  As  any  purpose  of  annexing  Mexico  to  the 
United   States,  is  "wholly  incompatible  with  the  genius 


1  Text,  "Last  Years  of  Henry  Clay,"  Colton,  pp.  60-67.  .See  also  Sargent's 
'Clay  "  pp.  105  et  seq. 

2 Text  of  the  Resolutions,  Sargent's  "Clay,"  pp.  107-108;  also  Colton's 
'Last  Years  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  67-69. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        447 

of  our  government  [we]  wish  only  a  just  and  proper  fixa- 
tion of  the  hmits  of  Texas.  .  .  .  [and]  positively  and  em- 
phatically disclaim  and  disavow  any  wish  or  desire  .  .  . 
to  acquire  any  foreign  territory  whatever,  for  the  purpose 
of  propagating  slavery,  or  of  introducing  slaves  from  the 
United  States,  into  such  foreign  territory." 

This  last  section  comes  very  close  to  the  idea  whicii  a 
young  Democrat,  David  Wilmot  of  Pennsylvania,  had 
recently  advocated  in  Congress.^  He  had  urged,  as  an 
amendment  to  a  bill,  providing  money  for  purchasing 
territory  from  Mexico,  that  all  territory  which  should 
be  acquired  from  Mexico  should  be  forever  consecrated 
to  freedom.  If  Clay  had  taken  his  stand  definitely  upon 
this  doctrine,  he  might  have  made  of  the  Whig  party, 
what  the  Republican  party  was  soon  to  become,  an  or- 
ganization pledged  to  prevent  the  extension  of  "the 
peculiar  institution,"^  and  might  thus  have  given  it  per- 
manency: but  with  what  has  come  to  be  called  "Royal 
Harry's  Luck,"  Clay  missed  this  golden  opportunity,  and 
his  party  missed  a  glorious  destiny. 

His  speech  and  the  resolutions,  however,  struck  a  sym- 
pathetic chord  in  the  hearts  of  multitudes  of  American 
citizens  throughout  the  country.  They  summed  up  and 
set  in  order  the  position  of  a  large  part  of  the  opposition, 
and  had  the  effect  of  influencing  the  public  men  of  Mexico 
"in  favor  of  temperate  and  pacific  counsels."  ^ 

On  December  20,  1847,  an  immense  meeting  was  held 
at  the  Tabernacle  in  New  York  City,  and  resolutions  were 

1  Details  of  Wilmot  Proviso.    Schouler,  V,  pp.  66-70. 

2  Webster  evidently  saw  this  as  the  wise  policy  for  his  party,  for,  in  speaking 
of  the  Wilmot  Proviso  and  the  Democrats  he  declared:  "It  is  not  their  thunder." 
Schouler,  V,  p.  68. 

3  Sargent's  "Clay,"  p.  108. 


448        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

passed,^  which  showed  how  powerfully  Clay's  words  and 
resolutions  had  affected  the  "Empire  State."  "The 
spirit  now  dominant  in  the  national  councils,  and  rampant 
throughout  the  land,"  these  resolutions  declare,  "not  only 
mocks  at  gray  hairs  and  tramples  on  the  lessons  of  ex- 
perience, but  regards  with  impatience  and  ill-disguised 
contempt  every  appeal  to  considerations  of  morality,  phi- 
lanthropy, or  religion,  in  regard  to  the  prosecution  or 
termination  of  the  war.   .   .   . 

"  In  this  crisis  a  voice  from  the  West  reaches  the  ear 
and  fixes  the  regard  of  the  American  people.  A  venerable 
patriot,  illustrious  by  forty  years  of  eminent  service  in 
the  national  councils,  emerges  from  his  honored  seclusion 
to  address  words  of  wise  admonition  to  his  fellow  citizens. 
That  voice,  which  never  counselled  aught  to  dishonor  or 
injure  this  Union,  is  lifted  up,  probably  for  the  last  time, 
in  exposure  of  the  specious  pretext  on  which  this  war  was 
commenced,  in  reprehension  of  its  character  and  objects, 
and  in  remonstrance  against  its  further  prosecution.  At 
the  sound  of  that  impressive  voice,  the  scales  of  delusion 
fall  from  thousands  of  flashing  eyes,  the  false  glitter  of 
the  conqueror's  glory  vanishes,  revealing  the  hideous  line- 
aments of  carnage.   ..." 

This  was  precisely  what  Henry  Clay  was  vainly  trying 
to  believe;  but  the  "glitter  of  the  conqueror's  glory"  was 
not,  in  fact,  so  easily  to  be  disposed  of.  General  Taylor 
had  been  brought  forward  by  Kentucky,  as  the  candidate 
for  the  Whig  nomination,'  and  his  military  glory  was  his 
chief  asset.  Men,  who  had  been  life-long  followers  of  Clay, 
were  now  turning  their  eyes  to  the  "rising  star."    "I  pre- 

1  Text,  Colton's  "Last  Years  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  72-73. 

2  Schurz's  "Clay,"  II,  p.  293. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITII  MEXICO        44c; 

fer  Mr.  Clay  to  all  men  for  the  Presidency,"  wrote  John  J. 
Crittenden,  "but  my  conviction,  my  involuntary  con- 
viction, is  that  he  cannot  be  elected."  ^ 

At  first  Crittenden's  attitude  had  been  regarded  by 
Clay's  managers  as  a  political  move  to  gain  some  advan- 
tage for  Clay,  and  it  was  hardly  taken  seriously.  "Is  it 
possible,"  wrote  J.  L.  White  to  Clay,  "that  the  recent 
movement  in  Kentucky  [has]  been  made  after  consulta- 
tion with  you,  and  approved  by  you  ?  "  - 

But  Clay  soon  relieved  any  doubts  upon  this  subject. 
The  Taylor  movement  in  Kentucky  was  both  inexplicable 
and  abhorrent  to  him.  "Why  is  it,"  he  wrote,  "after 
the  long  period  of  time  during  which  I  have  had  the 
happiness  to  enjoy  the  friendship  and  confidence  of  that 
State,  what  have  I  done,  ...  to  lose  it .? "  ^  The  reply 
was  not  difficult.  The  Whigs  were  eager  for  victory,  and, 
with  the  hero  of  Buena  Vista  at  their  head,  victory  seemed 
certain.  It  was  the  "glitter  of  the  conqueror's  glory" 
that  had  done  it  all. 

Taylor  himself,  at  first,  failed  to  realize  his  own  strength 
as  a  political  figure.  He  had  spent  his  life  in  camp,  and 
had  never  been  called  upon  even  to  cast  a  ballot  for  the 
one  party  or  the  other;  but  he  had  been  an  ardent  ad- 
mirer of  Clay,  and  thus  could  qualify  as  a  Whig.  The 
idea  of  standing  as  a  candidate  in  place  of  "The  Great 
Commoner"  troubled  him.  On  November  4,  1847,  he 
had  written  to  Clay,  describing  a  recent  conversation  with 

1  J.  J.  Crittenden  to  A.  T.  Burnley,  Washington,  January  8,  1S48.  Cole- 
man's "Crittenden,"  I,  p.  290. 

2  J.  L.  White  to  Henry  Clay,  September,  1847.  Coleman's  "Crittenden," 
I,  p.  282. 

3  Henry  Clay  to  H.  T.  Duncan,  Washington,  February  15,  1848.  Text, 
Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  554. 

Kentucky — 29 


450        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

a  ^'mutual  friend."  ^  "I  stated  to  him  specifically  that  I 
was  ready  to  stand  aside,  if  you  or  any  other  Whig  were 
the  choice  of  the  party,  and  that  I  sincerely  hoped  such 
might  be  their  decision."  But,  as  the  movement  in  his 
favor  spread  from  Kentucky  to  the  other  States,  Taylor 
began  to  look  more  seriously  upon  the  question,  and,  on 
April  30,  1848,  he  wrote  to  Clay  again,  but  in  a  very  dif- 
ferent tone: 

''The  people,  called  together  in  primary  assemblies  in 
several  of  the  States  have  nominated  me.  I  therefore  now 
consider  myself  in  the  hands  of  the  people."  '  This  meant 
that  General  Taylor  had  outlived  his  earlier  modesty  and 
was  in  the  race  to  win,  even  against  "The  Great  Com- 
moner" himself.^ 

The  Whig  National  Convention  met  at  Philadelphia,  on 
June  7,  1848,  and  the  first  ballot  showed  that  the  hero  of 
Buena  Vista  was  the  man  of  the  hour.  With  one  hun- 
dred and  eleven  votes  against  Clay's  ninety-seven,  and 
with  Scott  and  Webster  at  a  safe  distance  behind  both,  it 
was  generally  acknowledged  that  Taylor  controlled  the 
situation.  Clay  had  failed  to  carry  the  Ohio  delegation,'' 
and  seven  of  the  twelve  Kentucky  delegates  had  sustained 
Taylor.  Upon  the  second  and  third  ballots,  Taylor  steadily 
drew  off  the  Clay  delegates,  until,  on  the  fourth,  he  re- 

1  Taylor  to  Clay,  Camp  near  Monterey,  November  4,  1S47.  Colton's 
"Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  548-549. 

2  Taylor  to  Clay,  Eaton  Rouge,  La.,  April  30,  1848.  Colton's  "Private 
Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  557-560. 

3  In  a  letter  to  James  Lynch  and  others,  dated  Ashland,  September  20, 
1848,  Clay  indignantly  declared:  "In  his  letter  to  the  Richmond  'Republican,' 
of  the  20th  of  April  last,  he  [General  Taylor]  declared  his  purpose  to  remain  a 
candidate,  no  matter  what  nomination  might  be  made  by  the  Whig  convention." 

4  It  supported  Scott.  Table  showing  each  of  the  four  ballots,  etc.,  Collins, 
I>  P-  57- 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO        451 

ceived  one  hundred  and  seventy-one,  while  Clay's  follow- 
ing had  dropped  to  thirty-two.  This  meant  a  nomination, 
and  the  Whigs  throughout  the  country  rallied  enthusias- 
tically to  the  support  of  "the  General  who  never  surren- 
ders." 

In  Kentucky,  the  campaign  orators  added  the  local 
touch,  speaking  of  "Old  Rough  and  Ready,  forty  years  a 
Kentuckian;"  and  strong  pressure  was  brought  to  bear 
upon  Henry  Clay  to  induce  him  to  support  his  successful 
rival.  "I  have  been  much  importuned,"  he  wrote  ^  ".  .  . 
to  endorse  General  Taylor  as  a  good  Whig.  .  .  .  But  how 
can  I  do  that  ^  Can  I  say  that  in  his  hands  Whig  measures 
will  be  safe  and  secure,  when  he  refuses  to  pledge  him- 
self to  their  support  .  .  .  when  he  is  presented  as  a  non- 
party candidate.  ...  I  lost  the  nomination  ...  by  the 
conduct  of  the  majorities  in  the  delegations  from  Ken- 
tucky .  .  .  and  I  am  called  upon  to  ratify  what  they 
did  ...  I  am  asked  to  sanction  and  approve  the  course 
of  the  seven  delegates  from  Kentucky  who,  in  violation 
of  the  desire  of  their  constituents,  voted  against  me,  and 

virtually  to  censure  and  condemn  the  five  who  voted  for 

J) 
me. 

To  James  Harlan,  who  alone  of  the  Kentucky  delegation 
had  voted  for  him  on  the  final  ballot,  Clay  wrote:-  "In 
November,  if  I  am  spared,  I  shall,  with  all  the  lights  then 
before  me,  go  to  the  polls  and  vote  for  that  candidate 
whose  election  I  believe  will  be  least  prejudicial  to  the 
country.    Of  course  I  can  never  vote  for  Cass." 

With  the  Democratic  nominee,  Cass,  thus  definitely  ex- 

1  Clay  to  a  committee  of  Louisville,  Ashland,  June  28,  1848.  Coiton's 
"Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  566. 

2  Clay  to  James  Harlan,  Ashland,  June  22,  1848.  Coiton's  "Private  Cor- 
respondence of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  565. 


452        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

eluded;  and  the  Whig  nominee,  Taylor,  apparently  dis- 
qualified, as  not  being  a  Whig,  it  is  difficult  to  determine 
how  he  decided  the  question.  It  is,  however,  unlikely  that 
he  cast  his  vote  for  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  candidate  of 
the  Free  Soil  party,  in  spite  of  the  attractiveness  of  his  plat- 
form, "  Free  Soil,  Free  Speech,  Free  Labor,  and  Free  Men;" 
for  Mr.  Clay  always  declined  to  believe  that  Van  Buren 
possessed  the  abilities  requisite  for  a  successful  President. 

In  the  election  of  November,  1848,  General  Taylor 
gained  his  last  victory,^  and  it  was  also  the  last  that  the 
Whigs,  as  a  national  party,  were  destined  to  achieve.  In 
the  heat  of  the  campaign,  Clay  had  declared,  "I  fear  that 
the  Whig  party  is  dissolved  ...  I  am  compelled  most 
painfully,  to  believe  that  the  Whig  party  has  been  over- 
thrown by  a  mere  personal  party,  just  as  much  having 
that  character  as  the  Jackson  party  possessed  it  twenty 
years  ago."  '  The  statement  was  measurably  true:  the 
process  of  disintegration  had  set  in,  the  dissolution  of  the 
party  had  begun,  and  its  end  was  not  far  off.^ 

Meanwhile  the  treaty  of  Guadaloupe  Hidalgo  had  been 
signed,  and  peace  proclaimed  between  Mexico  and  the 
United  States  of  America.'*     By  this  treaty,  Mexico  ceded 

1  Upon  the  Cass  ticket,  as  candidate  for  Vice  President,  the  Democrats  had 
placed  another  well  known  Kentuckian,  General  William  O.  Butler,  but  his  in- 
fluence was  not  sufficient  seriously  to  endanger  the  Whig  majorities  in  Ken- 
tucky. Taylor  and  Fillmore  carried  the  State  by  a  popular  majority  of  17,524, 
as  against  the  popular  majority  of  9,267  which  she  had  given  Clay  and  Freling- 
huysen  in  1844.    Collins,  I,  pp.  50,  57. 

2  Clay  to  a  committee  of  Louisville,  .Ashland,  June  8,  1848.  Colton's  "Pri- 
vate Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  567. 

3  As  soon  as  the  slavery  questions  began  to  dominate  American  politics, 
the  Whig  party  was  powerless,  as  the  southern  Whigs  were  for  the  protection 
of  slavery  and  the  northern  Whigs  against  it.    Schurz's  "Clay,"  II,  p.  313. 

4  Text  of  President's  Proclamation  of  Peace  and  text  of  the  treaty.  Mans- 
field, pp. 332-347. 


KENTUCKY  IN  THE  WAR  WITH  MEXICO       453 

to  the  United  States  the  vast  domain,  from  which  have 
since  been  formed  New  Mexico,  California,  Nevada,  Utah, 
Arizona  and  parts  of  Colorado  and  Wyoming,  a  territory 
equal  in  area  to  Germany,  France  and  Spain  together, 
greater  than  the  United  States  in  1783,  and  almost  as  large 
as  the  Louisiana  Purchase. 

"This  surface,"  says  Mansfield,^  "makes  630,000  square 
miles,  equal  in  space  to  fifteen  large  States!  But  will  the 
greater  part  of  this  vast  space  ever  be  inhabited  by  any 
but  the  restless  hunter  and  the  wandering  trapper  ? 
Two  hundred  thousand  square  miles  of  this  territory,  in 
New  California,  has  been  trod  by  the  feet  of  no  civilized 
being.  .  .  .  Two  hundred  thousand  square  miles  more 
are  occupied  with  broken  mountains  and  dreary  wilds. 
But  little  remains,  then,  for  civilization.  Of  that  little, 
however,  there  is  a  future  value  which  may  not  now  be 
counted,  in  the  fine  ports  and  broad  coast  which  look  out 
on  the  noble  Pacific.  Beyond  that  live  four  hundred 
millions  of  the  human  race.  Soon  their  minds,  as  well 
as  their  commerce  and  their  kingdoms,  will  be  open  to  the 
purer  and  brighter  light  of  Christianity.  We  shall  hurry 
the  men  and  the  produce  of  our  land,  in  mighty  railways  to 
the  Pacific!  Great  cities  we  shall  have  there!  Nations 
will  come  to  us,  and  we  shall  go  to  them.  And  this  con- 
tinent will  be  the  highway  for  the  multitudes  of  the  world, 
and  the  glorious  light  of  Christian  Progress." 

These  predictions  have  been  largely  fulfilled,  but  had 
their  author  foreseen,  with  equal  clearness,  the  dark 
shadow  of  civil  strife  which  lay  between  him  and  the  ful- 
fillment of  his  prophecy,  he  would  have  used  more  sombre 
colors  in  the  painting  of  his  picture. 

1  "Mexican  War,"  p.  350. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

LAST    DAYS    OF    THE    "  GREAT    COMMONER" 

With  the  transference  by  Mexico  of  the  territory 
granted  to  us  in  the  treaty  of  Guadaloupe  Hidalgo,  arose 
the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  slavery  should  be  al- 
lowed within  its  borders.  Those  who  opposed  the  ex- 
tension of  slavery  into  this  new  domain,  had  what  they 
considered  an  unanswerable  argument  upon  which  to 
base  their  contention.  As  the  laws  of  Mexico  provide  for 
freedom  within  her  territory,  they  said,  California  and 
New  Mexico  are  already  assured  freedom  from  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery.  These  are  conquered  regions,  and 
the  Laws  of  Nations  provide  that  "the  laws  of  all  con- 
quered countries  remain  until  changed  by  the  conqueror."  ^ 
This  is  now  the  law,  and  will  remain  the  law  until  the 
United  States  explicitly  repeals  it. 

This  argument,  Calhoun  and  his  pro-slavery  followers 
were  prepared  to  meet.  As  soon  as  the  territory  was 
ceded  to  the  United  States,  argued  the  former,  the  au- 
thority of  Mexico  ceased,  and  that  of  the  United  States 
and  her  Constitution  supplanted  it.  All  laws  not  con- 
sistent with  that  Constitution,  therefore,  at  once  became 
void.  The  law  excluding  slavery  is  contrary  to  that  Con- 
stitution, which  recognizes  slavery;  therefore,  the  Mexican 
laws  are  void,  and  slavery  has  a  right  in  the  new  territory. 

1  Rhodes',  "United  States  Since  the  Compromise  of  1850,"  I,  p  94;  John- 
ston's "American  Political  History"  (Woodburn  F2d.),  II,  pp.  120-121. 

454 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER" 


455 


Neither  Congress,  nor  the  inhabitants  of  the  region,  nor 
the  territorial  legislatures  have  power  to  exclude  it. 

Acting  upon  this  theory,  the  United  States  Senate,  still 
controlled  by  the  pro-slavery  interests,  proceeded  to  show 
how  it  wished  the  question  handled.  The  House  had 
passed  a  bill  providing  for  a  territorial  government  for 
the  Oregon  Territory,  and  prohibiting  slavery  within  it. 
The  Senate,  instead  of  passing  this  bill,  as  the  House  had 
sent  it  up,  tacked  on  an  amendment  providing  for  the 
extension  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  (36°  30')  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean. ^  The  establishment  of  such  a  line 
would,  of  course,  have  opened  to  slavery  that  part  of  the 
new  territor\  that  was  thought  to  be  fitted  for  slave  labor. 

This  amendment,  the  House  declined  to  accept,  and  after 
considerable  dispute,  the  Senate  had  to  yield,  and  the 
Oregon  Territory  was  organized  with  slavery  prohibited. ^ 

The  question  of  what  should  be  done  in  the  new  terri- 
tory was  thus  left  undetermined,  and,  before  Congress 
again  took  it  up,  a  wonderful  change  had  been  wTought 
by  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California,  a  change  which 
settled  the  question  of  slavery,  so  far  as  California  was 
concerned,  and  settled  it  in  a  way  unfavorable  to  the 
slave-holding  interests. 

The  story  of  the  "  Forty-Niners,"  as  they  were  called, 
is  the  story  of  probably  the  most  remarkable  migration 
and  growth  of  a  political  community  in  all  history.  Early 
in  January,  1848,  a  mechanic  named  Marshall,  who  was 
engaged  in  building  a  saw^mill  upon  the  Sacramento 
River,^  noticed   in  the  mill  stream  some  yellow  deposit 

1  Rhodes,  I,  p.  96. 

2  Ibid. 

3  H.  H.  Bancroft's  "Histor}-  of  the  Pacific  States,"  XVIII,  p.  28. 


456        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

which  the  water  had  brought  down.  He  gathered  a 
pouch  of  it  and  took  it  to  his  Swiss  employer,  Captain  Sut- 
ter, who  appHed  such  tests  as  he  knew,  and  satisfied  him- 
self that  it  was  gold.^ 

The  two  men  agreed  to  keep  secret  the  discovery,  until 
they  could  secure  possession  of  the  tract  where  it  had  been 
made;  but,  in  their  eagerness  to  gain  possession,  the  secret 
leaked  out,  and,  within  four  months,  thousands  had  en- 
tered the  region.-  Some  worked  at  random  with  pick  and 
shovel.  Some  washed  the  river  sand,  painfully  separating 
the  gold  dust  from  the  trash,  while  others  crawled  into  the 
crevasses  of  the  rocks  and  picked  out  gold  nuggets, ■''  weigh- 
ing, as  Colonel  Mason's  report  states,  from  one  to  six 
ounces.  The  few  towns  along  the  Pacific  Coast  were  de- 
populated of  their  male  inhabitants,  and  crowds  hastened 
over  the  borders  from  Mexico. 

Colonel  Mason's  report  reached  the  War  Department 
at  Washington  in  December,  1848,  and  was  published 
with  President  Polk's  indorsement.  The  American  and 
European  presses  took  it  up,  and  vast  crowds  made  ready 
to  migrate.  Capitalists  prepared  vessels  to  carry  the  ad- 
venturers around  Cape  Horn,  and  wagons  for  making 
the  trip  to  California  overland;  but  many,  unwilling  to 
wait  for  spring,  made  their  way  to  Central  America, 
crossed  the  Isthmus,  and  waited  for  the  first  Pacific  mail 
steamer  which  had  left  New  York  the  previous  October. 
She  had  started  without  a  passenger  for  California,  but, 


1  Schouler,  V,  p.  133. 

2  "Arrivals  in  1848  have  as  a  rule  been  overestimated,"  says  H.  H.  Ban- 
croft, XVIII,  p.  71.  "  NevsfS  did  not  reach  the  outside  world  in  time  for  people 
to  come  from  a  distance  during  that  year." 

3  H.  H.  Bancroft's  "History  of  the  Pacific  States,"  XVIII,  pp.  87,  115,  etc. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  ''GREAT  COMMONER"     457 

in  January  when  she  reached  Panama,  she  found  fifteen 
hundred  waiting  to  embark,^  only  one-thirtieth  of  whom 
could  be  supplied  with  staterooms. 

As  soon  as  spring  came,  swarms  of  gold  seekers  began 
the  tedious  journey  overland  in  wagons,  and,  in  spite  of 
the  tremendous  difficulties  of  such  an  expedition,  fort^- 
two  thousand  made  the  overland  journey  in  1849,  and 
thirty-nine  thousand  reached  California  by  sea.-  Pesti- 
lence and  starvation  followed  in  their  course,  and  crimes 
of  all  sorts  prevailed  in  the  new  country,  where  few  laws 
and  no  civil  government  as  yet  existed. 

The  growth  of  population  was  almost  incredible.  The 
town  of  San  Francisco,  which  in  Februar\-,  1849,  numbered 
only  two  thousand,  closed  the  \car  with  a  population 
of  ten  times  that  number,^  and  the  California  reo;ion, 
which,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1848,  was  a  thinly 
settled  territory  of  little  importance,  had  become  suffi- 
ciently populous  by  May,  1849,  to  be  eligible  for  state- 
hood. 

Compelled  by  necessity  to  establish  some  sort  of  gov- 
ernment, and  inspired  by  a  suggestion  from  the  new  Pres- 
ident, Taylor,'*  they  held  a  Convention  (September- 
October,  1849),  drafted  a  Constitution  prohibiting  slavery 
within  the  State, ^  and  sent  a  formal  petition  to  Washing- 

1  H.  H.  Bancroft's   "  Histor>'  of  the  Pacific  States,"  XVIII,  pp.  129-130. 

2  Rhodes,  I,  p.  113;  H.  H.  Bancroft,  XVIII,  p.  159. 

3  Schouler,  V,  p.  141. 

*  In  April,  1849,  Taylor  had  sent  Butler  King  of  Georgia  as  his  messenger 
to  urge  the  Californians  to  draft  a  State  constitution,  but  he  gave  them  no  ad- 
vice about  what  to  do  concerning  slaver}-.  \'on  Hoist,  III,  p.  461,  and  Taylor's 
Message  to  the  Senate,  Januar}-  23,  1850.  Text  Richardson's  "Messages  and 
Papers,"  V,  p.  27. 

5  This  achievement.  Von  Hoist  (III,  p.  463)  describes  as  "the  most  magnifi- 
cent illustration  of  the  wonderful  capacity  of  this  people  for  self-government." 


458        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

ton,  asking  that  California  be  admitted  to  the  Union  as  a 
free  State. ^ 

This  petition  greatly  alarmed  the  slave  States,  which 
at  once  issued  protests  against  allowing  California  thus 
to  exclude  from  her  borders  the  southern  immigrant, 
as  they  declared  the  rejection  of  the  "  peculiar  institu- 
tion" would  do.  The  northern  States  responded  with 
spirited  declarations  in  favor  of  the  principle  of  the 
Wilmot  Proviso,  and  the  South  again  replied  with 
threats  of  secession,  unless  her  "rights"  in  the  new 
region  should  be  respected.  It  was  evident,  even  to 
those  unskilled  in  political  affairs,  that  the  application 
of  California  was  likely  to  precipitate  a  dangerous 
crisis. 

After  his  humiliating  defeat  in  the  Whig  Convention 
of  1848,  Henry  Clay  had  retired  from  public  life,  and,  but  a 
few  months  later,  had  sent  to  his  friend,  Richard  Pindell, 
a  letter  which  seems  written  as  a  farewell  manifesto  upon 
the  slavery  question.'  "The  principle,"  he  said,  "on 
which  it  [slavery]  is  maintained  would  require  that  one 
portion  of  the  white  race  should  be  reduced  to  bondage  to 
serve  another  portion  of  the  same  race,  when  black  sub- 
jects of  slavery  could  not  be  obtained."  .  .  .  "In  Africa" 
he  added,  "where  they  may  entertain  as  great  a  preference 
for  their  color  as  we  do  for  ours,  they  would  be  justified  in 
reducing  the  white  race  to  slavery  in  order  to  secure  the 
blessings  which  that  state  is  said  to  diffuse.  .  .  .  Nay, 
further,  if  the  principle  be  applicable  to  races  and  nations, 
what  is  to  prevent  its  being  applied  to  individuals  ^    And 

1  Blaine's  "Twenty  Years  in  Congress,"  I,  ]).  90. 

2  It  does  not  appear  in  Colton's  Collection;  but  is  quoted  in  Schurz's  "Clay," 
II,  p.  316. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER" 


459 


then  the  wisest  man  in  the  world  would  have  the  right  to 
make  slaves  of  all  the  rest  of  mankind." 

It  was  this  bold  doctrine,  doubtless,  which  called  forth 
the  resolution,  [passed  unanimously  by  the  Kentucky  Leg- 
islature, about  a  month  after  Clay's  letter  was  written,^] 
which  declared:  "That  we,  the  Representatives  of  the 
people  of  Kentucky,  are  opposed  to  abolition  or  emancipa- 
tion of  slavery  in  any  form  or  shape  whatsoever,  except 
as  now  provided  for  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
State."  '  This  was  followed,  a  few  days  later,  by  the 
amendment  of  the  Law  of  1833  so  as  to  no  longer  pro- 
hibit persons  from  purchasing  slaves,  and  bringing  them 
into  the  State  for  their  own  use.^ 

But,  in  spite  of  Clay's  openly  expressed  aversion  to 
slavery,  and  their  own  equally  open  support  of  it,  the 
Kentucky  General  Assembly  demanded  his  services  as 
Senator  from  Kentucky,"*  and  he  accepted  the  election 
which  had  been  made,  "without  any  solicitation  from  me, 
without  my  being  a  candidate,  and  with  the  knowledge 
of  a  strong  disinclination  on  my  part  to  return  to  that 
body."  ^  This  election  was  but  the  expression  of  a  gen- 
eral feeling  that  he,  only,  could  solve  the  problems  which 
the  new  slave  complications  had  presented  to  the  country. 
Well  stricken  in  years  and  broken  in  health  though  he 
was.  Clay's  mind  was  as  alert  and  his  interest  in  the 
welfare  of  his  country  as  active  as  ever.  He  felt  that 
the  Union  was  in  danger  from  the  set  antagonism  be- 

1  Passed  February  3,  1849.    Collins,  I,  p.  58. 

2  Collins,  I,  p.  58. 

3  Ibid. 

4  His  election  occurred  on  February  i,  1849. 

5  Clay  to  Thos.  B.  Stevenson,  New  Orleans,  January  31,  1849.  Colton's 
"Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  584. 


460        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tween  the  friends  and  the  opponents  of  the  extension  of 
slavery,  and  he  had  sacrificed  his  own  inchnations  to  its 
welfare.^ 

At  heart  Mr.  Clay  was  in  sympathy  with  the  Wilmot 
Proviso,  and  he  believed  it  the  duty  of  the  South  to  yield 
to  its  principle.  Whether  they  admit  it  or  not,  he  wrote, ^ 
"it  will  nevertheless  prevail,  and  the  conflict  .  .  ,  will 
either  lead  to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  or  deprive  it 
of  that  harmony  which  alone  can  make  the  Union  de- 
sirable. It  will  lead  to  the  formation  of  a  Sectional  and 
Northern  party,  which  will  .  .  .  take  permanent  and  ex- 
clusive possession  of  the  government." 

Such  were  the  thoughts  of  the  "Great  Commoner"  as  he 
passed  eastward  to  the  scene  of  his  last  great  compromise. 
He  went,  not  as  an  irate  opponent  of  the  man  who  oc- 
cupied the  coveted  position  at  the  head  of  a  Whig  ad- 
ministration, but,  as  one  "endeavoring  to  throw  oil  upon 
the  troubled  waters." 

In  the  thirty-first  Congress,  old  political  divisions  were 
for  the  moment  obliterated.  "Up  to  this  time,"  wrote 
Clay,  on  December  4,^  there  is  no  organization  of  the 
House,  which  is  in  a  very  curious  state.  Neither  party 
has  a  majority,  and  divisions  exist  in  each;  so  that  no  one 
can  foresee  the  final  issue."  Here  the  old  "Triumvirate," 
Clay,  Webster,  and  Calhoun,  met  together  for  the  last 
time,  waiting  for  the  question  which  all  saw  must  come, 

1  "God  knows  that  I  have  no  personal  desire  to  return  ...  [to  the  Senate], 
nor  any  private  or  ambitious  purposes  to  promote  by  resuming  a  seat  in  it,"  he 
had  written  to  his  faithful  friend,  James  Harlan,  dated  New  Orleans,  Janu- 
ary 26,  1849.    Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  583. 

2  Quoted,  Schurz's  "Clay,"  II,  p.  324.  It  does  not  appear  among  Mr.  Clay's 
published  letters. 

3  Clay  to  his  son  James,  Washington,  December  4,  1849.  Colton's  "  Pri- 
vate Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  590. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"     461 

"What  is  to  be  the  compensation  to  the  slave  States  for 
giving  up  their  interest  in  Cahfornia  ,'" 

President  Taylor's  opening  message  was  cautious.' 
He  approached  the  question  of  the  admission  of  Cali- 
fornia as  one  who  knew  the  dangers  lurking  behind  that 
proposition.  Admit  California,  he  urged,  but  avoid  the 
discussion  of  "those  exciting  topics  of  sectional  character 
which  have  hitherto  produced  painful  apprehensions  in 
the  public  mind."  As  New  Mexico  was  expected  soon  to 
present  herself  for  admission  to  the  Union,  he  advised 
that  she  be  left  quiet  under  her  existing  military  govern- 
ment, and  not  be  dragged  into  the  discussions  of  Con- 
gress, until  her  application  for  statehood  should  be  made. 
A  few  days  later,  he  sent  a  special  message  -  to  Congress 
suggesting  that  the  claims  of  Texas,  to  a  part  of  New 
Mexico,  could  readily  be  determined  by  judicial  process, 
when  the  question  of  her  admission  should  come  before 
Congress,  but  could  not  be  easily  disposed  of  at  present. 

Taylor  was  wise  ^  in  wishing  Congress  to  act  upon 
what  was  actually  before  it,  and  to  avoid  complicating 
Congressional  action;  but  it  was  vain  to  hope  that  tliis 
topic  could  be  avoided.  The  whole  country  was  waiting 
impatiently  to  see  what  would  be  done.  The  South  was 
prepared  to  demand  adequate  compensation  for  allow- 
ing the  addition  of  California  to  the  already  superior 
power  of  the  North,  and  this  must  necessarily  involve  the 

1  First  Annual  Message,  December  4,  1849.  Text  Richardson's  "Messages 
and  Papers,"  V,  pp.  9-24. 

2  January  23,  1850.  Text  Richardson's  "Messages  and  Papers,"  V,  pp.  26- 
30;  Schouler,  V,  pp.  162-163,  for  full  analysis  of  the  President's  plan. 

3  "General  Taylor's  object,"  wrote  Governor  Crittenden  (Coleman's  "Crit- 
tenden," I,  p.  369),  "was  to  avoid  and  suppress  agitation  by  inaction,  and  by 
leaving  the  slavery  question  to  be  settled  by  the  people  of  the  respective  terri- 
tories." 


462        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

question  of  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  rest  of  the  new 
territory.  "  I  do  not  .  .  .  hesitate  to  avow  before  this 
House  and  the  country,"  cried  Toombs,  "  and  in  the 
presence  of  the  Hving  God,  that  if  by  your  legislation  you 
seek  to  drive  us  from  the  territories  of  California  and  New 
Mexico,  purchased  by  the  common  blood  and  treasure  of 
the  whole  people,  and  to  abolish  slavery  in  this  dis- 
trict,  ...   I  am  for  disunion."  ^ 

Clay  had  worked  out  an  elaborate  plan  by  which  he 
felt  certain  of  permanently  settling  the  question  to  the 
satisfaction  of  both  parties.  This  plan  he  had  carefully 
explained  to  Webster  -  who  was  still  deliberating  upon 
it.  On  January  29,  1850,  he  presented  it  to  the  Senate, 
introducing  it  as  a  plan,  "for  the  peace,  concord,  and 
harmony  of  these  States,  to  settle  and  adjust  amicably  all 
existing  questions  of  controversy  between  them,  arising 
out  of  the  institution  of  slavery."  ^ 

His  suggestions  were  presented  in  eight  articles,  pro- 
viding that: 

I.  California  be  admitted  with  her  free  Constitution. 

H.  That,  as  slavery  does  not  now  exist  and  is  not  likely 
to  appear  in  the  territory  acquired  from  Mexico,  terri- 
torial governments  should  be  established  there  without 
any  restrictions  as  to  slavery. 

HI.  That  the  disputed  boundaries  between  Texas  and 
New  Mexico  should  be  determined.^ 

1  December  13,  1849.  Speech  in  House,  "Congressional  Globe,"  ist  Sess., 
31st  Cong.,  p.  28. 

2Curtis's  "Webster,"  II,  pp.  397-398,  gives  details  of  the  interview,  and 
prints  an  account  of  it  given  by  one  who  was  present. 

^  Text  Mallory's  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  I,  pp.  602-606,  and 
Colton's  "Last  Seven  Years  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  114-124. 

4  Colton's  "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II,  pp.  482-508,  for  Clay's  views 
upon  this  boundary  question. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"     463 

IV.  That  the  debt  of  Texas,  acquired  before  her  an- 
nexation, should  be  assumed  by  the  Federal  Government 
if  she  will  give  up  her  claims  upon  New  Mexico. 

V.  That  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  should 
not  be  abolished,  unless  compensation  be  given  to  the 
ownersof  slaves,  and,  unless  Maryland  and  the  inhabitants 
of  the  District  consent. 

VI.  That  the  bringing  of  slaves  into  the  District  of 
Columbia,  from  States  or  places  beyond  its  limits,  to  be 
sold  there,  or  transported  thence  to  other  markets,  should 
be  prohibited. 

VII.  That  more  effective  provision  should  be  made, 
according  to  the  requirements  of  the  Constitution,  for  the 
restitution  of  slaves  escaping  from  any  State  into  another 
State  or  territory. 

VIII.  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  prohibit  or 
obstruct  the  trade  in  slaves  between  the  slave  holding 
States;  but  that  the  admission  or  exclusion  of  slaves, 
brought  from  one  into  another  of  them,  depends  exclu- 
sively upon  their  own  particular  law. 

In  introducing  these  compromise  propositions.  Clay 
made  a  series  of  comments  ^  which  showed  that  he  be- 
lieved that,  with  the  North  "this  question  was  an  ab- 
straction, while  with  the  people  of  the  South  it  was  a  prin- 
ciple involving  their  property  .  .  .  prosperity  and  peace."  - 

A  few  days  after  the  introduction  of  these  Compromise 
Resolutions,  Clay  was  assigned  the  floor  to  defend  them.^ 
It  was  evident,  to  all  who  saw  him  that  morning,  that  his 

1  The  substance  is  given  in  Mallory's  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry  Clay," 
II,  pp.  601-606.    The  exact  words  are  not  preserved. 

2  Mallory,  II,  p.  605. 

3  February  5  and  6,  1850.  His  speech  is  given  in  full  in  Colton's  "Last 
Seven  Years  of  Henry  Clay,"  Appendix,  pp.  302-345. 


464        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

health  was  failing  rapidly.  He  was  so  weak  that  he  could 
not  ascend  the  steps  of  the  Capitol  without  assistance.^ 
He  knew  that  his  days  were  numbered,  and  came  to  make 
his  last  speech  for  union  and  peace. 

The  galleries  of  the  Senate  Chamber  were  crowded 
with  interested  spectators,  drawn  thither  by  Clay's  great 
reputation,  and  the  general  interest  in  the  subject  under 
consideration. 

As  he  spoke,  his  physical  vigor  seem.ed  to  return,  and, 
hour  after  hour,  he  urged  the  advantages  of  his  com- 
promise measures.  "What  do  you  want  who  reside  in 
the  free  States  .?"  he  said.  "You  want  that  there  shall  be 
no  slavery  introduced  into  the  Territories  acquired  from 
Mexico.  Well,  have  you  not  got  it  in  California  already, 
if  admitted  as  a  State  ?  Have  you  not  got  it  in  New  Mex- 
ico, in  all  human  probability  also  ^  .  .  .  You  have  got 
what  is  worth  a  thousand  Wilmot  Provisos.  You  have 
got  nature  itself  on  your  side.  You  have  the  fact  itself  on 
your  side.  You  have  the  truth  staring  you  in  the  face 
that  no  slavery  is  existing  there.   .   .   ." 

When  he  came  to  the  discussion  of  his  seventh  ar- 
ticle, which  provided  for  a  more  stringent  Fugitive  Slave 
Law,  his  remarks  were  as  pleasing  to  the  South  as  if 
Calhoun  himself  had  dictated  them. 

"  It  is  our  duty  to  make  the  Law  more  effective,"  he 
said;  "and  I  shall  go  with  the  Senator  .  .  .  who  goes 
farthest  in  making  penal  laws  and  imposing  heaviest 
sanctions  for  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves."^ 

1  See  letter  of  C.  Cornell  Van  Arsdale,  written  August  2,  1852,  to  Hon.  Theo- 
dore Frelinghuysen.    Text  Colton's  "  Last  Seven  Years  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  129- 

131- 

2  From  speech  on  February  6.    Colton's  "Last  Seven  Years  of  Henry  Clay," 

P-  330- 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"     465 

This  statement  sounds  insincere,  when  uttered  by  a  man 
who  had  recently  declared,  "no  earthly  power  can  ever 
compel  me  to  vote  for  the  positive  introduction  of  slavery 
either  North  or  South  of  the  Missouri  Compromise" 
line;  ^  but  Clay  was  quite  right,  and  his  two  statements  are 
entirely  harmonious.  An  effective  fugitive  slave  law  was 
necessary  under  the  Constitution,-  and  the  one  then  in 
operation  was  far  from  effective.  It  had  been  enacted 
by  Congress  in  1793,  and  required  the  help  of  State  officials 
for  the  returning  of  fugitive  slaves;  but,  as  the  abolition 
spirit  had  advanced,  there  had  grown  up,  in  many  of  the 
free  States,  a  determination  not  to  obey  the  Constitution, 
or  the  law  passed  to  carry  the  Constitution  into  effect. 
Massachusetts  and  Pennsylvania  had  actually  passed  laws 
which  practically  nullified  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  within 
their  borders.^  For  a  State  to  refuse  to  return  fugitive 
slaves  was  to  nullify  an  act  of  Congress,  and,  in  effect  also, 
to  nullify  a  clause  in  the  Constitution.  This  was  what 
led  Clay  to  express  himself  so  strongly  in  favor  of  a  strin- 
gent Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  Webster  substantially 
agreed  with  this  position. 

Clay's  speech  was  a  master  effort  of  the  greatest  forensic 
orator  that  our  country  has  produced,  and  he  was  well 
within  the  bounds  of  modesty  when  he  wrote  to  his  son 
concerning  it.  "The  speech  has  produced  a  powerful  and 
salutary  effect  in  fhe  country  and  in  Congress."  '^ 

The  country  next  waited  to  hear  from  the  champion  of 

1  Mallory's  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II,  p.  606;  Helper's  "Im- 
pending Crisis,"  p.  20S. 

2  Cf.  Article  IV,  section  II,  clause  3,  of  the  Federal  Constitution. 

3  Rhodes,  I,  p.  126. 

*  Washington,  March  6,  1850.  Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry 
Clay,"  p.  601. 

Kentucky — 30 


466        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

slavery,  states'  rights  and  nullification,  but  disease  and 
infirmity  had  carried  Calhoun  beyond  the  point  where 
public  debate  was  possible.  On  March  4,  1850,^  he  ap- 
peared in  the  Senate  Chamber,  "swathed  in  flannels," 
and  bringing  a  carefully  written  document  upon  the  ques- 
tion at  issue,  his  last  plea  for  what  he  deemed  justice  to 
the  South.  Senator  Mason  was  selected  to  read  it,  for 
Calhoun,  like  Franklin  at  the  close  of  the  Convention  of 
1787,  dared  not  undertake  the  effort  of  speaking.  His 
last  illness  had  already  seized  upon  him,  and,  before  the 
end  of  the  month,  his  sad  and  lonely  life  had  closed.^ 
Upon  this  last  occasion,  he  sat  "like  some  disembodied 
spirit  reviewing  the  deeds  of  the  flesh,"  ^  and  heard  un- 
moved his  own  last  appeal  for  his  section  and  her  in- 
terests. 

Calhoun  was  unwilling  to  accept  the  President's  plan 
or  that  of  Clay."*  Universal  discontent,  he  said,  permeates 
the  slave  States.  The  equilibrium  of  the  States  has  been 
broken  by  unjust  encroachments  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment, by  unjust  tariff^  legislation,  by  the  Ordinance  of 
1787,  and  the  Missouri  Compromises,  which  cut  her  off^ 
from  enjoying  equal  rights  in  national  territory.  The 
cords  that  bind  the  States  together  are  snapping  one  by 
one.  To  save  the  Union,  the  dominant  North  must  yield 
to  the  demands  of  the  slave  States.  They  must  grant  us 
equal  rights  in  the  acquired  territory.    They  must  provide 

1  Schouler,  V,  p.  i66;  Von  Hoist,  III,  p.  491. 

2  Calhoun  died  March  31,  1850.  "He  was  firmly,  and  I  suppose  honestly 
persuaded,"  wrote  C.  S.  Morehead  to  Crittenden,  "that  the  Union  ought  to  be 
dissolved."    Text  of  letter,  Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  I,  pp.  361-364. 

^  Schouler,  V,  p.  166. 

*  Von  Hoist,  HI,  pp.  491  et  seq.,  for  detailed  discussion  of  Calhoun's  general 
attitude  toward  the  questions  then  at  issue. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"     467 

for  the  return  of  our  fugitive  slaves.  They  must  cease  to 
agitate  the  slave  question,  and  they  must  accept  a  constitu- 
tional amendment,^  which  will  restore  to  the  South  her  old 
power  of  self-protection.  "If,"  he  concludes,  "you  of  the 
North  will  not  do  this,  then  let  our  Southern  States  sepa- 
rate, and  depart  in  peace." 

Two  of  the  triumvirate  had  spoken,  hut  the  third  and 
greatest  was  still  to  be  heard.  Webster  was  just  Calhoun's 
age,  but  he  was  still  vigorous  in  body  as  well  as  in  mind. 
He  had  thought  Clay's  proposition  through,  and,  on 
March  7,  1850,  he  appeared  in  its  defence.  The  speech 
which  he  made  upon  this  occasion,  he  himself  considered 
the  master  effort  of  his  eventful  life.  It  ranks  as  the  mas- 
terpiece of  American  oratory,  and  is  the  only  speech  in  our 
history  which  is  known  by  the  day  of  its  delivery,  "The 
Seventh  of  March  Speech."  ^  It  sweeps  majestically  along, 
deep  and  comprehensive  in  its  scope,  expanding,  in  a  strik- 
ing manner,  many  ideas  which  Clay  had  already  brought 
forward.  It  aided  tremendously  the  final  success  of  Clay's 
Compromise,  but  it  brought  upon  the  head  of  its  author 
the  fiercest  denunciations  of  his  northern  constituency, 
who  saw  in  it  only  a  bid  for  southern  support  for  his 
presidential  aspirations.  Theodore  Parker  compared 
Webster's  position  upon  this  occasion  to  that  of  Benedict 
Arnold  after  the  attempted  betrayal  of  West  Point.  Hor- 
ace Mann  described  him  as  "a  fallen  star,  Lucifer  de- 
scending   from   heaven,"    while   the    gentle   Whittier,   in 

1  Calhoun's  "Discourse  on  the  Constitution  and  Government  of  the  United 
States"  (1849),  explains  in  full  his  ideas  as  to  how  to  "restore  to  the  South  .... 
the  power  she  possessed  for  protecting  herself."  One  of  the  ideas  there  ex- 
pressed is  the  creation  of  two  Presidents,  one  chosen  by  each  section,  and  each 
with  a  veto  upon  acts  of  Congress.    Von  Hoist,  III,  pp.  494-495,  for  analysis. 

2  Text  Webster's  Works,  1S66  Ed.,  V,  pp.  324  et  seq. 


468        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

"Ichabod,"  mourns  the  statesman  whose  faith  and  honor 
have  perished. 

"So  fallen!  so  lost!  the  light  withdrawn 
Which  once  he  wore! 
The  glory  from  his  gray  hairs  gone 
Forevermore!" 

Of  the  other  memorable  speeches,  called  forth  by  Clay's 
propositions,  the  most  important  was  that  of  William  H. 
Seward  ^  against  the  Compromise,  in  which  he  used  the 
phrase  which  became  a  watchword  of  anti-slavery, 
"There  is  a  higher  Law  than  the  Constitution."  - 

When  the  debate  was  over.  Clay's  compromise,  with 
such  other  suggestions  as  had  been  offered,  was  referred 
to  an  elected  committee  of  thirteen,  of  which  Clay  was 
chairman,  and  Webster  one  of  the  Whig  members.^ 

While  this  committee  was  doing  its  work,  there  was  grave 
uncertainty  felt  for  the  future.  Chas.  S.  Morehead  wrote 
to  Governor  Crittenden:"^  "I  do  most  solemnly  believe 
that  disunion  will  ensue,  and  that  more  speedily  than  any 
man  now  has  any  idea  of,  if  there  should  be  a  failure 
of  an  amicable  settlement.   ...     I  feel  as  you  do  about 

1  March  11.  Text  Seward's  Works,  edited  by  George  E.  Baker,  1853,  I, 
pp.  51  et  seq. 

2  Kentucky,  in  her  Constitution  of  185c,  also  set  up  a  "higher  law  theorj'," 
but  of  a  very  different  character:  "The  right  of  property,"  it  declared,'" is  before 
and  higher  than  any  constitutional  sanction;  and  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a 
slave  to  such  slave  and  its  increase  is  the  same  and  as  inviolable  as  the  right  of 
the  owner  of  any  property  whatsoever."  See  Johnston's  "American  Political 
History"  (Woodburn  Ed.),  II,  p.  38. 

3  Clay's  plan  and  a  plan  of  Bell  of  Tennessee  were  referred  on  April  19, 
1850.  Clay's  speech  on  the  reference;  Colton's  "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II, 
pp.  410-418.    See  also  Rhodes,  I,  p.  171;  Blaine,  I,  p.  94. 

4  Morehead  to  Crittenden,  Washington,  March  30,  1850.  Coleman's  "Crit- 
tenden," I,  pp.  361  et  seq. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"   469 

the  Union,  as  I  know  that  Kentucky  does,  and  It  must 
be  preserved  at  the  sacrifice  of  all  past  party  ties." 

On  May  8th,  Clay  presented  the  report  of  the  committee 
of  thirteen,  which  was  substantially  the  plan  of  compromise 
contained  in  his  original  resolutions,  together  with  a  bill 
for  carrying  them  into  effect.^  The  propositions  were, 
however,  differently  arranged.  First  there  was  the  so- 
called  "Omnibus  Bill,"  which  contained  the  substance  of 
Clay's  first  three  propositions.  Then  there  was  a  bill 
providing  for  more  stringent  laws  for  compelling  the  re- 
turn of  fugitive  slaves,  the  substance  of  Clay's  seventh 
proposition,  and  finally  a  bill  for  excluding  the  slave 
market  from  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  essence  of 
Clay's    sixth    proposition.- 

In  two  extended  speeches,^  he  defended  his  plan,  and 
answered  the  more  important  objections  which  had  been 
urged  against  it.  Of  President  Taylor's  plan,  he  ex- 
pressed open  scorn.  "I  describe  it,"  he  said,  "by  a 
simile,  in  a  manner  which  can  not  be  misunderstood. 
Here  are  five  wounds, — one,  two,  three,  four,  five, — 
bleeding  and  threatening  the  well-being,  if  not  the  exist- 
ence of  the  body  politic.  What  is  the  plan  of  the  Presi- 
dent ?  Is  it  to  heal  all  these  wounds  ^  No  such  thing.  It 
is  only  to  heal  one  of  the  five,  and  to  leave  the  other  four 
to  bleed  more  profusely  than  ever,  by  the  sole  admission 

1  Full  details  of  report.  Colton's  "Last  Seven  Years  of  Henry  Clay," 
pp.  161  and  359. 

2  Schouler,  V,  p.  178.  Text,  Collon,  Reed,  McKinley,  "  Works  of  Henry 
Clay,"  in,  pp.  359-362. 

3  May  13  and  May  15.  (Colton's  "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II,  pp.  426- 
441,  and  458-478,  for  text.)  In  the  latter  speech,  Clay  compared  the  plan  ad- 
vocated by  the  committee,  his  own  plan,  with  that  of  the  administration. 
The  parallel  columns  there  presented  give  a  condensed  view  of  the  two 
positions. 


4/0        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  California,  even  if  it  should  produce  death  itself.  .  .  . 
He  says  nothing  about  the  fugitive  slave  bill,  or  the  Dis- 
trict bill;  but  he  recommends  that  the  other  tv^o  subjects, 
of  territorial  government  and  Texas  boundary,  remain, 
and  be  left  untouched,  to  cure  themselves  by  some  law  of 
nature."  ^ 

General  Taylor  was,  indeed,  an  unexpectedly  strong 
barrier  in  the  way  of  the  success  of  Clay's  plans.  He  felt 
that  California  had  a  right  to  expect  prompt  admission, 
with  the  Constitution  which  represented  the  deliberate 
choice  of  her  citizens,  and  he  had  no  patience  with  plans 
which  proposed  to  make  her  right  an  object  of  bargain  be- 
tween the  interests  or  desires  of  the  opposing  sections.' 
But  it  may  be  fairly  doubted  whether  even  the  hostility  of 
the  executive  could  have  checked  the  immediate  success 
of  Clay's  plans,  had  not  the  form  of  the  committee's  report 
worked  against  it.  The  "Omnibus  Bill,"  designed  to 
secure  the  support  of  all  who  favored  any  one  of  its  three 
separate  items,  unexpectedly  worked  out  in  just  the  op- 
posite way.  It  secured  the  opposition  of  all  who  objected 
to  any  one  of  its  provisions,  and,  after  two  months  of  de- 
bate,^ it  stood  stripped,  by  successive  amendments,  of  all 
its  elements,  except  the  item  providing  territorial  govern- 
ment for  Utah;  in  which  denuded  condition  it  finally 
passed,  on  August  i."* 


1  "  I  had  to  attack  the  plan  of  the  administration,  .  .  .  ."  he  wrote  a  few 
days  later,  "  its  course  left  me  no  other  alternative."  Henry  Clay  to  his  son 
James,  Washington,  May  27,  1850.  Colton's  "  Private  Correspondence  of 
Henry  Clay,"  p.  610. 

2  Schurz's  "  Clay,"  II,  p.  350. 

3  "Life  of  William  H.  Seward,"  American  Statesmen  Series,  pp.  96-97. 

^  Clay,  in  a  speech  of  that  day  (Colton's  "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II, 
pp.  568  et  seq.)  laid  the  blame  for  its  loss  upon  Pearce  of  Maryland. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"      471 

During  the  last  debates  on  the  compromise  proposals, 
some  one  spoke  of  "  allegiance  to  the  South."  Clay's  blood 
rose  instantly:  "I  know  no  South,  no  North,  no  East,  no 
West,  to  which  I  owe  allegiance."  These  were  not  the 
words  of  "Harry  of  the  West,"  perpetual  candidate  for 
the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  a  nation.  They  were  the 
words  of  a  patriot,  purified  by  suffering,  chastened  by 
many  afflictions,  a  man,  as  he  himself  said,  "expecting 
soon  to  go  hence,  and  owing  no  responsibility  but  to  my 
own  conscience  and  to  God."  ^  Against  every  reference 
to  secession,  southern  patriotism,  or  contempt  for  his 
beloved  Union,  the  old  man  set  his  face  like  a  flint.  His 
burning  sentences  remind  us  of  the  cry  of  Andrew  Jack- 
son against  South  Carolina,  "Disunion  by  armed  force  is 
treason."  "If  m.y  own  State,"  he  passionately  declared, 
".  .  .  should  raise  the  standard  of  disunion  .  .  .  I  would 
go  against  her;  I  would  go  against  Kentucky  .  .  ,  much 
as  I  love  her."  ^ 

At  length,  discouraged  by  the  defeat  of  his  compro- 
mise plans,  which  he  still  believed  "would  have  harmo- 
nized ...  all  the  discordant  feelings  which  prevail,"  ^ 
and  shattered  by  age  and  growing  infirmities.  Clay  left 
the  Capitol  in  the  hope  of  regaining  his  health  by  a  visit 
to  Newport."* 

A  few  days  later  he  wrote  to  his  son,  Thomas,  and  there 
is  the  ring  of  triumph  in  his  words,  "They  are  passing 
through  the  Senate,  in  separate  bills,  all  the  measures  of 
our  compromise,  and  if  they  should  pass  the  House  also, 

1  See  Schurz,  II,  pp.  355-356. 

2  Colton's  "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II,  p.  575. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  568. 

4  He  left  Washington  on  August  2  and  returned  in  about  three  weeks.  Col- 
ton's "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II,  p.  576 


472        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

I  hope  they  will  lead  to  all  the  good  effects  which  would 
have  resulted  from  the  adoption  of  the  compromise."  ^ 
All  his  old  eagerness  now  returned  and,  a  few  days  later, 
he  was  again  in  his  place  in  the  Senate,  superintending 
the  process.  Before  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  on 
September  30,  the  entire  program,  which  he  had  ad- 
vanced seven  months  before,  had  been  carried  into  opera- 
tion.^ 

It  was  a  signal  triumph  with  which  to  close  a  great 
public  career,  but,  had  President  Taylor  lived,  it  is  at 
least  doubtful  whether  it  could  have  been  achieved.  The 
old  General,  however,  had  been  stricken  down  in  the 
midst  of  his  opposition,  and  Clay,  with  no  hypocritical 
pretense  of  sorrow,  had  v/ritten  to  a  kinswoman:  To-day 
will  "witness  the  funeral  ceremonies  of  General  Tay- 
lor. ...  I  think  the  event  .  .  .  will  favor  the  passage  of 
the  compromise  bill."  ^ 

Clay's  relations  with  the  new  President,  Millard  Fill- 
more, were  "  perfectly  friendly  and  confidential,"  ^  and, 
by  a  judicious  reorganization  of  t!ie  cabinet,  under  his 
personal  advice,  the  entire  administration  was  brought 
into  harmony  with  his  compromise  plans. ^ 

The  compromise  of   1850,   thus  accomplished,   stilled, 


1  Dated  Newport,  August  15,  1850.  Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of 
Henry  Clay,"  p.  612. 

2Schouler,  V,  pp,  200,  201.  Johnston's  "American  Political  History" 
(Woodburn  Ed.),  II,  p.  124,  gives  dates  of  passage  of  each  item;  Collins,  I,  p.  60. 

3  Henry  Clay  to  Mrs.  Thos.  H.  Clay,  Washington,  July  13,  1850.  Colton's 
"Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  610  -611. 

4  Henry  Clay  to  his  son  Thomas,  Philadelphia,  August  6,  1850.  Colton's 
"Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  611. 

5  Gov.  John  J.  Crittenden  of  Kentucky  was  appointed  Attorney  General, 
Clay  generously  overlooking  the  fact  that  he  had  been  a  strong  supporter  of 
General  Taylor  in  1848. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"     473 

for  the  time,  the  strife  of  sections,  the  South  being  content 
to  rest  quiet  under  its  provisions,  so  long  as  they  should 
be  faithfully  executed.^  But  the  seeds  of  more  bitter 
strife  lay  hidden,  and  as  yet  unsuspected,  within  it.  The 
provisions,  that  any  new  States  formed  from  Texas  should 
be  left  to  decide  for  themselves  concerning  slavery,  and 
that  California  should  be  granted  the  same  privilege,- 
were  certainly  inconsistent  with  the  principle  which  had 
so  long  stood  as  the  basis  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
of  1820.  This  latter  principle  was  that  Congress  has  the 
power  to  determine  the  status  of  territories  with  respect 
to  slavery,^  while  that  of  the  compromise  of  1850  was 
clearly  the  principle  of  "popular  sovereignty."  Out  of 
this  inconsistency.  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  under 
pressure  from  Clay's  successor  in  the  Senate,  Archibald 
Dixon,  of  Kentucky,"*  was  soon  to  evolve  the  theory  that 
the  Missouri  Compromise  had  been  "superseded  by  the 
principles  of  the  legislation  of  1850,  .   .   ."  ^  and  thereby 

1  Schouler,  V,  p.  203. 

2  The  report  of  the  Committee  of  Thirteen  (Text,  Colton,  Reed,  McKin- 
ley,  "  Works  of  Henry  Clay,"  III,  p.  359-362),  declared:  ".  .  .  the  true  prin- 
ciple which  ought  to  regulate  the  action  of  Congress  ...  is  to  refrain  from 
all  legislation  on  the  subject  in  the  Territory  acquired  .  .  .  leaving  it  to  the 
people  of  such  Territory  ...  to  decide  for  themselves  the  question  of  the 
allovi^ance  or  prohibition  of  domestic  slavery  .  .  ."  The  Texas  and  New 
Mexico  Act  (U.  S.  Stat,  at  Large,  IX,  446  et  seq.)  expresses  the  same  view, 
in  a  slightly  modified  form. 

3  It  was  even  wider.  It  was,  "the  supreme  control  of  Congress  over  the 
Territories."  Johnston's  "American  Political  History"  (Woodburn  Ed.),  II, 
p.  120. 

4  Dixon's  "True  History  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Repeal," 
pp.  441,  449;  Blaine,  I,  p.  113;  Collins,  I,  p.  63,  for  his  election;  and  ibid.,  p.  66, 
for  contest  over  securing  his  seat. 

5 "  Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  p.  221;  Rhodes,  I,  p.  439.  Douglas 
later  accepted  an  amendment  substituting  for  the  words,  "suspended  by,"  the 
words,  "inconsistent  with."    Smith's  "Parties  and  Slavery,"  p.  103. 


474        KENTUCKY  IX  THE  NATION'S  fflSTORY 

rendered  inoperative,  thus  reviving,  in  the  virulent  form 
of  Civil  War  in  Kansas,  the  verv  struggle,  to  the  soothing 
of  which  Clay  had  devoted  his  last  public  efforts.^  Out 
of  this  fatal  weakness  in  Clav's  great  compromise,  there- 
fore, was  soon  to  emerge  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  a  law, 
as  Sumner  later  declared,  which  "annuls  all  past  com- 
promises with  slaver\',  .  .  .  puts  freedom  and  slavery 
face  to  face  and  bids  them  grapple."  - 

Had  Clay  been  able  to  see  onlv  four  \ears  into  the 
future,  he  would  have  doubted  the  wisdom  of  his  last  great 
compromise,  even  as  he  now  doubted  the  wisdom  of  the 
two  earlier  compromises,  with  which  his  name  was  so  in- 
extricably linked.  But  this  was  mercifully  spared  him, 
and,  as  he  turned  his  face  westward  toward  his  beloved 
"Ashland,"  he  felt  that  he  had  earned  the  title  which 
was  everywhere  accorded  him,  of  "the  Great  Pacifi- 
cator." 

The  progress  of  the  compromi"se  measures  had  been 
watched  in  Kentucky  with  the  keenest  interest.  Meetings 
had  been  held,  from  time  to  time,  in  various  parts  of  the 
State,  to  indicate  the  popular  sentiments  in  favor  of  them.^ 
I  suspect,  however,  that  the  motive  which  led  to  many  of 
these  meetings,  was  a  desire  to  see  Clav's  seventh  propo- 
sition, providing  for  a  more  effective  fugitive  slave  law, 
put  into  operation.  The  vastlv  increased  activity  of  the 
abolitionists,  and  the  lawless  actions  of  some  of  the  more 
fanatical  of  them,  had  led  to  the  escape  of  considerable 

1  Xot  the  slightest  evidence  exists,  either  in  the  "  Omnibus  Bill,"  or  in  the 
speeches  of  its  advocates,  that  the  intention  was  to  repeal  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise; but  in  the  Texas  bill  certainly  lay  the  doctrine  of  "popular  sover- 
eignty." 

2  Rhodes,  I,  p.  490. 

3  Collins,  I,  p.  60. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"      475 

numbers  of  slaves,  whose  recovery,  under  existing  con- 
ditions, was  practically  impossible.^  As  the  abolition 
movement  had  advanced,  its  agents  had  sown  the  seeds 
of  discontent,  even  in  Kentucky,  where  the  mild,  do- 
mestic character  of  the  institution  was  calculated  to  make 
the  slaves  happy  and  contented.  With  these  ardent 
friends  of  freedom,  it  was  not  a  question  of  the  degree  of 
the  evils  of  slavery.  They  fought  for  a  principle  and, 
wherever  that  principle  was  violated,  in  any  degree,  they 
unhesitatingly  struck.  Law,  order,  private  ownership,  the 
very  Constitution  itself  were  disregarded.  Even  as  the 
revolutionary  orator,  James  Otis,  had  declared  that  the 
British  Parliament  could  not  legalize  tyranny,  so  the 
abolitionists  declared  that  the  Federal  Constitution  could 
not  legalize  slavery,  as  "there  is  a  higher  Law  than  the 
Constitution."  To  aid  the  escape  of  the  slave,  to  set  at 
defiance  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  defend  the  slave 
when  freed,  was  their  program,  and  they  followed  it  with 
uncompromising  persistency.  Slave  abductors,  sometimes 
honest  in  intention,  sometimes  corrupt  and  mercenarv, 
were  frequently  apprehended  and  punished  with  severity, 
but  the  movement  could  not  be  crushed.  The  excesses  of 
the  abolitionists  led  to  their  condemnation  by  both  parties, 
and  did  irreparable  injury  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  but 
they  still  remained  a  force  which  had  to  be  reckoned  with, 
and  it  was  no  wonder  that  the  people  of  Kentucky  felt 
the  importance  of  enacting  more  effective  fugitive  slave 
laws,  and  enthusiastically  approved  Clay's  attempts  to 
accomplish  this  end. 
The  new  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  as  finally  adopted,  was  far 

iFor  full  analysis  of  the  old  Fugitive  Slave  Law:  Johnston's  "American 
Political  History"'  (YVoodburn  Ed.),  II,  pp.  129-131. 


476        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

more  unjust  to  the  fugitive  than  that  which  Clay  and  his 
committee  of  thirteen  had  contemplated;  and  it  aroused  a 
storm  of  denunciation,  defiance,  and  practical  nullification, 
among  the  anti-slavery  men,  with  which  even  Clay's 
genius  was  unable  to  cope.  The  clause  denying  trial  by 
jury,  to  the  alleged  fugitive,  was  denounced  as  a  violation 
of  the  Constitution,  and  even  of  the  sacred  Magna  Charta 
itself.^  Northern  Legislatures  passed  stronger  "personal 
liberty  laws"  for  the  express  purpose  of  defying  it,'  and 
anti-slavery  sympathizers  boldly  refused  to  perform  the 
duties  which  it  assigned  them. 

By  the  opening  of  Congress,  in  December,  1850,  re- 
sistance to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  had  begun  to  assume 
violent  form,  and  it  is  pathetic  to  think  of  the  aged  Clay, 
spending  his  little  residue  of  life  in  a  vain  attempt  to 
check  the  coming  storm.  And  yet  the  opening  of  the 
year  1851  saw  him  at  his  accustomed  place  in  the  Senate, 
urging  a  defence  of  the  hated  law,  denouncing  "all  sorts 
of  abolitionists,"  and  pleading  for  the  principles  estab- 
lished by  his  compromise.  But  the  days  of  his  forensic 
triumphs  had  passed  forever.  His  last  extended  speech, 
concerning  "violations  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,"  ^  was 
interesting,  but  ineffective,  a  vain  appeal  for  obedience 

1  It  was  Kentucky's  former  governor,  John  J.  Crittenden,  to  whom,  as 
Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  President  Fillmore  had  referred  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  before  giving  it  his  approval.  His  opinion  declared:  "There 
is  nothing  in  the  act  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution,  nor  which  is  not  neces- 
sary to  redeem  the  pledge  which  it  contains."    Text  Coleman's  "Criftenden," 

I,  P-  377- 

2  List  of  such  laws.  Johnston's  "American  Political  History"  (Woodburn 
Ed.),  II,  pp.  135-136. 

^Senate,  February  21-24,  1851.  Colton's  "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II, 
pp.  609  et  seq.  His  speech  on  the  River  and  Harbor  Bill  (Senate,  March  i  and 
3,  Colton's  "Speeches  of  Henry  Clay,"  II,  pp.  629-632)  which  followed  does 
not  concern  our  narrative. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER" 


477 


to  a  law  which  did  not  represent  the  will  of  the  com- 
munities where  it  was  meant  to  operate. 

The  month  of  June,  1851,  found  him  at  "Ashland"  for 
the  last  time.  He  had  visited  Cuba,  during  the  early 
spring,  in  the  hope  of  freeing  himself  from  a  distressing 
cough  which  was  rapidly  sapping  his  vitality,^  but  the 
experiment  had  failed.  Even  the  glittering  prize  of  the 
Presidency  could  no  longer  attract  him.  In  response  to 
suggestions  of  a  nomination,  by  friends  in  New  York,  he 
issued  a  positive  refusal,"  although  the  observations  in  his 
letter  of  refusal  show  that  he  had  not  loosened  his  grip 
upon  the  current  of  American  politics.  "  I  think  it  quite 
clear,"  he  wrote,  "that  a  Democrat  will  be  elected  unless 
that  result  be  prevented  by  divisions  in  the  Democratic 
party.   ..." 

"No  candidate,  I  hope  and  believe,  can  be  elected  who 
is  not  in  favor  of  the  Union,  and  in  favor  of  the  Compromise 
of  the  last  Congress  (including  the  Fugitive  Slave  Bill),  as 
necessary  means  to  sustain  it.  .   .   . 

"Besides  pre-existing  questions,  a  new  one  will  prob- 
ably arise  at  the  next  session  of  Congress,  involving  the 
right  of  any  one  of  the  States  of  the  Union,  upon  its  own 
separate  will  and  pleasure,  to  secede  from  the  residue,  and 
become  a  distinct  and  independent  power.  The  decision 
of  that  momentous  question  can  not  but  exert  some  in- 
fluence, more  or  less,  upon  the  next  Presidential  election. 
For  my  own  part,  I  utterly  deny  the  existence  of  any  such 
right,  and  I  think  an  attempt  to  exercise  it  ought  to  be 

1  Mr.  Clay  to  his  wife,  Washington,  March  8,  1851.  Colton's  "Private 
Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  p.  615,  and  letter  to  Adam  Beatty,  April  28. 
Ibid. 

2  Clay  to  Daniel  UUman,  Ashland,  June  14,  1851.  Colton's  "Private  Cor- 
respondence of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  617-620. 


478        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

resisted  to  the  last  extremity;  for  it  is,  in  part,  a  question 
of  Union  or  no  Union." 

When  the  time  approached  for  the  re-opening  of  the 
32d  Congress,^  Clay  started  for  his  post  of  duty,  although 
his  strength  was  fast  failing.  The  circumstances  con- 
nected with  his  final  departure  from  Kentucky,  are  de- 
scribed by  Benjamin  F.  Penniman  in  a  set  of  "Remi- 
niscences." " 

"On  a  beautiful  Sabbath  morning,  the  i6th  day  of 
November,  1851,  there  arrived  at  the  Goddard  House  in 
the  city  of  Maysville,  Ky.,  a  plain  carriage,  containing  two 
persons,  with  a  coachman.  One  of  these  persons  was 
the  feeble  and  much  emaciated  Henry  Clay,  the  states- 
man and  Senator  of  Kentucky.  The  other  was  his  faith- 
ful boy,  Charles,  his  only  attendant.  .  .  .  The  writer  was 
invited  to  Mr.  Clay's  room,  where  .  .  .  we  .  .  .  found 
him  lying  upon  his  bed,  much  prostrated,  but  very  cheer- 
ful. The  conversation  drifted  gradually  into  serious  fields, 
Mr.  Clay  remarking,  '  There  are  persons  in  our  country 
who  talk  about  dissolving  the  Union  of  the  States  because 
it  is  not  exactly  suited  to  their  ideas  of  what  they  call 
free  government,  or  in  other  words,  the  independent  sov- 
ereignty of  the  States.  .  .  .  To  prevent  this,  and  to  hold 
every  State  in  its  place  in  the  Union,  is  worth  fighting  for, 
should  it  ever  be  necessary,  which  may  God  forbid.  The 
Union  of  these  States  is  worth  more  than  all  the  blood 
that  may  be  shed  to  preserve  them,  for  here,  in  America, 
the  first  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  were  es- 
tablished by  our  fathers.  ...  I  shall  be  gone  myself,  but 
I  will  not  doubt  that  those  who  come  after  me  will  main- 

1  December,  1851. 

2  Durrett  MSS.,  "Clay." 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"  479 

tain  the  true  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  for  all 
time  to  come.  .  ,  .' 

"Mr.  Clay  also  said  that  there  were  two  great  questions 
which  were  constantly  exciting  the  attention  of  the  Amer- 
ican people.  .  .  .  Slavery  .  .  .  and  the  great  American 
idea  of  protecting  home  industry.   .   .   . 

"Of  the  first  he  could  only  say  that,  being  identified  with 
it  from  his  earliest  recollections,  his  circumstances  in  life 
had  led  him  to  support  it;  but,  as  he  grew  older,  and  ac- 
quired more  experience,  and  had  observed  that  slavery 
was  incompatible  with  free  institutions  like  ours,  his  mind 
on  this  subject  had  changed;  and  he  hoped  that  the  dis- 
cernment of  those  who  believed  in  and  advocated  slavery 
would  lead  them  finally  to  do  away  with  the  institu- 
tion. .  .  .  This  was  a  question  of  time,  he  said,  and  he 
regretted  that  he  had  advocated  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
because  the  people  did  not  understand  it,  and  it  had 
caused  much  difficulty. 

"The  other  question  was,  said  Mr.  Clay,  the  part  he 
took  in  compromising  the  tariff  law,  which  produced 
nullification  in  South  Carolina.  'For,'  said  Mr.  Clay, 
*if  the  tariff  law  was  wrong,  then  it  should  have  been  re- 
pealed in  toto;  by  my  not  advocating  its  repeal  at  that 
time,  ...  I  made  a  fatal  mistake.'  As  it  was,  he  took 
the  side  of  a  compromise  to  quiet  South  Carolina  and 
restore  peace  to  her.  But  he  could  not  be  made  to  believe 
that  a  tariff  for  this  purpose  was,  at  any  time,  right. 
After  a  few  general  remarks  on  the  American  system, 
Mr.  Clay  added,  'It  is  bad  enough  for  individuals  to 
compromise,  but  nations  should  never  do  so,  especially 
in  domestic  affairs.  It  settles  nothing,  but  only  secures 
repose  for  the  time  being    .   .  .'"  (a  frank  admission  for 


480        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  author  of  three  of  the  great  compromises  of  our  his- 
tory). 

Drifting  along  with  the  current  of  his  reflections, 
Mr,  Clay's  conversation  becomes  more  and  more  serious 
and  interesting,  until,  as  if  already  conceding  that  his 
part  in  the  affairs  of  this  world  had  passed,  he  turned  to 
the  greatest  of  all  questions,  his  relation  to  his  God. 

"...  'When  we  were  very  young,' he  said, 'we  looked 
upon  time  as  being  very  long,  and  were  apt  to  put  off 
matters  of  great  consequence  to  us.'  Although  he  had 
never  forgotten  the  great  Author  of  his  being,  he  perhaps 
had  fallen  into  this  error,  growing,  perhaps,  out  of  the 
many  attractions  and  excitements  that  surrounded  him; 
but  now  he  said  he  had  found  that,  as  time  advanced,  and 
he  grew  older,  the  attractions  of  early  life  grew  less,  and 
he  had  not  time  enough  to  attend  to  those  matters  which 
concerned  all  so  much. 

"  'Respecting  our  future  life,'  he  said,  ...  'I  hope 
that  I  have  done  some  good  during  the  time  I  have  lived, 
and  I  trust  that  the  attention  I  have  given  of  late  respecting 
my  future  state  will  entitle  me  to  a  happy  home  in  another 
and  better  world.  There  is  something  within  me  that 
tells  me  of  a  future  state.  This  frail  and  failing  body  of 
mine  tells  me  that  this  is  not  my  home,  for,  while  the  body 
fails,  the  mind  grows  stronger,  and  points  us  to  that 
place  where  we  shall  forever  rest  free  from  all  troubles. 
God  rules;  His  hand  is  in  everything,  and  points  to  that 
preparation  which  all  should  make,  not  upon  the  princi- 
ple that  there  is  time  enough,  but  that  it  is  too  short.  I 
leave  myself  in  the  hands  of  God  and  his  promised  love, 
thro'  the  Redeemer  of  the  World.'  "  ^ 

1  Soon  after  receiving  the  news  of  the  death  of  his  favorite  son,  Colonel  Henry 


Henry  Clay  as  an  old  man 

From   a   daguerreotype,   now    in   the   possession   of  Mrs.    Robert  Dick   Wilson,   of   Prince- 
ton, N.  J. 


LAST  DAYS  OF  THE  "GREAT  COMMONER"  481 

This,  so  far  as  we  know,  was  Clay's  last  conversation 
in  his  own  commonwealth. 

"We  placed  the  great  statesman  on  board  the  little 
steamer  Alleghany  Belle,  bound  for  Wheeling,  Va.,  on 
his  way  to  Washington,  at  ten  o'clock  at  night,"  con- 
cludes the  narrative.  "I  asked  .  .  .  why  he  was  going 
to  Washington  in  such  bad  health.  He  said  he  had  a 
'little  to  say  there,'  when  he  would  try  to  get  back  to 
Kentucky  again.  We  all  felt  that  it  was  the  wish  of  Mr. 
Clay  to  close  his  life  with  his  harness  on  in  Washington." 

Just  one  month  later  (December  17,  1851),  Mr.  Clay 
presented  his  formal  resignation,  as  Senator  for  Ken- 
tucky, asking  that  it  take  effect  on  the  first  day  of  Septem- 
ber, 1852;^  but,  before  that  date  arrived,  he  died,  as  he 
had  wished  to  die,  at  the  National  Capital  (June  29, 
1852),'  "with  his  harness  on." 

Clay's  magnificent  career  is  most  fittingly  summed  up 
in  the  inscription  upon  a  medal  of  California  gold,  pre- 
sented to  him,  a  few  months  before  his  death, ^  by  the 
citizens  of  New  York;  and  few  statesmen  of  any  age  can 
show  such  a  list  of  honorable  achievements. 

The  inscription  reads  thus: 
"Senate,  1806 
Speaker,    181 1 

War  of  1812  with  Great  Britain 
Ghent,  1814 

Clay,  upon  the  field  of  Buena  Vista,  Clay  had  entered  the  Episcopal  Church, 
and  received  the  rite  of  baptism  in  the  presence  of  his  family.  Schurz's  "Clay," 
II,  p.  287. 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  63. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  65.  For  letters  giving  details  of  Clay's  last  illness:  Mallory, 
pp.  628-636;  Colton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  633-636. 

3  February  10,  1852. 

Kentucky — 31 


482        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Missouri  Compromise,   1821 

Spanish  America,  1822 

Greece,  1823 

American  System,   1824 

Secretary  of  State,  1825 

Panama  Instructions,   1826 

Tariff  Compromise,  1833 

Public  Domain,  1833-1841 

Peace  with  France  Preserved,  1835 

Compromise,  1850."  ^ 
His  was  a  career  far  too  broad  to  allow  of  its  being 
claimed  as  the  peculiar  property  of  any  locality;  but  Ken- 
tucky may  justly  rejoice  that  her  soil  was  the  chosen  and 
cherished  abode  of  the  "Great  Commoner";  and  she  may 
justly  claim  some  of  the  glory  of  his  career,  when  the  at- 
tempt is  made  to  estimate  her  part  in  the  nation's  history. 

1  This  medal  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  John  Clay  of  Lexington,  to 
whose  courtesy  the  author  is  indebted  for  the  pleasure  of  inspecting  it,  and 
numerous  other  relics  of  the  "  Great  Commoner." 

Clay's  letter  to  Daniel  Ullman,  dated  Ashland,  September  26,  1851  (Col- 
ton's  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay,"  pp.  620-622),  gives  Clay's  own 
view  of  the  subjects  which  ought  to  be  engraved  on  the  medal. 


CHAPTER  XV 

ATCHISON      DIXON     AND    THE     REPEAL    OF    THE    MISSOURI 

COMPROMISE 

The  year  following  the  death  of  Henry  Clay  is  memora- 
ble in  our  nation's  history  for  the  beginning  of  the  now 
famous  Nebraska  conflict,  which  opened  the  final  scene 
in  the  drama  of  American  slavery.^  Clay  had  gone  to  his 
last  resting  place  believing  that  his  compromise  measures 
of  1850  would  prove,  "the  re-union  of  this  Union."  "I 
believe,"  he  had  declared,'  in  one  of  those  figures  of  speech 
which  were  so  characteristic  of  him,  "that  it  is  the  dove 
of  peace,  which,  taking  its  aerial  flight  from  the  dome  of 
the  capitol,  carries  the  glad  tidings  of  assured  peace  and 
restored  harmony  to  all  the  remotest  extremities  of  this 
distracted  land."  And,  in  the  closing  lines  of  his  great 
speech  on  this  Compromise,  he  had  said,  "If  .  .  .  South 
Carolina  or  any  other  State  should  hoist  the  flag  of  dis- 
union and  rebellion,  thousands,  tens  of  thousands,  of  Ken- 
tuckians  would  flock  to  the  standard  of  their  Country  to 
dissipate  and  repress  their  rebellion.   .  .  ."  ^ 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  these  words  interpreted 

1  The  first  suggestion  of  a  territorial  organization  for  the  Nebraska  country 
was  made  in  the  annual  report  of  President  Tyler's  Secretary  of  War,  William 
Wilkins.  The  subject  had  been  occasionally  discussed  since  that  date,  but  did 
not  attract  any  considerable  interest  until  1853.  Full  details  of  earlier  bills, 
"Ray's  Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,"  pp.  94-100. 

2  Senate,  July  22,  1850.  "Works  of  Henrj'  Clay,"  Colton,  Reed,  McKinley 
Ed.,  VI,  p.  563. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  567. 

483 


484        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  spirit  of  Clay's  beloved  Commonwealth,  with  refer- 
erence  to  the  danger  that  was  seen — but  an  unseen  danger 
lay  concealed  in  the  "Great  Compromise"  itself. 

The  Report  of  the  Committee  of  Thirteen  declares: 
"To  avoid  in  all  future  time  the  agitations  which  must  be 
produced  by  the  conflict  of  opinion  on  the  slavery  ques- 
tion— existing  as  this  institution  does,  in  some  of  the  States, 
and  prohibited  in  others — the  true  principle  which  ought 
to  regulate  the  action  of  Congress,  in  forming  territorial 
governments  for  each  newly  acquired  domain,  is  to  re- 
frain from  all  legislation  on  the  subject  in  the  Territory 
acquired,  so  long  as  it  retains  the  territorial  form  of 
government,  leaving  it  to  the  people  of  such  Territory, 
when  they  have  attained  to  a  condition  which  entitles 
them  to  admission  as  a  State,  to  decide  for  themselves 
the  question  of  the  allowance  or  prohibition  of  domestic 
slavery."  ^  The  meaning  of  this  statement  is  unmistakable, 
and  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  Mr.  Clay  had  failed  to  see 
its  bearing  upon  the  principle  at  the  basis  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise.^  That  Compromise  had  rested  upon  the 
idea  of  Congressional  control  over  slavery  in  the  national 
territory,  the  doctrine  known  as  the  doctrine  of  "  Inter- 

1  Text  Colton,  Reed,  McKinley,  "Works  of  Henry  Clay,"  III,  p.  360. 
In  this  statement,  we  see  the  hand  of  Lewis  Cass,  father  of  the  doctrine  of  "Popu- 
lar Sovereignty,"  who  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Thirteen.  Curtis' 
"Republican  Party,"  I,  p.  176,  for  Cass  and  the  theory.  Names  of  members  of 
the  Committee  of  Thirteen,  Colton,  Reed,  McKinley,  "Works  of  Henry  Clay," 
VI,  p.  427.  Clay  himself  informs  us  that  he  had  been,  during  the  deliberations 
of  the  committee,  "in  repeated  consultation  [with  Cass]  .  .  .  and  he  has 
shown  himself  to  be  the  friend  of  the  peace  of  his  country."  Ibid.,  Ill,  pp.  381- 
382. 

2  That  Mr.  Clay  had  in  mind  a  comparison  between  the  conditions  of  1820 
and  those  of  1850  was  shown  clearly  during  the  debate  which  followed  the 
presentation  of  the  "Omnibus  Bill."  See  "Works  of  Henry  Clay,"  Colton 
Reed,  McKinley  I-ld.,  Ill,  p.  381. 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  485 

vention."  But  the  principle  laid  clown  in  the  report  of 
the  Committee  of  Thirteen  is  as  clearly  that  of  "Non- 
mtervention."  The  two  ideas  were  certainly  inconsistent, 
and,  from  that  fact,  much  was  hoped  for  by  certain  am- 
bitious leaders  in  Congress. 

During  recent  months,  Missouri  politics  had  centered 
largely  around  the  question  naturally  suggested  by  this 
inconsistency.  The  Bentonites,  followers  of  Thomas  H. 
Benton,  stood  firmly  in  favor  of  organizing  the  Nebraska 
Territory  under  the  provisions  and  restrictions  laid  upon 
it  by  the  Missouri  Compromise,  that  is,  with  a  positive 
prohibition  of  slavery.  But  Benton's  sworn  enemy  and 
political  rival,  David  R.  Atchison,  a  native  Kentuckian, 
but  now  a  citizen  of  Missouri  and  President  pro  tempore 
of  the  United  States  Senate,^  had  staked  his  political 
future  upon  a  plan  to  have  the  Missouri  Compromise  re- 
strictions declared  void,  so  far  as  the  Nebraska  Territory 
was  concerned.  "...  The  President  of  the  Senate, 
Mr.  Atchison,"  wrote  the  Washington  correspondent  of 
the  "Richmond  Enquirer,"  ^  "is  pledged  by  his  speeches 
before  the  people  of  Missouri  to  move  the  repeal  of  the 
law  prohibiting  slavery  in  the  territory  north  of  the  par- 
allel of  36°  30'."  » 


1  As  President  of  the  Senate,  at  the  death  of  Vice  President  Wm.  R.  King, 
(April  18,  1853),  Atchison  had  become  acting  Vice  President.     Collins,  I,  p.  66. 

2  Issue  of  December  26,  1853.  See  Ray's  "Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise," p.  198. 

3  The  details  of  the  rivalry  between  Benton  and  Atchison,  the  origin  of  the 
question  of  repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise  line,  and  its  influence  on  Missouri 
politics  are  well  brought  out  in  a  recent  work  by  Perley  Orman  Ray,  Ph.  D., 
entitled,  "The  Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  its  Origin  and  Author- 
ship," Cleveland,  Ohio,  The  Arthur  H.  Clark  Co.,  1909.  To  the  author  of 
this  excellent  monograph,  I  fully  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  topic. 


486        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee 
on  Territories,  had  just  returned  from  a  six  months'  visit 
to  Europe.  It  is  practically  certain,  from  a  letter  written  to 
the  editors  of  the  "Illinois  State  Register,"  ^  that,  a  month 
before  the  opening  of  Congress,  he  had  no  idea  that  the 
Nebraska  question  was  likely  to  become  prominent  dur- 
ing the  session,  and  it  was,  therefore,  somewhat  in  the 
nature  of  a  surprise  to  him  when,  on  December  14,  1853, 
Senator  Dodge  of  Iowa  presented  to  the  Senate  a  bill  for 
the  organization  of  the  Nebraska  Territory.' 

The  bill  carefully  avoided  all  mention  of  the  question 
of  slavery,^  but  intelligent  observers  saw,  from  the  first,  that 
that  question  must  ultimately  be  considered  in  connection 
with  the  bill.  Only  two  weeks  after  it  was  presented,  the 
Washington  correspondent  of  the  "Charleston  Courier" 
declared:^  "The  speeches  of  Senator  Atchison  in  Mis- 
souri pledge  him  and  his  constituents  mutually  to  raise  a 
storm  here  against  the  slavery  restriction  when  the  sub- 
ject of  Nebraska  Territory  shall  come  up.  That  the 
question  is  certain  to  come  off  I  have  heard  from  all 
quarters." 

Upon  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  as  chairman  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Territories,  fell  the  lot  of  considering  and 
reporting  upon  the  Dodge  bill.  His  interest  in  the  ques- 
tion was  due  largely  to  his  position  as  chairman  of  the 

1  Washington,  November  11,  1853.  Full  text  given  in  Ray's  "Repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,"  pp.  185-1S6. 

2  Notice  of  the  bill  had  been  given,  by  Senator  Dodge,  on  December  5,  1853 
("Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  i).  A  similar  bill  was  presented 
to  the  House,  December  22,  1853,  by  J.  G.  Miller  of  Missouri  ("Congressional 
Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  87). 

3  Rhodes,  I,  p.  425;  Curtis'  "Republican  Party,"  I,  p.  137. 

*  Issue  of  January  2,  1854.  The  articles  were  written  on  December  28, 
1853.    Ray's  "Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,"  p.  205,  note. 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  487 

Committee  on  Territories;  but  the  interest  of  Senator 
Atchison  was  far  more  personal.  He  had  declared  to 
his  constituency,  and  his  pledge  was  not  likely  to  be  for- 
gotten, "That  there  may  be  no  mistake,  and  that  I  may 
not  be  misunderstood  hereafter,  I  now  say  emphatically 
that  I  will  not  vote  for  any  bill  that  makes  Nebraska  a 
free  soil  Territory."  ^  Pledges  in  terms  equally  strong  had 
been  scattered  by  him  throughout  his  entire  Senatorial  dis- 
trict. His  most  natural  course,  therefore,  would  have  been, 
just  what  he  claimed  that  it  had  been,  to  go  to  Douglas, 
his  intimate  personal  and  political  friend, ^  and  ask  him  to 
transfer  to  him  the  chairmanship  of  the  Senate  Committee 
on  Territories,  to  which  the  Nebraska  bill  had  been  re- 
ferred. This,  if  we  may  trust  his  own  statement,  was  ex- 
actly what  he  did.  "  He  had  a  private  interview  with  Mr. 
Douglas,"  says  the  "New  York  Tribune"  of  October  10, 
1854,''  "and  informed  him  of  what  he  desired,  the  intro- 
duction of  a  bill  for  Nebraska  like  what  he  had  promised 
to  vote  for,  and  that  he  would  like  to  be  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Territories  in  order  to  introduce  such  a 
measure,  and,  if  he  could  get  that  position,  he  would  im- 
mediately resign  as  Speaker  of  the  Senate." 

Douglas  hesitated,  but  finally  declared  that  if,  after 
twenty-four  hours'  consideration  of  the  subject,  "he  could 
not  introduce  such  a  bill  ...  he  would  resign  as  chair- 
man of  the  Territorial  Committee  in  Democratic  Caucus, 

1  Atchison  at  Weston  and  Plate  City.  Full  extract,  Ray's  "Repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,"  pp.  135-136. 

2  Douglas  and  Atchison  were  close  personal  and  political  friends.  Douglas 
had  often  gone  to  Missouri  to  lend  his  powerful  aid  to  the  Atchison  faction 
against  Benton,  for  whom  Douglas  entertained  a  strong  dislike. 

3  Reporting  a  speech  of  Senator  Atchison,  at  Atchison,  Kansas  Territory, 
September  20,  1854.  Text,  Ray's  "Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise," 
pp.  278-280. 


488        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

and  exert  his  influence  to  get  him  (Atchison)  appointed."  ^ 
At  the  expiration  of  the  twenty-four  hours,  however,  Judge 
Douglas  declared  that  his  resignation  was  unnecessary,  as 
he  had  decided  himself  to  report  just  such  a  bill  as  Atchi- 
son had  described. 

In  reporting  this  bill,  however,-  Judge  Douglas,  as  be- 
came a  good  politician,  went  back  to  the  root  of  the  matter. 
He  declared  that  a  new  principle  had  been  discovered  in 
the  Compromise  of  1850.  That  Compromise,  he  said, 
was  intended  to  be  far  more  comprehensive  than  it  has 
generally  been  understood  to  be,  as  it  contemplated,  not 
merely  the  settlement  of  the  difficulties  arising  out  of  the 
cession  of  land  from  Mexico,  but  the  avoiding  of  all  future 
agitation  concerning  slavery,  by  taking  from  Congress 
the  entire  question  of  slavery  or  freedom  in  the  Terri- 
tories, and  giving  it  over  to  the  people  of  the  Territories 
to  settle.^ 

The  bill  accompanying  this  report,  however,  did  not 
declare,  as  it  might  quite  logically  have  done,  that  this 
principle  in  the  Compromise  of  1850,  had  destroyed  the 
old  Missouri  Compromise  line.  Such  a  complete  accepta- 
tion of  the  logic  of  events  was  more  than  Douglas  felt  it 


1  From  account  in  "New  York  Tribune"  of  October  lo,  1854,  referred  to 
above. 

2  January  4,  1854,  "Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  115;  "Senate 
Journal,"  ist  Sess.,  33d  Cong.,  p.  77;  Curtis'  "Republican  Party,"  I,  p.  137. 

3  Blaine,  I,  p.  114.  Text,  Dixon's  "True  History  of  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise and  its  Repeal,"  p.  433.  "The  Missouri  Compromise,"  said  Douglas, 
during  the  debates  upon  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  "was  interference;  the 
Compromise  of  1850  was  non-interference,  leaving  the  people  to  exercise  their 
rights  under  the  Constitution.  The  Committee  on  Territories  was  compelled 
to  act  on  this  subject.  I,  as  chairman,  was  bound  to  meet  the  question.  I  chose 
the  responsibility,  regardless  of  consequences  personal  to  myself."  Appendix, 
"Congressional  Globe,"  XXIX,  p.  337. 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  489 

wise  to  advocate.  He  was  anxious  to  win  the  favor  ^  of 
the  pro-slavery  sections,  by  showing  them  that  they  might 
still  have  a  fighting  chance  for  Nebraska,  which  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  had  declared  forever  free  from  slavery, 
but  he  did  not  care  to  enrage  his  antislavery  supporters, 
who  were  certain  to  regard  any  open  attack  upon  the 
"Sacred  Compact,"^  as  an  unfriendly  act.  The  bill 
stated  simply  that: 

...  It  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  true  intent  and 
meaning  of  this  act,  so  far  as  the  question  of  slavery  is 
concerned,  to  carry  into  practical  operation  the  following 
propositions  and  principles  established  by  the  compro- 
mise measures  of  1850,  to  wit:  .  .  .  that  all  questions 
pertaining  to  slavery  in  the  Territories  and  the  new  States 
to  be  formed  therefrom,  are  to  be  left  to  the  decision  of  the 
people  residing  therein,  through  their  appropriate  repre- 
sentatives.  .   .   ."  ^ 

This  was  applying  the  doctrine,  long  known  as,  "  Pop- 
ular Sovereignty"  to  the  Territory  in  question,  but  it 
was  not  definite  enough  to  satisfy  the  junior  Senator 
from  Kentucky,  Archibald  Dixon.     He  saw  the  deep  fal- 

1  Rhodes,  I,  p.  430. 

2  Douglas  himself  refused  to  recognize  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission 
of  Missouri  as  a  compact.  "I  should  feel  a  flush  of  shame  upon  my  cheek, 
as  a  northern  man,"  he  declared  (March  3,  1854),  in  debate  with  Seward  be- 
fore the  Senate,  "if  I  were  to  say  that  it  was  a  compact.  ...  I  deny  that 
it  was  a  compact  in  any  sense  of  the  term.  .  .  .  To  call  the  act  of  the  6th  of 
March,  1820,  a  compact,  binding  in  honor,  is  to  charge  the  northern  States  of 
this  Union  with  an  act  of  perfidy.  ..."  The  reason  he  assigns  for  which 
opinion  is,  that:  "...  Missouri  was  refused  admission  into  the  Union  as  a 
slave-holding  State  in  conformity  with  the  act  of  March  6,  1820.  ..."  Mis- 
souri was  admitted  into  the  Union,  he  justly  adds,  ".  .  .  on  a  condition  not 
embraced  in  the  act  of  1820,  and  in  addition  to  a  full  compliance  with  all 
the  provisions  of  said  act.  ..."     Appendix,  "Congressional  Globe,"  XXIX, 

PP-  329-330- 

3  "Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  222. 


490        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

lacy  of  the  proposition,  that  new  States  might  come  into 
the  Union,  "with  or  without  slavery  as  their  Constitutions 
may  prescribe  at  the  time  of  their  admission,"  ^  which  was 
the  true  import  of  the  doctrine  of  "  Popular  Sovereignty." 
It  was  plain  to  him  that  slavery  could  hope  for  little  from 
this  doctrine  in  regions  where,  under  the  provisions  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  "not  a  slaveholder  could  enter  the 
Territory  with  his  property  until  after  the  Constitution  of 
the  State  had  been  made."  ^ 

Without  a  specific  repeal  of  that  Compromise,  all  terri- 
tory north  of  36°  30'  was  certain  to  choose  freedom,  when 
it  came  to  form  the  State  Constitution,  because  it  v/ould  in- 
evitably have  been  settled  by  a  non-slaveholding  population. 

With  these  facts  clearly  in  mind,  Dixon,  a  Whig  and 
Henry  Clay's  successor  in  the  United  States  Senate,''  under- 
took to  secure  the  passage  of  an  amendment  to  the  pend- 
ing bill,  which  would  explicitly  abolish  the  Missouri  Com- 
promise restrictions. 

On  January  16,  1854,  he  rose  and  gave  notice  to  the 
Senate,  that  he  would  later  offer  an  amendment  to  the 
Dodge-Douglas  bill,  declaring  the  Missouri  Compromise 
repealed."*     Douglas  was  startled   at  the  announcement. 

1  Dixon's  "True  History  of  the  ^Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Repeal," 
p.  440. 

2  Ibid. 

3  Dixon's  seat  had  been  secured  only  after  a  heated  controversy  in  the  Senate. 
Details  of  the  contest,  Taft's  "Senate  Election  Cases,  1789-1885,"  pp.  13-15. 

4  Facsimile  of  Dixon's  proposed  amendment,  Dixon's  "True  History  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Repeal,"  pp.  441-442;  text,  "Congressional 
Globe,"  XXVin,  Pt.  I,  p.  175.  Montgomery  Blair,  in  a  letter  to  Gideon  Wells, 
dated  May  17,  1873,  declared  that  Seward  had  once  boasted  to  him,  "that  he 
was  the  man  who  put  '  Archy'  Dixon,  the  Whig  Senator  from  Kentucky  in  1854, 
up  to  moving  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  as  an  amendment  to 
Douglas'  first  Kansas  [Nebraska]  bill,  and  had  himself  forced  the  repeal  by 
that  movement,  and  had  thus  brought  to  life  the  Republican  party.  ..." 


MISSOURI  COMPROAUSE 


491 


"He  immediately  came  to  my  seat,"  writes  Dixon, ^  "and 
courteously  remonstrated  against  my  amendment,  sug- 
gesting that  the  bill  which  had  been  introduced  was  almost 
in  the  words  of  the  territorial  acts  for  the  organization  of 
Utah  and  New  Mexico;  that  they  being  a  part  of  the  Com- 
promise Measures  of  1850,  he  had  hoped  that  I,  as  a 
known  and  zealous  friend  of  the  wise  and  patriotic  ad- 
justment which  had  then  taken  place,  would  not  be  in- 
clined to  do  anything  to  call  that  adjustment  in  question 
or  weaken  it  before  the  country." 

Dixon  replied  that  his  friendship  for  the  Compromise 
Measures  of  1850  was  the  very  thing  that  had  prompted 
his  action. 

"I  was  well  satisfied,"  he  declared,  "that  the  Missouri 
restriction,  if  not  expressly  repealed,  would  continue  to 
operate  in  the  Territories  to  which  it  had  been  applied, 
thus  negativing  the  great  and  salutary  principle  of  non- 
intervention which  constituted  the  most  prominent  and 
essential  feature  of  the  plan  of  settlement  of  1850."  ^ 

The  day  after  announcing  the  nature  of  his  intended 
amendment  to  the  Douglas  bill.  Senator  Dixon  remained 
at  home;  but  he  was  not  left  alone. 

The  story  came  to  Dixon's  ears  and  he  wrote,  to  the  editor  of  the  "St.  Louis 
Repubhcan,"  November  14,  1873,  an  elaborate  letter,  denying  it.  "To  this 
statement  of  Mr.  Seward,  as  put  forth  by  Mr.  Blair,"  he  says,  "I  make  a  posi- 
tive and  unqualified  denial  .  .  .  there  never  was  any  conversation  between 
Mr.  Seward  and  myself,  respecting  my  amendment  to  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill,  previous  to  the  offering  that  amendment.  .  .  .  Neither  did  he  use  or 
attempt  to  use  any  influence,  direct  or  indirect,  to  induce  me  to  offer  the  said 
amendment."  The  full  text  of  this  and  other  letters  bearing  on  the  question 
are  given  in  Dixon's  "True  History  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Re- 
peal," pp.  587-610. 

1  Archibald  Dixon  to  Hon.  H.  S.  Foote.  Quoted,  Dixon's  "True  History 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Repeal,"  pp.  445  e*-  seq. 

2  Archibald  Dixon  to  H.  S.  Foote,  ante. 


492        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

"Our  parlor,"  wrote  Mrs.  Dixon/  "was  crowded  all  day 
with  visitors;  members  of  Congress,  Whigs  and  Demo- 
crats; all  congratulatory,  all  expressing  a  delighted  sur- 
prise." It  began  to  look  as  if  the  political  capital,  which 
Douglas  had  expected  to  gain  in  the  South  by  his  Nebraska 
bill,  was  drifting  into  the  hands  of  this  Whig  Senator  from 
Kentucky,  who  had  gone  a  step  farther  than  he  himself 
had  ventured  to  go. 

News  of  this  enthusiasm  was  carried  to  Judge  Douglas, 
who  came  the  next  afternoon  to  investigate  the  situation, 
and  to  sound  Dixon  as  to  the  steadfastness  of  his  determi- 
nation to  bring  in  his  amendment.  He  "urged  me  to  .  .  . 
take  a  ride  with  him  in  his  carriage,"  writes  Dixon. ^  "  I 
accepted  his  invitation  and  rode  out  with  him." 

The  conversation  must  have  been  animated,  to  judge 
from  the  brief  accounts  which  we  have  of  it.  "Upon  Mr. 
Dixon's  return,"  writes  his  wife,^  "he  told  me  of  the  con- 
versation ...  of  the  arguments  he  used,  and  that  finally 
Judge  Douglas  had  said  of  the  repeal—'  By  G — d,  sir, 
you  are  right,  and  I  will  incorporate  it  in  my  bill,  though  I 
know  it  will  raise  a  hell  of  a  storm.'  " 

Dixon  himself,  in  a  well-known  letter  to  Hon.  H.  S. 
Foote,^  gives  more  details  of  Douglas'  conversation  upon 
this  important  occasion:  "I  have  become  perfectly  satis- 
fied," he  said,  "that  it  is  my  duty,  as  a  fair-minded  national 
statesman,  to  cooperate  with  you  as  proposed  in  securing 

1  "True  History  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Repeal,"  p.  444. 

2  Ibid. 

3  "True  History  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Repeal,"  p.  445. 

4  Text,  Dixon's  "True  History  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  its  Re- 
peal," pp.  445  et  seq.  Dixon  allowed  Douglas  to  take  charge  of  his  amendment, 
writes  Mrs.  Dixon,  because  he  knew  that,  "if  the  northern  Democracy  would 
give  it  their  support,  with  the  aid  of  the  South,  it  vvas  bound  to  succeed." 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  493 

the  Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  restriction.  . 
I  shall  be  assailed  by  demagogues  and  fanatics  .  .  .  with- 
out stint  or  moderation.  Every  opprobrious  epithet  will 
be  applied  to  me.  I  shall  be,  probably,  hung  in  effigy  in 
many  places.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  I  may  be- 
come permanently  odious  among  those  whose  friendship 
and  esteem  I  have  heretofore  possessed.  This  proceeding 
may  end  my  political  career.  But,  acting  under  the  sense 
of  duty  which  animates  me,  I  am  prepared  to  make  the 
sacrifice.     I  will  do  it.   .   .   ." 

Having  carefully  prepared  the  substitute,  and  having 
secured  President  Pierce  and  the  able  Secretary  of  War, 
Jefferson  Davis,  as  certain  supporters,^  Judge  Douglas, 
on  January  23,  1854,  laid  his  substitute  bill  before  the 
Senate.  It  declared  explicitly  that,  "...  The  eighth 
section  of  the  act  preparatory  to  the  admission  of  Missouri 
into  the  Union,  approved  March  6,  1820,  which  was 
superseded  by  the  principles  of  the  legislation  of  1850, 
commonly  called  the  Compromise  Measures,  ...  is  de- 
clared inoperative.   .   .   ."  ' 

At  once  the  anti-slavery  hosts  prepared  for  battle. 
Maine,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  New  York  and 
Wisconsin  issued  vigorous  protests  against  the  crime  of  re- 

1  In  a  letter  to  Mrs.  Dixon,  printed  in  full  in  the  "True  History  of  the  Mis- 
souri Compromise  and  its  Repeal,"  pp.  457-460,  Jefferson  Davis  gives  the  de- 
tails of  the  interview  by  which  these  supporters  were  secured.  Jefferson  Davis, 
though  a  native  of  Kentucky,  had  been  taken  to  Mississippi  by  his  parents  in 
early  infancy.  His  career,  as  a  national  figure,  is  therefore  associated  with  Mis- 
sissippi. 

2  " Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  222.  In  a  speech  before  the 
Senate,  February  3,  1854  ("Congressional  Globe,"  XXIX,  p.  135),  Chase  de- 
clared, "...  of  the  various  mutations  which  it  [the  Douglas  bill]  has  under- 
gone, I  can  hardly  be  mistaken  in  attributing  the  last  to  the  amendment  of  the 
Senator  from  Kentucky." 


494        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

pealing  the  "Sacred  Compromise  of  1820."  ^  But  Doug- 
las stood  his  ground,  and,  knowing  that  the  Senate,  with 
its  present  composition,  would  pass  his  bill,  managed  his 
defense  with  a  view  to  influencing  the  action  of  the  House, 
and  winning  the  support  of  the  American  public. 

Douglas,  in  those  days,  before  his  encounter  with  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  was  the  acknowledged  master  of  the  country, 
in  the  line  of  public  debate,  and,  in  the  support  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  his  powers  were  displayed  to  the 
best  advantage. 

The  aim  of  this  measure,  he  told  the  Senate,  and  through 
the  medium  of  the  eager  press,  the  House  and  the  public, 
is,  "that  Congress  shall  neither  legislate  slavery  into 
nor  out  of  the  Territories;  neither  to  introduce  nor  ex- 
clude it;  but  to  remove  whatever  obstacles  Congress  had 
put  there,  and  apply  the  doctrine  of  Congressional  non- 
intervention, in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  the  Com- 
promise of  1850.   .   .   ."  ^ 

This  statement  of  the  case  was  soon  found  to  be  more 

1  The  most  important  protest  against  the  Douglas  program  was  the  so- 
called  "Appeal  of  the  Independent  Democrats,"  a  document  signed  by  Chase, 
Sumner,  Giddings,  Wade,  Gerritt  Smith,  and  Alex.  De  Witt,  and  published 
the  day  after  Douglas'  new  bill  was  presented.  Text,  "Congressional  Globe," 
XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  281. 

2  "  Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  pp.  239-240;  Rhodes,  I,  p.  471.  "The 
Mississippian,"  of  December  30,  1853,  remarks:  "It  is  well  known  that  the 
South  acquiesced  in  the  Compromise  measures  of  1850  ...  on  the  construc- 
tion placed  upon  it  by  its  champions,  that  the  settlement  established  the  princi- 
ple that  the  people  of  a  Territory  should  hereafter  decide  for  themselves  when 
they  came  to  be  admitted  as  a  State  whether  or  not  slavery  should  exist  within 
its  bounds.  .  .  .  The  question  of  organizing  the  Territory  of  Nebraska  brings 
the  matter  to  a  test.  .  .  .  And  now  the  question  arises,  will  she  [the  North] 
require  the  enforcement  of  the  law  of  1820,  or  will  she  stand  by  the  settlement 
of  1850?"  See  Ray's  "Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,"  pp.  190-191. 
The  Albany  ".'\rgus,"  of  December  14,  1853,  states,  even  more  definitely,  the 
inconsistency  of  the  two  laws.     Ibid.,  p.  194. 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  49^ 

acceptable  to  certain  opponents  of  the  measure  than  that 
.  contained  in  the  bill  itself.  Douglas,  accordingly,  agreed 
to  alter  the  form  of  his  bill,  and  submitted  a  new  phrasing 
of  its  vital  sentence.  The  bill,  as  thus  altered,  declared 
that  the  Missouri  Compromise  "Act  .  .  .  being  incon- 
sistent with  the  principle  of  non-intervention  by  Congress 
with  slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories,  as  recognized  by 
the  legislation  of  1850  ...  is  hereby  declared  inopera- 
tive and  void;  it  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this 
act  not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State, 
nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people  thereof 
perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their  domestic  institu- 
tions in  their  own  way,  subject  only  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States."  ^ 

The  debate  continued  until  the  early  morning  hours  of 
March  4,  1854.  The  vote  was  then  taken,  the  yeas  and 
nays  being  recorded.  Thirty-seven  Senators  answered  yea, 
as  their  names  were  called,  the  nays  numbering  only 
fourteen.-  It  was  five  minutes  past  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  when  the  Senate  adjourned,  after  a  session  of 
seventeen  hours.  Though  most  of  its  members  little  sus- 
pected it,  they  had  given  life  to  a  measure  which  was 
destined  to  transform  the  political  conditions  of  the  na- 
tion, readjust  the  political  parties  of  the  Republic,  and  set 
the  stage  for  the  dramatic  entrance  of  the  greatest  of  all 
Kentucky's  sons,  "the  rail-splitter"  Abraham  Lincoln.-' 

1  This  amendment  was  adopted  February  15,  1854  (vote  35  to  10).  "Con- 
gressional Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  353;  "Senate  Journal,"  ist  Sess.,  33d 
Cong.,  p.  188,  for  text  and  vote. 

2  "Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  I,  p.  532,  for  yeas  and  nays.  The 
act  is  officially  entitled,  "An  act  to  organize  the  Territories  of  Nebraska  and 
Kansas." 

3  Abraham  Lincoln  was  born  in  Hardin  County,  Kentucky,  in  a  district  now 


496        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

The  vast  importance  of  this  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  was 
dimly  appreciated,  however,  by  some  of  the  leaders  of 
the  Senate.  As  Chase  and  Sumner  left  the  capitol, 
wearied  with  their  vain  efforts  to  defeat  it,  they  heard 
the  roar  of  guns,  fired  in  honor  of  the  passage  of  the  bill. 
Sumner  paused  to  listen.  He  then  remarked  to  his 
companion: 

"They  celebrate  a  present  victory,  but  the  echoes  they 
awake,  will  never  cease  until  slavery  itself  shall  perish."  ^ 

The  bill  was  promptly  sent  to  the  House,  where,  amid  a 
hurricane  of  invective  against  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  it  was 
finally  passed,  by  a  majority  of  thirteen.'  On  May  30th, 
President  Pierce  afBxed  his  signature,  and  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill  became  a  law. 

Thus  Clay's  "Dove  of  Peace"  proved  rather  a  fire- 
brand, to  set  the  nation  ablaze.  Amid  the  fervent  heat 
which  it  generated,  the  Whig  party  melted  away,  old  po- 
litical affiliations  were  rudely  shaken,  and  the  cry  went 
forth  for  all,  who  opposed  the  principle  of  extension  of 
slavery,  to  organize,  irrespective  of  former  party  lines.  The 
result  was  the  rapid  building  up  of  the  Republican  party, 

included  in  Larue  County.  At  the  age  of  seven,  he  was  taken  by  his  father  to 
Spencer  County,  Indiana.  In  1830  he  made  his  first  entrance  into  Illinois,  a 
tall  youth  of  twenty-one,  barefoot  and  driving  a  yoke  of  oxen,  which  drew  a 
rough  wagon,  in  which  were  deposited  all  the  earthly  goods  of  the  Lincoln 
family.  His  national  career  is  properly  associated  with  Illinois,  which  he  always 
regarded  as  "home." 

1  Rhodes,  I,  p.  476. 

2  May  22,  1854,  vote  113  to  100.  "Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  II, 
p.  1254.  Slight  alterations  made  necessary  a  reconsideration  by  the  Senate. 
Douglas  reintroduced  the  bill,  declaring,  "...  It  presents  no  new  issue,  no 
new  question,  and  I  therefore  ask  that  the  Senate  may  proceed  to  vote  upon  it." 
"Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  II,  p.  1300.  On  May  25,  1854,  it  again 
passed  the  Senate,  vote  35  to  13.  "Congressional  Globe,"  XXVIII,  Pt.  II, 
p.  1321. 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  497 

with  one  object  in  view,  to  restrict  the  institution  of  slavery 
to  the  States  where  it  already  existed. 

The  history  of  the  growth  of  that  party  docs  not  he- 
long  to  our  story.  By  1856,  it  was  strong  enough  to  hold 
a  national  convention,  and  nominate  candidates  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice  President,  but  its  strength  was  confined  to 
the  non-slaveholding  States.  In  the  slave  States,  it  was 
felt  to  be  a  dangerous  menace  to  the  right  of  private 
property,  and  so  found  few  supporters. 

In  Kentucky,  at  the  November  election  of  1856,  the 
race  was  between  James  Buchanan  and  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge, the  candidates  of  the  old  Democracy,  and  Millard 
Fillmore  and  Andrew  J.  Donelson,  the  nominees  of  the 
new,  Native  American  party.  The  two  tickets  divided  the 
vote,  Buchanan  receiving  a  bare  majority  of  six  thousand 
one  hundred  and  eighteen  votes, ^  due  largely  to  the  per- 
sonal popularity  of  John  C.  Breckinridge,  and  the  pride 
with  which  his  fellow  Kentuckians  regarded  his  brilliant 
career.  The  Kentucky  vote  for  the  Republican  candi- 
dates, John  C.  Fremont  and  William  L.  Dayton,  was 
negligible,  only  three  hundred  and  fourteen  within  the 
entire  State.' 

James  Buchanan  was  chosen  President,  upon  the  basis 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  and  by  a  majority  which 
left  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  the  popular  verdict  upon  the 
principles  laid  down  in  that  memorable  piece  of  legislation. 

With  the  history  of  the  earlier  years  of  his  administra- 
tion, we  are  not  here  concerned.  It  was  marked  by  the 
gradual  melting  away  of  the  Know-nothing  party,  and  the 
rapid    growth    of  the    "new   party,"    called    Republican, 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  77. 

2  Louisville  "Courier,"  August  13,  1857. 

Kentucky — 32 


498         KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

which  labored,  and  labored  successfully,  to  gather  into  its 
ranks  all  men,  of  whatever  political  creed,  who  had  opposed 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  or  who  were  willing  to  give 
their  political  influence  toward  preventing  the  further  ex- 
tension of  the  institution  of  slavery. 

By  November,  i860,'  the  Republican  party  had  grown 
into  a  consolidated  and  powerful  organization.  A  split 
in  the  ranks  of  the  Democracy  gave  it  its  opportunity, 
and  Abraham  Lincoln  was  chosen  President. 

Of  the  four  national  tickets  which  figured  in  that  con- 
test, three  stood  definitely  for  Union,  Bell  and  Everett, 
Douglas  and  Johnson,  Lincoln  and  Hamlin.  A  vote  for 
any  one  of  these  was,  in  effect,  a  vote  to  sustain  union, 
as  opposed  to  the  distinctly  anti-union  position  of  the 
Breckinridge-Lane  ticket.  By  adding  together  their  pop- 
ular vote  in  Kentucky,  therefore,  we  can  easily  determine 
the  strength  of  the  Union  sentiment  in  that  State,  at  the  time 
of  Lincoln's  election.  It  amounted  to  over  forty  thousand 
Union  majority,  out  of  a  total  vote  of  a  little  less  than  a 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand.^ 

The  strong  support  given  by  Kentucky  to  the  so-called 
"Constitutional-Unionist  party"  of  Bell  and  Everett,  in 

1  It  was  in  this  year  that  the  so-called  "Opposition"  party  in  Kentucky  took 
the  more  dcrinitc  name,  "Union  Party,"  while  the  Democratic  jiarty  was  com- 
monly spoken  of  as  the  "Southern  Rights  Parly."  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in 
Kentucky,"  pp.  2,  18. 

2  Bell  and  Everett  66,016 

Douglas  and  Johnson 25,644 

Lincoln  and  Hamlin l>3^^ 

Total        93.026 

Breckinridge  and  Lane 52,836 

4o,i()0 
—Collins,  I,  p.  84. 


MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  499 

this  election,  is  the  more  significant,  when  we  remember 
that,  in  the  State  elections  of  the  previous  year,  the  Demo- 
crats had  chosen  the  Governor,  Beriah  Magoffin,  by  a 
majority  of  almost  nine  thousand,  and  the  Lieutenant 
Governor,  Linn  Boyd,  by  a  still  larger  majority  J  It  meant 
that  Kentucky,  still  democratic  at  heart,  placed  loyalty  to 
the  Union  far  higher  than  mere  party  loyalty.  It  meant 
that,  upon  the  very  threshold  of  secession  and  civil  war, 
the  people  of  Kentucky  were  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of 
preserving  the  Union  of  States,  of  "  redressing  the  wrongs 
of  the  South  "  within  the  Union,  and  not  outside  of  it. 
It  meant  that  Kentucky's  sympathies  were  with  John  j. 
Crittenden,  John  Bell,  Edward  Everett,  and  the  rest  of  the 
men  who  had  declared,  as  their  platform,  that  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  Union  were  the  matters  of  greatest  concern, 
and  had  intimated  a  willingness  to  compromise  all  other 
questions — not  the  wisest  position,  as  we  see  it  now,  per- 
haps, but  a  position  capable  of  rational  defence  from  the 
point  of  view  of  men  to  whom  the  volume  of  our  civil  war 
history  was  not  yet  open. 

1  Election  of  August  i,  1859.  For  Governor:  Magoflm  (Democrat),  76,187, 
Joshua  F.  Bell  (Opposition),  67,283 — majority,  8,904.  For  Lieutenant 
Governor:  Linn  Boyd  (Democrat),  75,320;  Alfred  Allen  (Opposition),  67,607 — 
majority,  11,713.    Figures,  etc.,  Collins,  I,  p.  Si. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


LOYAL    TO    THE    UNION 


Upon  the  assembling  of  Congress  for  its  final  session, 
on  December  3,  i860,  President  Buchanan  found  him- 
self in  a  very  unpleasant  situation.  He  knew  that  seces- 
sion projects  were  forming  in  most  of  the  slave  States,  and 
that  South  Carolina  had  arranged  for  the  assembling  of 
a  "Sovereignty  Convention"  which  meant  secession;  but 
his  opening  message  ^  displayed  none  of  the  vigor  and 
decision  which  these  facts  demanded.  Instead  of  taking 
a  bold  stand  upon  one  or  the  other  side  of  the  issue,  he 
gravely  straddled  the  question,  declaring,  in  one  breath, 
that  secession  was  illegal  and,  in  the  next,  that  the  Fed- 
eral Government  had  no  power  to  prevent  it. 

This  message  served  to  urge  on  the  secession  move- 
ment, by  holding  up  to  view  the  fancied  impotency  of  the 
Federal  Government,  and  was,  therefore,  bitterly  attacked. 
Kentucky's  venerable  Senator,  John  J.  Crittenden,'  how- 
ever, warmly  praised  its  peaceful  tone,  while  dissenting 
from  certain  features  of  it.  His  plea  was  for  a  judicial 
attitude  at  this  critical  point  of  our  nation's  history.  "The 
Union,"  he  declared,  "is  worthy  of  great  sacrifices  and 
great  concessions.  ...  I  trust  there  is  not  a  Senator 
here  who  is  not  willing  to  yield  and  to  compromise  much, 

1  December  3,  i860.  Text,  Richardson's  "Messages  and  Papers,"  V, 
pp.  626  et  seq.     See  also  Curtis'  "Buchanan,"  II,  pp.  337-350. 

2  Crittenden  had  been  elected  Senator,  January  10,  1854,  to  succeed  Archi- 
bald Dixon,  whose  term  expired  March  4,  1855.    Collins,  I,  p.  69. 

500 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  501 

in  order  to  preserve  the  Government  and  the  Union. 
Calm  consideration  is  demanded  of  us.  .  .  .  I  will  waive 
any  remarks  I  might  have  been  disposed  to  make  on  the 
message.  I  do  not  agree  that  there  is  no  power  in  the 
President  to  preserve  the  Union.  ...  To  say  that  no 
State  has  a  right  to  secede,  and  that  it  is  a  wrong  to  the 
Union,  and  yet  that  the  Union  has  no  right  to  interpose 
any  obstacles  to  its  secession,  seems  to  me  to  be  altocrether 

to 

contradictory."  ^ 

A  few  days  later,  Crittenden  gave  a  more  important  ex- 
pression to  this  spirit  of  compromise,  in  a  speech  before 
the  United  States  Senate.  Like  Clay,  in  the  days  of  the 
California  discussions,  he  had  thought  out  and  formulated 
a  series  of  resolutions  which,  he  believed,  would  reconcile 
the  sections,  restore  the  already  shattered  Union,  and 
settle  permanently  the  chief  questions  which  had  grown 
out  of  slavery. 2  Obtaining  the  floor  on  December  18, 
he  briefly  explained  his  plan.  "I  have  endeavored  by 
these  resolutions  to  meet  all  these  questions  and  causes 
of  discontent  by  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  so  that  the  settlement,  if  we  can  happily 
agree  on  any,  may  be  permanent,  and  leave  no  cause  for 
future  controversy.  These  resolutions  propose,  then,  in 
the  first  place,  in  substance,  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  extending  the  line  throughout  the  Terri- 
tories of  the  United  States  to  the  eastern  border  of  Cali- 
fornia, recognizing  slavery  in  all  the  territory  south  of  that 
line,  and  prohibiting  slavery  in  all  the  territory  north  of  it; 
with  a  proviso,  however,  that  when  any  Territories,  north 

1  In  Senate,  December  4,  i860.  Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  II,  pp.  220-222, 
for  full  text.  Collins,  I,  p.  84,  gives  the  false  impression  that  Crittenden  de- 
fended the  whole  of  Buchanan's  strange  doctrine. 

2  Curtis'  "Republican  Party,"  I,  p.  376. 


502        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  mSTORY 

or  south,  are  formed  into  States,  they  shall  then  be  at 
liberty  to  exclude  or  admit  slavery  as  they  please,  and 
that,  in  the  one  case  or  the  other,  it  shall  be  no  objection  to 
their  admission  into  the  Union. 

"...  I  propose,  sir,  also,  that  the  Constitution  shall  be 
so  amended  as  to  declare  that  Congress  shall  have  no 
pow^er  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  so 
long  as  slavery  exists  in  the  States  of  Maryland  and 
Virgina;  and  that  they  shall  have  no  power  to  abolish 
slavery  in  any  of  the  places  under  their  special  jurisdiction 
within  the  Southern  States. 

"These  are  the  constitutional  amendments  which  I 
propose  ....  There  are  other  propositions  in  relation 
to  grievances,  and  in  relation  to  controversies,  which  I 
suppose  are  within  the  jurisdiction  of  Congress,  and  may 
be  removed  by  the  action  of  Congress.  I  propose,  in  re- 
gard to  legislative  action,  that  the  fugitive  slave  law,  as  it 
is  commonly  called,  shall  be  declared  by  the  Senate  to  be 
a  constitutional  act,  in  strict  pursuance  of  the  Consti- 
tution. I  propose  to  declare  that  it  has  been  decided  by 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to  be  constitu- 
tional, and  that  the  Southern  States  are  entitled  to  a 
faithful  and  complete  execution  of  that  law,  and  that  no 
amendment  shall  be  made  hereafter  to  it  which  will  im- 
pair its  efficiency.  .  .  . 

"I  have  further  provided,  .  .  .  that  the  amendments  to 
the  Constitution  which  I  here  propose,  and  certain  other 
provisions  of  the  Constitution  itself,  shall  be  unalterable, 
thereby  forming  a  permanent  and  unchangeable  basis  for 
peace  and  tranquillity  among  the  people." 

After  a  careful  explanation  of  these  proposed  compro- 
mise measures,  Mr.  Crittenden  turned  to  the  section  of  the 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  503 

Senate  Chamber  occupied  by  the  Southern  Senators,  "Can 
you  ask  more  than  this  ?  "  he  said,  "Are  you  bent  on  revo- 
lution, bent  on  disunion  ?  God  forbid  it.  I  cannot  be- 
lieve that  such  madness  possesses  the  American  people. 
This  gives  reasonable  satisfaction.  I  can  speak  with  con- 
fidence only  of  my  own  State.  Old  Kentucky  will  be 
satisfied  with  it,  and  she  will  stand  by  the  Union  and  die 
by  the  Union  if  this  satisfaction  be  given."  ' 

Earlier  in  the  session,  the  other  Senator  from  Kentucky, 
Lazarus  W.  Powell,  had  moved  the  creation  of  a  committee 
(afterwards  known  as  the  Senate  Committee  of  Thirteen), 
to  concert  measures  of  compromise  and  pacification. 
When  it  was  appointed,  both  Powell  and  Crittenden  were 
members, 2  and,  early  in  their  meeting,  the  latter  laid  his 
Compromise  Resolutions  before  it.  Most  of  the  Demo- 
cratic members  saw  in  them  a  chance  of  successful  ad- 
justment of  the  pressing  sectional  differences;  but  the 
Republican  members,  naturally  enough,  considered  them 
as  yielding  too  much  to  the  South,  and  they  were  rejected. 

The  attitude  of  the  American  people  toward  these  pro- 
posals has  been  recently  set  forth  by  the  historian,  James 
Ford  Rhodes,  who  declares,^  "...  No  doubt  can  now 

1  Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  II,  Chap.  XIII,  for  speech,  correspondence,  etc., 
and  full  text  of  the  Compromise  Resolutions.    Collins,  I,  p.  85. 

2  List  of  members,  Nicolay-Hay,  "Lincoln,"  II,  p.  414;  Curtis'  "Republican 
Party,"  I,  p.  376. 

3  "History  of  the  United  States,"  III,  p.  261.  The  "Cincinnati  Encjuirer," 
of  July  3,  1861,  declares,  "The  whole  South,  save  South  Carolina,  would  have 
accepted  Crittenden's  Compromise.  ...  It  is  written  down  in  stern  and 
inexorable  history  that  the  Republicans  in  Congress  would  not  accept  these 
propositions."  For  an  opposite  view,  see  Blaine's  "Twenty  Years  in  Con- 
gress," I,  pp.  261-267.  I^  support  of  this  statement  Mr.  Rhodes  presents 
almost  three  pages  of  references,  statistics,  opinions,  etc.  (Ill,  pp.  261-263, 
footnotes).  Some  of  Buchanan's  friends  attempted  to  persuade  Lincoln  to 
approve  Crittenden's  compromise  proposals.     His  reply  was,   "I  am  for  no 


504        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

exist,  and  but  little  could  have  existed  in  January,  1861, 
that  if  it  [Crittenden's  compromise  plan],  had  been  sub- 
mitted to  the  people  it  would  have  carried  the  Northern 
States  by  a  great  majority;  that  it  would  have  obtained 
the  vote  of  almost  every  man  in  the  border  States;  and  that 
it  would  have  received  the  preponderating  voice  of  all  the 
cotton  States  but  South  Carolina." 

Such  speculations,  however,  are  but  the  vain  cries  of  what 
might  have  been.  Crittenden's  plan  was  not  submitted 
to  the  people,  ^  and  the  progress  of  events  toward  seces- 
sion was  rapid  and  uninterrupted. 

About  the  middle  of  November,  Major  Robert  Ander- 
son, a  native  Kentuckian,  serving  in  the  regular  army,  had 
been  ordered  to  leave  his  post  in  Kentucky  and  assume 
command  of  the  United  States  forces  in  Charleston  har- 
bor, with  headquarters  at  Fort  Moultrie.-  It  was  an  ap- 
pointment of  grave  importance,  as  it  was  felt  that  Charles- 
ton harbor  would  become  the  storm  center,  as  soon  as  the 
South  Carolina  Convention  should  assemble. 

On  December  17,  i860,  that  Convention  met  at  Co- 
lumbia, and,  three  days  later,  passed,  with  solemn  formal- 
ities, the  now  famous  Ordinance  of  Secession,^  announc- 
ino-  the  dissolution  of  "the  Union  between  the  State  of 

O 

South  Carolina  and  other  States  united  with  her  under 
the   compact  entitled,   'The   Constitution   of  the  United 

compromise,  which  asserts  or  permits  the  extension  of  the  institution  in  soil 
owned  by  the  nation.  ..."    Schouler,  V,  pp.  505-506. 

1  A  test  vote  was  taken  in  the  Senate  upon  Crittenden's  proposals  and  re- 
sulted in  their  defeat.     Schouler,  V,  p.  506. 

2  Robert  Anderson  was  born,  near  Louisville,  Ky.,  June  14,  1805.  Sketch 
of  life,  Collins,  I,  pp.  218-220.    See  also  Ibid.,  p.  84. 

3  Text,  Curtis'  "Republican  Party,"  I,  pp.  367  et  seq.  The  convention  had 
left  Columbia  on  the  first  day  of  the  session,  as  smallpox  was  prevailing  there, 
and  had  reassembled  (December  18)  at  Charleston. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  505 

States  of  America.'  "  A  commission  was  then  sent  to 
Washington  to  open  negotiations  for  the  division  of  public 
property,  and  the  surrender  of  the  Federal  forts  in  Charles- 
ton harbor.^ 

In  the  meantime,  Major  Anderson  had  studied  the 
situation,  and  had  decided  that  Fort  Moultrie  was  dan- 
gerously exposed  and,  in  the  event  of  a  conflict,  would  be 
untenable  by  the  small  force  under  his  command.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  December  27,  1861,  he  burned  the  inside 
of  the  fort,  spiked  her  guns,  and  quietly  transferred  her 
garrison  to  Fort  Sumter,  a  strong  position,  upon  a  small 
island,  in  the  mouth  of  the  harbor.' 

News  of  this  sudden  and  unauthorized  movement  was 
at  once  conveyed  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  John  B.  Floyd 
of  Virginia,  a  man  who,  by  his  later  confession,  was  using 
his  high  office  in  the  interest  of  the  cause  of  disunion.'' 
Professing  indignation  at  Anderson's  unmilitary  conduct, 
but  really  angry  at  the  fact  that  Anderson's  movement 
had  strengthened  the  Government's  position  in  Charleston 
harbor,  Floyd  sent  him  the  following  dispatch: 

"Intelligence  has  reached  here  this  morning  that  you 
have  abandoned  Fort  Moultrie,  spiked  your  guns,  burned 
the  carriages,  and  gone  to  Fort  Sumter.  It  is  not  believed, 
because  there  is  no  order  for  any  such  movement.  Ex- 
plain the  meaning  of  this  report."  '^ 

The  answer  was  promptly  returned,  laconic  and  ex- 
plicit: "I  abandoned  Fort  Moultrie,  because  I  was  certain 
if  attacked  my  men  must  have  been  sacrificed,  and  the 


1  Schouler,  V,  p.  476. 

2  Collins,  I,  p.  85;  Rhodes,  III,  p.  216. 

3  Curtis'  "Buchanan,"  II,  p.  306. 

4  "Official  Records,"  Series  I,  Vol.  I,  p.  3. 


506        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

command  of  the  harbor  lost.  .  .  .  If  attacked  the  garrison 
would  never  have  surrendered  without  a  fight."  ^ 

To  this  no  adequate  reply  was  possible.  Anderson  had 
exercised  the  military  discretion  which  is  necessary  to  every 
command;  but  the  South  Carolina  commissioners,  now  at 
Washington,  called  upon  the  President,  and  demanded  an 
express  disavowal  of  Major  Anderson's  action,  as  a  con- 
dition of  opening  the  negotiations  for  which  they  had  been 
sent.-  To  this  extreme,  Buchanan  declined  to  go,  and  the 
Commissioners  retired,  without  having  secured  even  so 
much  as  an  official  interview  Vith  the  President.^ 

The  breaking  up  of  the  Cabinet,  and  the  retirement  of 
the  southern  leaders,  who  had  acted  as  his  advisers,  now 
brought  Buchanan  under  the  influence  of  the  union  men 
who  succeeded  to  their  places."*  But,  in  spite  of  these 
changes,  he  made  but  one  feeble  attempt  to  reinforce 
Anderson,  and,  this  being  prevented  by  the  Charleston 
authorities,*^  he  entered,  with  certain  southern  leaders,  into 
a  sort  of  truce,  by  which  he  agreed  to  make  no  further 
attempt  to  reinforce  the  forts,  situated  within  the  limits  or 
harbors  of  the  seceded  States,  upon  condition  that  the 
seceders  should  not  attempt  to  reduce  them,  during  the 
remainder  of  his  administration.*^ 

Meanwhile  the  fate  of  Crittenden's  compromise  propo- 

1  Text,  "  Official  Records,"  Series  I,  Vol.  I,  p.  3. 

2  Schouler,  V,  p.  479. 

3  The  only  interview  was  expressly  stated  by  Buchanan  to  be  with  private 
gentlemen  and  not  with  representatives  of  South  Carolina.  Rhodes,  III,  p. 
226. 

4  Curtis'  "Republican  Party,"  I,  p.  375,  for  list  of  changes.  Floyd,  Secre- 
tary of  War,  was  succeeded  by  Joseph  Holt,  of  Kentucky,  who  served  from 
January  18,  1861,  to  the  end  of  the  administration. 

5  Rhodes,  III,  pp.  244-248;  Collins,  I,  p.  85. 
8  Schouler,  V,  p.  487. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  507 

sitions  was  causing  great  excitement  in  Kentucky,  where 
it  was  felt  to  be  little  shart  of  a  crime,  at  such  a  time,  to 
allow  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  country's  difficulties  to 
be  buried  in  a  committee  of  the  Senate,  without  even  the 
courtesy  of  a  public  debate.  A  large  majority  of  her  citi- 
zens, while  firmly  believing  in  the  abstract  right  of  seces- 
sion, were  ardently  devoted  to  the  Union.  "Their  loy- 
alty," says  General  Hodge,  himself  an  old  Confederate 
officer,  "was  nearly  akin  to  the  religious  faith  which  is 
born  in  childhood,  which  never  falters  during  the  excite- 
ments of  the  longest  life,  and  which  at  last  enables  the 
cradle  to  triumph  over  the  grave.  The  mass  of  them  did 
not  reason  about  it.  The  Union  was  apotheosized.  .  .  . 
The  suggestion  of  its  dissolution  was  esteemed  akin  to 
blasphemy,  to  advocate  or  to  speculate  about  it  was  to  be 
infamous."  ^  But  they  had  been  trained  in  the  school  of 
Henry  Clay,  and  his  faith  in  the  efficacy  of  compromise 
had  become  almost  instinctive  with  them.  His  mantle  of 
political  leadership  had  fallen  upon  John  J.  Crittenden,- 
in  whose  compromise  proposals,  they  saw  again  the  spirit 
of  their  "Great  Commoner." 

As  the  question  of  loyalty  to  the  Union  had  now  be- 

1  "Outline  History  of  Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  335.  Few  Kentuckians,  of 
whatever  political  creed,  will  venture  to  disagree  with  this  statement.  Most  of 
those  who  passed  through  the  civil  war  period  will  heartily  agree  to  the  state- 
ment, recently  made  by  Mr.  Justice  Harlan  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  "...  I  confidently  assert  that  there  was  no  moment  during  the  war, 
when  a  decided  majority  of  the  people  [of  Kentucky]  were  not  unalterably  op- 
posed to  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  under  all  circumstances,  and  whatever 
might  be  the  result  as  to  the  institution  of  slavery.  ..."  Letter  to  the  author, 
dated  Pointe  au  Pic,  Province  of  Quebec,  Canada,  July  — ,  1909. 

2  Clay  himself  had  intended  to  transfer  the  leadership  of  his  Kentucky  Whig 
following  to  the  brilhant  young  statesman,  Richard  H.  Menefee;  but  his  plan 
had  been  frustrated  by  the  untimely  death  of  his  political  protege,  in  1841,  at 
the  age  of  3 1  years. 


5o8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

come  the  dominant  question,  in  view  of  South  Carolina's 
action,  old  party  differences  were  swept  aside,  and  the 
Bell  and  Douglas  parties  in  Kentucky  became,  in  effect, 
one  political  organization.  Its  purpose  was  to  preserve 
the  Union;  and,  in  Crittenden's  proposals,  most  of  its 
members  saw  a  peaceful  means  of  accomplishing  this 
end.  On  January  8,  1861,  a  convention  of  the  con- 
solidated party  ^  assembled  at  Louisville,  to  utter  a 
protest  against  their  defeat.  By  unanimous  consent, 
they  adopted  and  circulated  a  series  of  resolutions  de- 
claring: 

"We  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  propositions  of 
our  distinguished  Senator,  John  J.  Crittenden,  as  a  fair 
and  honorable  adjustment  of  the  difficulties  which  divide 
and  distract  the  people  of  our  beloved  country.  .  .  .  We 
recommend  to  the  Legislature  of  the  State,  to  put  the 
amendments  of  Senator  Crittenden  in  form,  and  submit 
them  to  the  other  States.  .  .  ."  ^  This  protest,  made 
in  the  name  of  over  ninety  thousand  Kentuckians,  was 
unheeded;  ^  and,  a  week  later,  the  United  States  Senate 
disposed  of  Crittenden's  propositions  by  adopting,  as  a 
substitute,  a  resolution  declaring,  "That  the  provisions  of 
the  Constitution  are  ample  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  .  .  .  that  it  needs  to  be  obeyed  rather  than 
amended.   .   .   ."  '^ 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  338;  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  p.  35. 

2  Full  text,  Collins,  I,  pp.  85-86. 

3  A  glance  at  the  table  of  Kentucky's  vote  in  the  presidential  election  of 
i860  will  show  that  a  party  composed  of  a  combination  of  Bell  and  Douglas 
parties  represented  a  large  majority  of  the  State.  In  that  election,  the  com- 
bined strength  of  Bell  and  Douglas  was  91,660  votes.  That  of  the  other  two 
parties  combined  only  54,202.    Figures,  Collins,  I,  p.  84. 

4  This  amendment  was  proposed  by  Mr.  Powell,  Senator  from  Kentucky. 
It  passed  the  Senate  on  January  16,  1861,  by  a  vote  of  29  to  24.    Yeas  and  nays, 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION 


509 


Upon  the  day  following  the  passage  of  this  resolution, 
the  Kentucky  Legislature  met,  in  special  session.  The 
governor's  opening  message  (January  17,  1861),  showed 
unmistakable  signs  of  sympathy  with  the  secession  move- 
ment, and  was  evidently  designed  to  bring  the  Legislature 
to  a  decided  stand  against  the  idea  of  using  force  to  pre- 
vent a  complete  dissolution  of  the  Union.  Its  tone  in- 
dicates the  very  natural  belief,  on  the  part  of  the  governor, 
that  a  Legislature,  which  had  chosen  John  C.  Breckin- 
ridge to  the  United  States  Senate,^  would  not  hesitate  to 
advocate  the  principles  for  which  his  party  stood,  al- 
though the  people  of  the  State,  in  their  vote  for  President, 
had  positively  rejected  them. 

"  The  special  purpose  for  which  the  Legislature  has  been 
called  into  extra  session,"  the  message  declared,  "  is  that 
you  may  consider  the  propriety  of  providing  for  the  election 
of  delegates  to  a  [Sovereignty]  Convention,  to  be  assembled 
at  an  early  day,  to  which  shall  be  referred  for  full  and  final 
determination  the  future  of  Federal  and  interstate  relations 
of  Kentucky.  .  .  .  This  Commonwealth,  will  not  be  an 
indifferent  observer  of  the  force  policy  .  .  .  the  seceding 
States  have  not,  in  their  hasty  and  inconsiderate  action, 
our  approval,  but  their  cause  is  our  right,  and  they  have 
our  sympathies.  The  people  of  Kentucky  will  never  stand 
with  arms  folded  while  those  States  are  struggling  for  their 
constitutional  rights,  and  resisting  oppression,  or  being 
subjugated  to  an  anti-slavery  government.  .  .  .  The 
idea  of  coercion,  when  applied  to  great  political  com- 
munities, is  revolting  to  a  free  people,   contrary  to  the 

together  with  text  of  amendment,  "Congressional  Globe,  2d  Sess.,  36th  Cong., 
Pt   I,  p   404. 

1  Election  of  December  12,  1859.    Vote,  see  Collins,  I,  p.  81. 


510        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

spirit  of  our  institutions,  and,  if  successful,  would  endanger 
the  liberties  of  the  people."  ^ 

The  message  further  urges  the  Legislature  to  provide 
arms  and  military  equipment  for  the  State  Guard,  and 
to  take  an  open  and  decided  stand  against,  "the  em- 
ployment of  force  in  any  form  against  the  seceding 
States." 

Such  a  message,  at  so  critical  a  moment,  alarmed  the 
Unionist  leaders  in  the  Legislature.  A  Sovereignty  Con- 
vention, at  a  time  of  such  intense  excitement,^  might 
mean  for  Kentucky  also,  "hasty  and  inconsiderate  ac- 
tion." Their  wisest  course,  therefore,  was  to  prevent, 
if  possible,  the  calling  of  a  convention,  and  thus  keep 
Kentucky  in  the  Union,  until  the  people,  in  the  State  elec- 
tions of  the  following  August,  should  have  a  chance  to 
select  new  men  to  represent  them  in  the  Legislature.  From 
the  votes  which  had  already  been  taken  in  the  State,  since 
the  question  of  union,  as  against  secession,  had  become  the 
dominant  issue,  they  judged  that  the  next  Legislature 
would  be  strongly  unionist."'^  As  at  present  constituted, 
the  Senate  contained  a  small  majority  of  Union  men, 
while  the  House  was  about  equally  divided;  ^  but  the 
Unionist  leaders,  while  believing  in  the  ultimate  loyalty  of 

1  Extracts  from  governor's  message,  Speed's  "  Union  Cause  in  Kentucky," 
p.  27. 

2  Three  Slates  had  already  followed  the  example  of  South  Carolina,  and 
passed  ordinances  of  secession:  Mississippi  (January  9,  1861),  Florida  (Janu- 
ary 10),  Alabama  (January  11).  Georgia  was  just  ready  to  follow  them,  and 
did  so  a  few  days  later  (January  19). 

3  This  belief  was  correct.  In  the  elections  of  August  5,  1861,  seventy-six 
Unionist  members  were  elected  to  the  House,  and  only  twenty-four  States'  rights 
men.  The  new  Senate,  including  those  whose  seats  were  not  involved  in  the 
election,  contained  twenty-seven  Unionists  and  eleven  States'  rights  men.  Fig- 
ures, Collins,  I,  p.  92. 

4  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  p.  39. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION 


511 


the  mass  of  Kentucky  voters,  feared  the  contagion  of 
enthusiasm  which  was  sweeping  State  after  State  into 
the  secession  movement. 

The  Unionists  in  the  House  gained  their  first  victory 
in  the  passage  of  a  resolution,  directing  the  sergeant-at- 
arms,  "to  hoist  the  American  flag  over  the  capitol  during 
the  present  session."  '  But,  upon  the  next  important 
question,  they  were  completely  overwhelmed.  On  Janu- 
ary 21,  George  W.  Ewing,  of  Logan  County,  proposed 
two  resolutions  of  a  dangerously  menacing  character.^ 
The  first,  which  was  passed  by  unanimous  consent,  ex- 
pressed strong  disapproval  of  the  recent  action  of  the  States 
of  New  York,  Ohio,  Maine  and  Massachusetts,  in  sending 
men  and  money  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  "to 
be  used  in  coercing  certain  sovereign  States  of  the  South 
into  obedience  to  the  Federal  Government."  The  sec- 
ond, which  was  passed  by  a  vote  of  eighty-seven  to  six, 
requested  the  governor,  "to  inform  the  executives  of 
each  of  said  States  that  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  general 
assembly,  that  whenever  the  authorities  of  these  States 
shall  send  armed  forces  to  the  South  for  the  purpose  in- 
dicated .  .  .  the  people  of  Kentucky,  uniting  with  their 
brethren  of  the  South,  will  as  one  man  resist  such  invasion 
of  the  soil  of  the  South  at  all  hazards  and  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity." 

These  resolutions  were  drawn  in  the  form  of  a  joint  reso- 
lution, and  the  Unionist  leaders  in  the  Senate  proceeded  to 
secure  their  defeat,  by  vigorously  pressing  other  and  less 
dangerous  questions  upon  the  attention  of  the  State  Sena- 
tors.    The  Virginia   Legislature  had   recently  passed   a 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  86. 

2  Text,  Ibid. 


512        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

resolution  inviting  the  co-States  to  a  Peace  Conference,  to 
be  held  at  the  national  capitol,  on  February  the  fourth.^ 
In  the  invitation  which  had  been  sent  to  Kentucky,  it  was 
stated  that,  in  the  attempt  "to  adjust  the  present  un- 
happy controversies,"  Crittenden's  plan  of  compromise 
would  be  accepted  by  Virginia. - 

Disregarding,  therefore,  the  "joint  resolution"  which 
the  House  proposed,  the  Unionist  leaders  in  the  Senate 
vigorously  urged  the  importance  of  promptly  accepting 
Virginia's  peaceful  proposals,  and  of  appointing  com- 
missioners to  represent  Kentucky  in  the  projected  Peace 
Conference.  By  unanimous  consent  of  the  Senate,  and 
by  almost  unanimous  consent  of  the  House,'"'  six  Ken- 
tucky delegates  were  appointed,  and  the  sum  of  five  hun- 
dred dollars  each  was  appropriated  for  their  use. 

Twenty  other  States  took  similar  action,  and,  on  the  ap- 
pointed day,  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  commissioners 
assembled  at  Washington,  only  to  find  that  it  is  vain  to  cry 
"  peace !  peace !  when  there  is  no  peace."  There  was  no  real 
harmony  among  the  various  delegations;  and  the  report, 
which  was  adopted  and  sent  to  Congress,  after  three  weeks 
of  discussion,  represented  merely  a  majority,  the  most  im- 
portant section,  that  relating  to  slavery  in  the  Territories, 
having  been  passed  by  a  majority  of  only  one,  the  vote  be- 
ing by  States.  In  spite  of  the  injunction  to  secrecy,  this 
fact  soon  became  known,  and  therefore,  when  Crittenden 
presented    the    report   to    the    United    States    Senate,    on 

1  This  was  the  day  fixed  by  the  seceded  States  for  the  assembling  at  Mont- 
gomery of  a  convention  to  form  a  new  confederacy. 

2  Text,  "Congressional  Globe,"  2d  Sess.,  36  Cong.,  p.  601. 

3  House  eighty-one  for,  five  against  electing  delegates.  Names  of  Kentucky 
delegates,  Collins,  I,  pp.  86,  341,  and  Crittenden's  "Debates  and  Proceedings 
of  the  Peace  Convention  of  1861,"  p.  19. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  513 

March  2,  1 86 1,  It  received  scant  support,  only  six,  he- 
sides  himself,  voting  in  its  favor. ^ 

In  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  meanwhile,  the  Unionists 
had  steadily  and  successfully  pursued  their  fight  against 
taking  definite  action  concerning  the  question  of  seces- 
sion. No  Sovereignty  Convention  had  been  provided 
for,  and  no  resolutions  of  a  partisan  character  had  been 
passed.  On  the  contrary,  R.  T.  Jacob  had  introduced 
into  the  lower  House"  a  resolution  declaring,  "That  the 
proper  position  of  Kentucky  is  that  of  a  mediator  be- 
tween the  sections,  and  that  as  an  umpire  she  should 
remain  firm  and  impartial  in  this  day  of  trial  to  our  be- 
loved country,  that  by  her  counsels  and  mediation  she 
may  aid  in  restoring  peace  and  harmony  and  brotherly 
love  throughout  the  land." 

In  this  resolution  we  have  embodied  the  sentiment  which 
was  gradually  forming  itself  in  the  minds  of  the  most 
prominent  citizens  of  the  State,  with  the  exception  of  the 
few  who  had  definitely  committed  themselves  to  the  idea 
of  secession.  It  expressed  the  spirit  of  compromise  which 
Kentucky  had  shown  in  her  support  of  the  Bell-Everett 
ticket  in  i860,  in  her  enthusiasm  for  Crittenden's  pro- 
posals, and  in  her  participation  in  the  Peace  Conference. 
It  suggested  that  Kentucky  definitely  assume  a  position  of 
friendship  toward  both  belligerents,  and,  through  it,  work 
for  the  restoration  of  peace.  This  was  the  stand  later 
advocated  by  the  Kentucky  Unionists,  that  is,  by  a  ma- 
jority of  the  citizens  of  the  State,  but  as  yet  the  Unionist 
leaders  were  unwilling  to  assume  even  this  position,  and 
the  resolutions  had  not  been  brought  to  a  vote. 

1  Details  of  vote,  "Congressional  Globe,"  2d  Sess.,  36th  Cong.,  p.  1405. 

2  January  29,  1861.    Text,  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  p.  30. 

Kentucky — 33 


514        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

After  a  brief  recess,^  the  Legislature  reconvened,  and 
the  fight  for  delay  and  inaction  was  reopened  by  the 
Unionist  leaders,  who  were  still  determined  to  prevent 
precipitate  action,  and  to  allow  the  people  to  settle  the 
question  of  union  or  secession,  at  the  coming  elections. 
Their  task  was  even  more  difficult  than  before,  as  Lincoln's 
inauguration  (March  4,  1861),  and  that  of  Jefferson  Davis, 
as  provisional  President  of  the  "Confederate  States  of 
America"  (February  18,  1861),  had  occurred  during  the 
recess,  and  the  intensity  of  feeling,  for  the  one  side  or  the 
other,  had  rapidly  increased.  Special  invitations  were 
sent  out,  requesting  prominent  leaders,  both  Unionist  and 
States'  rights  men,  to  discuss  the  national  situation  before 
the  two  Houses  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  general  public 
was  admitted  to  the  meetings.  Crittenden,  whose  term  in 
the  United  States  Senate  had  just  expired,  was  asked  to 
address  a  joint  session  of  both  Houses,^  and  his  speech  was 
an  eloquent  plea  for  Union  and  mutual  concessions.  "It 
would  be  wisdom  in  us,"  he  said,  "never  to  consider  the 
question  of  dissolution.  It  is  not  a  question  to  be  de- 
bated.  .   .   ." 

A  few  days  later,  John  C.  Breckinridge  received  a  similar 
invitation  and,  on  April  2,  presented  the  cause  of  the 
Southern  rights  men,^  pleading,  not  for  secession,  but  for 
peace,  if  this  could  be  secured  without  sacrificing  what  he 
regarded  as  the  "inalienable  rights  of  the  South."  ^ 

It  was  next  decided  to  invite  the  border  slave  States  to 

J  February  ii  to  March  20,  1861.     Collins,  I,  p.  86. 

2  Address  of  March  26,  1861.  Full  text,  Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  II, 
pp.  299-316. 

3  Collins,  I,  p.  87. 

*  "As  long  as  there  was  a  hope  of  peace  with  honor  he  [Breckinridge]  bent 
his  energies  to  secure  it."    Collins,  II,  p.  203. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  5 1  5 

send  delegates  to  a  peace  conference  to  be  held  at  Frank- 
fort, Kentucky,  on  the  twenty-seventh  of  May;  and  provi- 
sion was  made  for  the  election  of  twelve  Kentucky  del- 
egates, one  from  each  Congressional  district  in  the  State.' 
The  Legislature  then  adjourned,  sine  die.-  The  Unionist 
leaders  had  succeeded  in  their  undertaking,  and  no  ac- 
tion for  the  calling  of  a  Sovereignty  Convention  had  been 
taken.  The  question  was  apparently  to  be  left  open,  for 
the  decision  of  the  people,  in  the  elections  of  the  coming 
August. 

But  long  before  the  date  fixed  for  those  elections,  the 
whole  aspect  of  affairs  was  suddenly  changed  by  the  fall  of 
Fort  Sumter.  It  was  no  longer  merely  a  question  of  the 
right  to  secede  which  confronted  Kentucky;  she  must  now 
decide  upon  her  attitude  toward  two  belligerent  powers 
engaged  in  actual  war. 

Major  Anderson's  position  at  Fort  Sumter  had  been, 
from  the  first,  recognized  as  untenable,  in  case  of  any 
serious  attempt  of  the  South  Carolina  authorities  to  storm 
it.  By  a  truce,  the  garrison  had  been  allowed  a  limited 
intercourse  with  the  city  of  Charleston,  but,  on  April  7, 
General  Beauregard  notified  Major  Anderson  that  such 
intercourse  would  no  longer  be  permitted.^  The  next  day 
Lincoln  announced  that  supplies  would  be  sent  to  Fort 

1  The  election  of  Kentucky  delegates  was  set  for  May  4,  but,  before  that 
date,  Fort  Sumter  had  fallen  (April  i^,  1861),  and  the  country  stood  face  to 
face  with  civil  war.  The  elections  were  held,  however,  resulting  in  the  choice 
of  the  entire  "Union"  ticket.  (Names,  Collins,  I,  p.  89.)  The  convention  met 
on  May  27,  and  sat  until  June  3,  John  J.  Crittenden  acting  as  president.  It 
proved,  however,  a  small  affair,  only  two  States,  besides  Kentucky,  having  sent 
delegates.  (Missouri  four  and  Tennessee  one.  Names,  etc.,  Collins,  I,  p.  91.) 
See  also  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  pp.  42-'i3. 

2  Adjournment,  April  4,  i86r. 

3  Collins,  I,  p.  87;  Rhodes,  III,  p.  347. 


5i6        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Sumter,  by  force  if  necessary.^  This  was  the  critical 
moment,  and  South  CaroHna  had  no  idea  of  losing  it.  The 
existence  of  a  Federal  (alien)  garrison  within  South  Caro- 
lina waters  seemed  to  her  an  indignity,  and  she  decided  to 
take  immediate  steps  to  secure  possession  of  the  fort.  Un- 
der the  pressure  of  her  eagerness,  President  Davis  ordered 
General  Beauregard  to  demand  the  surrender  of  Fort 
Sumter,  and,  in  case  of  refusal,  "to  reduce  it."  "  True  to 
his  trust,  Anderson  declined  to  evacuate;  but  admitted 
that  he  would  be  "  starved  out  in  a  few  days,"  if  no  supplies 
reached  him;  and,  after  further  negotiation,  declared  that, 
if  by  noon  of  April  15,  he  should  not  receive  "controlling 
instructions"  or  supplies,  he  would  evacuate  the  fort.^ 
This  answer  did  not  satisfy  the  aids  who  bore  General 
Beauregard's  demand  for  surrender,  and  they  gave  Ander- 
son notice  that,  in  an  hour,  the  Confederate  batteries  would 
open  fire  upon  Fort  Sumter."*  When  the  hour  had  expired, 
at  4:  30  on  the  morning  of  April  12,  1861,^  a  shell  from  a 
mortar  at  Fort  Johnson  "rose  high  in  air  and,  curving  in 
its  course,  burst  almost  directly  over  the  fort."  ^  After 
a  bombardment  lasting  twenty-four  hours,  Fort  Sumter 
hauled  down  the  tattered  American  flag,  and  Major  Ander- 
son, having  negotiated  honorable  terms  of  surrender, 
loaded  his  little  garrison  upon  a  vessel,  and  set  sail  for  New 
York  (April  14).  The  next  day,  Lincoln's  Proclamation 
appeared,  calling  upon  the  States  for  seventy-five  thousand 
troops    for  use    against    the    insurgents,   and  command- 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  87;  Schouler,  VI,  p.  30,  for  details. 

2  "Official  Records,"  I,  p.  297. 

3  Ibid.,  pp.  14,  60. 

4  Rhodes,  III,  p.   349. 

5  "Official  Records,"  I,  p.  60. 

6  Rhodes,  III,  p.  349. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION 


517 


ing  all  rebels  to  return  to  their  allegiance  within  twenty 
days. 

On  the  same  day  Governor  Magoffin  received  a  dis- 
patch from  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War,  demand- 
ing "four  regiments  of  militia  for  immediate  service."  ^ 
As  the  Legislature  had  adjourned,  sine  die,  on  April  4, 
the  Governor  was  free  to  act,  in  this  crisis,  without  the 
restraint  which  the  presence  of  a  Legislature  might  have 
imposed;  and  accordingly  replied:^ 

"Your  dispatch  is  review^ed.  Li  answer,  I  say,  emphat- 
ically, Kentucky  will  furnish  no  troops  for  the  wicked 
purpose  of  subduing  her  sister  Southern  States." 

This  answer  naturally  aroused  the  expectancy  of  the 
Confederacy.  It  seemed  to  indicate  that  Kentucky  was 
at  last  prepared  to  cast  aside  her  allegiance  to  the  Federal 
Government,  and  to  take  her  place  among  the  Confederate 
States  of  America.  L.  P.  Walker,  Confederate  Secretary  of 
War,  at  once  sent  the  following  message  ^  to  Governor 
Magoffin: 

"Your  patriotic  response  to  the  requisition  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  for  troops  to  coerce  the  Southern 
States  justifies  the  belief  that  your  people  are  prepared 
to  unite  with  us  in  repelling  the  common  enemy  of  the 
South.  ...  I  therefore  request  you  to  furnish  one  regi- 
ment of  infantry  without  delay  to  rendezvous  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  Virginia.   .   ." 

This  inference,  however,  proved  broader  than  the  facts 
justified.     While   heartily   approving  the    governor's   de- 


1  Text,  Collins,  I,  p.  87. 

2  Reply  dated  Frankfort,  April  15,  1861.    Text,  Collins,  I,  p.  87. 

3  Dated   Montgomery,   Ala.,   April   22,   1861.     "Official   Records,"   Serial 
No.  127,  fjp.  231-232. 


51 8        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

nunciation  of  the  idea  of  coercing  a  Sovereign  State/  the 
people  of  Kentucky  were  by  no  means  ready  to  take  up 
arms  against  the  Federal  Government.  Even  Magoffin, 
although  ardently  sympathizing  with  the  cause  of  the 
Confederacy,  was  as  yet  unprepared  for  so  radical  a  step. 
He  realized  the  dangers  to  which  Kentucky's  geographical 
position  would  expose  her,  in  the  event  of  a  civil  war, 
and  was  eager  to  avoid  them.  In  his  inaugural  address,  he 
had  warned  his  fellow  citizens  of  these  dangers,  in  words 
which  show  an  intensity  of  conviction  not  to  be  mistaken. 
"With  seven  hundred  miles  of  territory  bordering  on  the 
free  States,"  he  had  declared,  "  Kentucky  must  think  .  .  . 
calmly  and  act  with  .  .  .  discretion.  ...  In  the  event 
of  a  separation  of  these  States  then  indeed  would  .  .  . 
she  be  baptized,  in  blood  and  fire,  with  the  significant 
title  first  won  by  our  heroic  fathers  of,  'The  dark 
and  bloody  ground.'  "  ^  He,  therefore,  promptly  and 
positively  declined  to  comply  with  the  request  of  the 
Confederate  Secretary  of  War,^  and  turned  his  attention 
to  the  problem  of  arming  the  State  for  her  own  de- 
fence. 

Having  declined  to  furnish  aid  to  either  belligerent, 
Magoffin  saw  clearly  that  Kentucky's  position  was  one 
of  extreme  danger.  The  Legislature,  no  longer  in  session, 
had  taken  no  position  whatever  with  reference  to  "the 
impending  crisis,"  and  no  appropriations  for  military 
equipment,  adequate  to  the  new  conditions,  had  been 
made.     The  State  was,  therefore,  a  fair  mark  for  either 


1  See  address  adopted  by  the  Union  State  Central  Committee,  on  April  i8, 
5i.    Text,  Collins,  I,  pp.  87-88. 

2  Text,  "Louisville  Courier,"  September  3,  1859. 

3  Reply  April  22,  1861.    Collins,  I,  p.  88. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  519 

army,  and  her  government  was  in  no  condition  to  offer 
resistance  in  case  of  invasion.^ 

The  Governor's  first  appeal  was  to  the  banks.  He 
called  upon  them  for  temporary  loans  for  military  pur- 
poses; but  the  response  was  not  encouraging.  A  few 
offered  small  sums,  but  the  majority  showed  no  dispo- 
sition thus  to  dispose  of  their  funds.  The  Bank  of  Ken- 
tucky agreed  to  furnish  her  quota,  but  only  upon  the  ex- 
press condition  that  the  money  be  used  for  no  other 
purpose  than,  "arming  the  State  for  self-defence  and 
protection,  to  prevent  aggression  or  invasion  from  either 
the  North  or  the  South,  and  to  protect  the  present  status 
of  Kentucky  in  the  Union."  " 

Just  what  this  "present  status,"  was,  is  not  difficult  to 
determine.  The  popular  support  which  had  been  given 
to  the  governor,  in  his  refusal  to  comply  with  the  requisi- 
tion of  the  Federal  Government,  made  it  evident  that  her 
connection  with  the  Union  was  but  a  theoretical  connection; 
while  there  was  no  possible  ground  for  claiming  any  con- 
nection with  the  Confederate  States.  She  was  standing  neu- 
tral, and  Governor  Magoffin,  although  a  strong  south- 
ern sympathizer,  as  all  his  messages  show,  was  an  eager 
partisan  of  the  doctrine  of  strict  neutrality.  If  only 
the   border  States,  he  believed,  could   be  held  in  a  neu- 

1  The  Adjutant-General's  report  of  January  17,  1861,  shows  that  the  total 
of  arms  belonging  to  the  State  was  58  pieces  of  ordnance,  11,283  muskets, 
3,159  rifles  and  2,873  cavalry  arms.  The  State  Guard  consisted  of  45  com- 
panies, admirably  drilled  in  rifle  tactics  and  fully  armed,  a  force  adequate  to 
all  the  needs  of  times  of  peace,  but  insignificant  under  existing  conditions. 
Figures,  Collins,  I,  p.  86.  The  Legislature,  on  April  3,  1861,  had  appropriated 
$19,400  for  the  construction  of  an  arsenal  at  Frankfort  (Ibid.,  p.  87);  and  some 
of  the  towns  in  the  State  had  appropriated  money  for  local  armament;  hut  the 
military  supplies  of  the  State  were  absurdly  scanty. 

3  For  statement  of  other  loans,  etc.,  see  Collins,  I,  p.  88. 


520        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

tral  and  mediating  position,  compromise  might  yet  be 
possible. 

He,  therefore,  opened  correspondence  with  the  Governor 
of  Missouri,  Simon  BoHvar  Buckner  acting  as  his  mes- 
senger, and  found  that  he  held  similar  views.  Buckner 
visited  next  the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  who  also  confessed 
his  faith  in  the  wisdom  of  "mediating  neutrality."  ^  An 
invitation  was  then  sent  (May  i,  1861),  to  the  Governors  of 
Ohio  and  Indiana,  asking  them  to  join  in  a  plan  for  medi- 
ation between  the  Federal  Government  and  the  seceding 
States."  If  only  a  truce  can  be  arranged,  Magoffin  urged, 
until  Congress  comes  together  in  extraordinary  session,  a 
way  may  be  found,  by  that  body,  for  peacefully  adjusting 
the  serious  sectional  issues.  He  soon  discovered,  however, 
that  these  gentlemen  would  entertain  no  mediating  policy. 
The  Governor  of  Ohio,  William  Dennison,  replied  that,  in 
his  opinion,  as  the  Federal  Government  was  wholly  in  the 
right,  the  only  peaceful  solution  possible  was  a  return  of 
the  seceded  States  to  their  rightful  allegiance;  while  Gov- 
ernor Morton  of  Indiana  added  the  emphatic  statement, 
that  Kentucky  was  bound  to  obey  the  requisitions  made 
upon  her  by  the  President,  and  hinted  that  she  would  be 
doing  herself  more  credit  if,  instead  of  presuming  to  pose  as 
a  mediator,  she  should  take  her  place  with  Indiana  on  the 
side  of  the  Federal  Government.^ 

Amid  the  manifold  perplexities  of  his  position.  Governor 
Magoffin  now  decided  to  again  summon  the  Legislature 
in  special  session,  and  to  share  with  it  the  responsibility 
of  meeting  the  crisis. 

1  Buckner  interview,  June,  1909. 

2  Collins,  I,  p.  89. 

•''Ibid.  "Annals  of  Kentucky,"  date  May  i,  1861,  quotes  the  invitation 
and  the  replies. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  521 

On  the  sixth  of  May,  it  assembled,  and  the  Unionist 
leaders  prepared  to  grapple  with  the  new  situation  which 
had  arisen.  As  the  people  of  the  State  had  made  it  abun- 
dantly evident  that  they  approved  of  the  governor's  re- 
fusal to  furnish  troops  "for  the  wicked  purpose"  of  coerc- 
mg  the  seceded  States,  but  one  course  was  left  open  to 
the  Union  men  of  the  Legislature.  They  must  advocate 
"mediating  neutrality,"  a  position  friendly  to  both  bel- 
ligerents, by  which  course  alone  it  might  be  possible  to 
prevent  action,  until  after  the  August  elections,  when,  as 
they  confidently  believed,  the  people  would  declare  their 
firm  adherence  to  the  Union. 

The  position  of  "mediating  neutrality"  had  been 
strongly  advocated,  a  few  weeks  earlier,^  by  the  venerable 
statesman,  John  J.  Crittenden.  As  Kentucky,  he  had  de- 
clared, has  done  nothing  to  bring  on  this  fratricidal  war, 
she  should  not  allow  herself  to  be  dragged  into  it,  but 
should  stand  neutral,  extending  the  hand  of  conciliation 
to  both  sections.  Hold  fast  to  the  flag  of  your  country,  he 
had  urged,  and  adhere  to  a  position  of  neutrality  which 
alone  can  enable  you  to  mediate  for  peace  between  the 
warring  factions. 

This  advice  contemplated,  not  an  armed  defiance  of 
both  belligerents,  but  a  position  of  friendship  toward  both: 
it  assumed  the  sovereignty  of  the  individual  State,  a  doc- 
trine  held    by   most    Kentuckians   of  that  day,   whether 

1  Speech  at  Lexington,  April  17,  1861.  Collins,  I,  p.  87.  In  a  letter  to 
General  Scott,  dated  May  17,  1861  (quoted  in  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Ken- 
tucky," p.  54),  Crittenden  declares  that  Kentucky  acquiesced  in  the  governor's 
refusal  to  furnish  troops  to  the  Federal  Government,  "not  because  she  loved 
the  Union  less,  but  she  feared  that  if  she  had  parted  with  those  troops  .  .  . 
she  wrould  have  been  overwhelmed  by  the  Secessionists  at  home,  and  severed 
from  the  Union.  ...  It  was  to  preserve  .  .  .  our  connection  with  the  Union 
that  induced  us  to  acquiesce.  ..." 


522        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Unionist  or  States'  right  men,  but  it  spoke  clearly  for 
loyalty  to  the  Union,  and  a  desire  for  its  preservation. 
Long  and  intimate  connection  with  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment had  given  to  Crittenden  a  deep  insight  into  national 
conditions.  He  knew  the  mind  of  the  men  who  had  re- 
cently been  called  to  direct  the  affairs  of  the  Republic,  and 
was  able,  as  few  Kentuckians  of  his  day  were  able,  to  dis- 
count the  wild  tales,  so  generally  current  in  Kentucky,  of 
the  dark  plottings  of  the  Federal  administration,  against 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  South.  He  did  not  believe, 
as  many  a  man  equally  honest  firmly  believed,  that  the 
aim  of  Lincoln's  administration  was  the  conquest  and  sub- 
jugation of  the  slaveholding  States.  "The  argument 
which  has  been  so  often  used  to  disunite  us,"  he  had  told 
the  Kentucky  Legislature,^  " — that  the  North  hates  the 
South  and  that  the  South  hates  the  North — is  not  true. 
The  Almighty  has  not  made  us  with  hearts  of  such  ma- 
lignity as  to  hate  whole  classes  of  our  countrymen  for  the 
sins  of  a  few  men.  .  .  ."  He  believed  that,  even  at  this 
eleventh  hour,  when  the  tramp  of  martial  footsteps  had  al- 
ready begun,  peace  might  be  restored  by  the  gentle  art  of 
mediation,  and  he  coveted  for  his  own  Commonwealth  the 
honor  of  becoming  the  mediator.  To  the  men  of  this  gen- 
eration, who  can  see  both  before  and  after,  such  a  belief 
seems  the  vainest  of  delusions;  but  few  men  will  question 
the  sincerity  and  loyalty  of  this  venerable  statesman. 

Belief  in  the  ultimate  success  of  a  mediating  policy  was 
greatly  strengthened  by  the  report,  that  President  Lincoln 
himself,  in  a  recent  conversation  with  Garret  Davis,  had 
declared  that  he  would  make  no  military  movement  against 

1  Address  of  March  26,  1861.  Text,  Coleman's  "Crittenden,"  II,  pp.  299- 
316. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  523 

any  State  which  did  not  offer  armed  resistance  to  the  au- 
thorities of  the  United  States.  It  was  also  reported  that, 
in  a  similar  conversation  with  Warner  L.  Underwood,  he 
had  declared  that,  while  hoping  that  Kentucky  would  sus- 
tain the  Union  in  her  present  difficulties,  he  would  make 
no  effort  to  compel  her  to  do  so.^  Positive  proof  of  the 
truthfulness  of  these  reports  was  scarcely  necessary,  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  his  inaugural  address,'  had 
quoted,  with  approval,  the  words  of  the  Republican  plat- 
form, "...  We  denounce  the  lawless  invasion,  by  an 
armed  force,  of  the  government  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no 
matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes." 

With  such  words  fresh  in  their  minds,  it  was  not  un- 
reasonable for  the  Unionist  leaders  of  Kentucky  to  be- 
lieve that  she  might  safely  venture  to  insist  upon  a  neutral 
position,  from  which  she  might  the  more  easily  exercise 
the  office  of  mediator;  but  the  means  by  which  they  pro- 
ceeded to  bring  about  such  a  declaration  were  novel,  if 
not  unprecedented.  At  their  suggestion,  six  Kentuckians 
were  selected,  three  representing  the  united  Bell-Douglas 
party,  and  three  the  Breckinridge  Democrats.  These, 
after  having  been  approved  by  their  respective  parties  in 
the  Legislature,  of  which  they  themselves  were  not  mem- 
bers, were  authorized  to  meet  and  agree  upon  some  definite 
course  of  action,  to  be  followed  by  the  Legislature,  with 
reference  to  the  great  questions  then  disturbing  the  nation; 
and  it  was  agreed,  in  caucus  meetings  of  the  respective 
parties  in  the  Legislature,  to  carry  out,  by  legislative  action, 
whatever  program  the  "Six  arbiters"  should  recommend. 

On  May  11,  1861,  the  arbiters  met  in  conference,  and 

1  Statement  of  these  reports,  Collins,  I,  p.  88. 

2 Text,  Curtis'  "Republican  Party,"  I,  pp.  382-384. 


524        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

at  once  John  C.  Breckinridge  and  his  Democratic  col- 
leagues, Governor  Magoffin  and  Richard  Hawes,  proposed 
that  the  first  recommendation  should  be,  that  the  Legis- 
lature call  a  Sovereignty  Convention  to  decide  the  question 
of  whether  or  not  Kentucky  should  secede  from  the  Union. ^ 
To  this  course,  Crittenden  and  his  Unionist  colleagues, 
Archibald  Dixon  and  Samuel  S.  Nicholas,  positively  re- 
fused assent,  and,  after  some  discussion,  it  was  abandoned. 

The  next  proposition  commanded  the  approval  of  all. 
It  was  to  advise  the  Legislature  to  declare  that  Kentucky 
would  stand  neutral  in  the  conflict  between  the  Federal 
Government  and  the  Confederate  States. 

As  a  natural  corollary  to  this  action,  the  question  then 
arose  as  to  what  advice  should  be  given  regarding  the 
raising,  arming  and  drilling  of  troops  for  the  service  of 
the  State,  and,  after  a  prolonged  debate,  it  was  agreed  to 
advise  the  Legislature  to  create  a  military  board  of  five 
persons,  upon  whom  should  devolve  the  duty  of  providing  a 
military  organization,  adequate  to  the  needs  of  the  Com- 
monwealth." 

With  these  recommendations  before  them,  and  with 
petitions,  praying  for  a  declaration  of  neutrality,  pouring 
in  from  every  section  of  the  State, ^  the  Legislature  faced 
its  problems;  and  on  May  i6,  1861,  the  House  Committee 

1  Details  of  the  proceedings  of  the  conference  of  the  six  arbiters.  Collins, 
I,  p.  90. 

2  It  was  further  agreed  that  General  Simon  Bolivar  Buckner  should  be  named 
as  a  member  of  this  military  board,  and  that,  of  the  other  four,  two  should  be 
selected  by  the  three  Breckinridge  arbiters,  and  two  by  those  representing  the 
Bell-Douglas  (Union)  party.  The  Breckinridge  arbiters  announced,  as  their 
choice.  Governor  Magoffin  and  George  W.  Johnson.  The  Unionist  members 
selected  Archibald  Dixon  anrl  Samuel  Gill.    Collins,  I,  p.  90. 

3  For  list  of  such  petitions,  representing  thirty-one  counties,  and  the  chief 
towns  of  the  State,  see  Collins,  I,  p.  89.    Also  Battle,  pp.  350-351. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  525 

on  Federal  Relations  presented  a  report,  urging  the  adop- 
tion of  the  following  declaration: 

"Considering  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  country, 
and  for  which  the  State  of  Kentucky  is  in  no  way  respon- 
sible, and  looking  to  the  best  means  of  preserving  the  in- 
ternal peace,  and  securing  the  lives,  liberty  and  property 
of  the  citizens  of  the  State;  therefore,  'Resolved  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  That  this  State  and  the  citizens 
thereof  should  take  no  part  in  the  civil  war  now  being 
waged,  except  as  mediators  and  friends  to  the  belligerent 
parties;  and  that  Kentucky  should,  during  the  contest, 
occupy  the  position  of  strict  neutrality.   .   .   .'  "  ^ 

This  was  the  declaration  which  the  Union  leaders  had 
contemplated,  when  suggesting  the  appointment  of  the  six 
arbiters,  and  they  eagerly  sustained  it.  Its  adoption,  by  a 
large  majority  ^  of  the  House,  showed  clearly  that  the  hope 
of  preventing  civil  war  had  not  yet  been  abandoned,  even 
by  some  who  were  not  counted  as  members  of  the  Union 
majority  in  the  Senate. 

"  With  these  resolutions,"  writes  Captain  Thomas 
Speed, ^  "there  was  no  concurrence  by  the  Senate,  and 
therefore  they  only  reflect  the  mind  of  the  one  body  "  (i.  e., 
the  Kentucky  House  of  Representatives).  If  this  were  the 
whole  truth  the  charge  of  bad  faith,  so  freely  uttered  at  the 
time,  against  the  Unionists  of  the  Senate,  would  be  justifi- 
able. The  caucuses  of  both  parties,  in  both  Houses  of  the 
Legislature,  had  definitely  pledged  themselves  to  abide  by, 
and  carry  out  by  legislation,  whatever  the  "Six  Arbiters" 
should  agree  in  recommending.^    That  recommendation, 

iText,  Collins,  I,  pp.  90-91;  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  p.  32. 

2  Details  of  the  vote,  Collins,  I,  p.  91. 

3  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  p.  32. 

4  Collins,  I,  p.  90. 


526        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

made  by  unanimous  consent,  had  been  in  favor  of  armed 
neutrality,  as  the  best  means  of  preserving  peace.  For  the 
Senate,  controlled  by  a  slight  Unionist  majority,  to  de- 
cline to  fulfill  this  pledge  w^ould  have  reflected  small  credit 
upon  its  members,  but  they  did  not  refuse.  They  failed  to 
assent  to  the  resolutions  passed  by  the  House,  it  is  true, 
but  they  adopted  a  series  of  their  own,  declaring,^  that 
Kentucky  "will  not  sever  her  connection  with  the  national 
government,  nor  will  she  take  up  arms  for  either  of  the 
belligerent  parties";  and  off'ering  her  services  as  medi- 
ator, "...  to  bring  about  a  just  and  honorable  peace." 

Thus  did  the  policy  of  neutrality,  for  the  purpose  of 
mediation,  receive  the  official  sanction  of  both  Houses  of 
the  Kentucky  Legislature;  but  Governor  Magoffin  did  not 
wait  for  the  action  of  the  Senate.  On  May  20,  he  issued  a 
proclamation,"  warning  all  other  States,  "whether  separate 
or  united,  and  especially  the  'United  States,'  and  the  'Con- 
federate States,'"  to  abstain  from  any  movement  upon 
the  soil  of  Kentucky,  or  the  occupation  of  any  place  what- 
ever within  her  lawful  boundary,  until  authorized  by  in- 
vitation or  permission  of  her  Legislative  and  Executive  au- 
thorities. This  neutral  position  is  assumed,  he  explains, 
in  the  hope,  "that  she  [Kentucky]  may  soon  have  an  op- 
portunity to  become  a  successful  mediator  between 
them  (the  belligerent  powers)   ,   .   ." 

The  action  of  the  two  houses,  together  with  the  Gov- 
ernor's proclamation,  definitely  committed  the  State  to 
the  policy  of  mediating  neutrality,  a  position  which 
"smacked   of  State  Sovereignty,"   quite  as  decidedly  as 

1  Resolutions  presented  to  the  Senate  of  Kentucky,  by  John  B.  Bruner, 
May  24,  1861.    Text,  Battle's  "Kentucky,"  p.  351,  and  Collins,  I,  p.  91. 

2  Full  text,  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  pp.  47-49. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  527 

did  secession  itself;  but  there  was  this  difference — a  dif- 
ference which  meant  everything  to  the  Union  cause  in 
Kentucky — an  act  of  secession  could  not  have  been  easily 
recalled;  while  a  policy  of  armed  neutrality,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  mediation,  was,  by  its  very  nature,  limited  in 
duration,  to  the  time  during  which  mediation  might  be 
considered  to  have  some  chance  of  success. 

With  a  Legislature  which  had  been  chosen  in  1859,  be- 
fore the  question  of  secession  had  become  dominant,  the 
discreet  policy  to  be  followed  by  the  friends  of  Union,  was 
a  waiting  policy,  in  view  of  their  faith  in  the  firm  loyalty 
of  the  voting  population  of  the  State;  and  the  policy  of 
armed  neutrality  for  the  purpose  of  mediation,  made  it  un- 
necessary for  the  State  to  face  at  once  the  question  of  join- 
ing the  Confederacy  or  adhering  to  the  Union.  It  repre- 
sents, therefore,  a  victory  for  the  Union  cause  in  Kentucky. 
What  this  meant  to  the  Union  cause  in  the  nation  is  only 
speculation;  but  Lincoln  himself,  as  his  most  authoritative 
biographers^  tell  us,  had,  "from  the  beginning  felt  that 
Kentucky  would  be  a  turning  weight  in  the  scale  of  war;" 
and  it  is  safe  to  say  that,  had  she  gone  over  to  the  ranks  of 
secession,  she  might  have  carried  with  her  a  force  which 
would  have  greatly  increased  the  seriousness  of  the  prob- 
lem which  confronted  the  National  Government.^  "If 
Kentucky  had  gone  when  Virginia  went,"  says  General 
Buckner,  "it  seems  probable  that  Missouri  and  Maryland 
would  both  have  followed  her,"  in  which  event,  as  General 
Franklin  once  expressed  it,  "the  war  might  have  gone  to 
the  Lakes  instead  of  to  the  gulf."  ^ 

1  Nicolay-Hay,  "Abraham  Lincoln,  A  History,"  TV,  p.  235. 

2  Shaler,  p.  241. 

3  Buckner  interview,  June,  1909. 


528        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

The  Legislature,  in  which  such  momentous  decisions 
had  been  made,  adjourned,  sine  die,  on  the  twenty-fourth 
of  May,^  having  fixed  upon  the  first  Monday  in  Septem- 
ber, as  the  date  for  the  assembhng  of  the  new  Legislature. 
It  had  been  in  almost  constant  session  for  nearly  a  year 
and  a  half,  and  had  debated  the  great  questions  of  the 
hour  with  a  thoroughness  unsurpassed  in  any  part  of  the 
country.  And  yet,  through  it  all,  there  had  continued, 
unbroken,  the  most  kindly  and  generous  relations  among 
its  members. 

"When  the  final  session  closed,"  says  General  Hodge,^ 
"as  its  members  parted,  and  clasped  hands  in  adieu,  they 
bade  each  other  God  speed — well  knowing  that  commis- 
sions in  the  Federal  army  were  already  signed  for  many, 
and  that,  for  many  more.  Confederate  soldiers  were  wait- 
ing as  leaders;  knowing,  too,  that  when  they  met  again  to 
argue  the  question,  it  would  be  at  the  assize  of  blood.   .   .  ." 

Throughout  the  entire  Commonwealth,  at  that  same 
moment,  the  choice  was  being  made.  The  hour  had  come 
"when  brother  shall  rise  against  brother."  "Topographi- 
cal position,  or  peculiarity  of  property,  seemed  to  have  no 
influence  in  the  decision.  The  planters  of  the  tobacco  re- 
gion, cultivating  their  fields  exclusively  by  slave  labor, 
turned  their  backs  upon  their  plantations  and  went  to 
range  themselves  in  the  ranks  of  the  Federal  army;  while 
from  the  northern  border,  entirely  denuded  of  its  slave 
population,  men  who  had  never  owned  a  slave  and  whose 
most  valuable  possessions  lay  in  Ohio,  Indiana  and  Illinois, 
committed  their  families  to  God's  keeping  and  rode  away 

1  Collins,  I,  p.  91. 

2  Gen.  Geo.  B.  Hodge  of  Newport,  Ky.,  author  of  the  closing  chapter  of  the 
"Outline  History."    Collins,  I,  pp.  341  et  seq. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION 


529 


into  the  southern  Hnes."  ^  Yet  there  was  Httle  bitterness, 
Httle  of  the  passion  and  hatred  which  usually  attend  civil 
war  movements.  Lifelong  friends  parted,  to  go  their 
separate  ways,  not  with  the  taunt  that  stings,  but  with  the 
clasp  of  the  hand  that  means  a  friendship  which  even  the 
extremest  differences  of  political  faith  cannot  destroy.  It 
was  not  in  Kentucky,  as  it  was  in  some  sections  of  the 
country,  a  decision  of  the  leaders,  blindly  followed  by  the 
masses."    The  choice  was  made  by  each  man  for  himself. 

Three  days  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislature,  the 
Border  Slave  State  Convention  met  at  Frankfort.  Of 
its  seventeen  members,-"^  the  twelve  who  represented  Ken- 
tucky had  been  elected  in  the  belief  that  they  were  ar- 
dently loyal  to  the  Union;  "*  and  the  vote  of  one  hundred 
and  seven  thousand  three  hundred  and  thirty-four,  which 
had  been  cast  for  them,  shows  how  overwhelming  was  the 
Union  sentiment  in  the  State,  being  only  thirty-eight  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  twenty-eight  less  than  the  entire 
vote  which  the  State  had  cast  for  the  four  Presidential 
tickets  in  1860,^  and  only  thirty-six  thousand  one  hundred 
and  thirty-six  less  than  the  entire  vote  cast  in  the  guber- 

1  "Outline  History  of  Kentucky,"  Collins,  I,  p.  342.  Garrett  Davis,  in  a 
letter  to  General  McClellan,  presents  quite  a  different  view:  "The  sympathy 
for  the  South  and  the  inclination  to  secession  among  our  people  is  much  stronger 
in  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  State  than  it  is  in  any  other  part,  and  as  you 
proceed  towards  the  upper  section  of  the  Ohio  River  and  our  Virginia  line  it 
gradually  becomes  weaker,  until  it  is  almost  wholly  lost."  "Official  Records," 
II,  p.  678. 

2  Shaler,  pp.  253-254. 

3  Collins,  I,  p.  89,  for  names  of  Kentucky  delegates,  all  Unionists,  who  had 
been  elected  on  May  4,  1861;  and.  Ibid.,  p.  91,  for  names  of  the  Missouri  and 
Tennessee  delegates,  etc. 

4  Speed's  "  Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  p.  46;  Collins,  I,  p.  89,  for  details 
of  the  election.  The  Southern  rights  ticket  had  been  withdrawn,  before  the 
election,  by  order  of  the  State  Central  Committee. 

5  Details  of  vote  for  President  in  i860,  Collins,  I,  p.  84. 

Kentucky — 34 


530        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

natorial  election  of  1859.^  John  J.  Crittenden  presided 
over  the  Convention,  which  expressed  its  continued  faith  in 
the  principle  of  armed  neutrality  for  the  purpose  of  medi- 
ation, in  an  address,  urging  the  people  of  the  seceded 
States  to  reexamine  the  question  of  the  necessity  for  their 
act  of  withdrawal  from  the  Union.  "If  you  find  it  has 
been  taken  without  due  consideration,  as  we  verily  be- 
lieve, .  .  .  then  we  pray  you  to  return  promptly  to  your 
connection  with  us,  that  we  may  be  in  future,  as  we  have 
been  in  the  past,  one  great,  powerful,  and  prosperous  na- 
tion. 

The  question  of  Kentucky's  position  of  mediating  neu- 
trality now  began  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  Federal 
authorities.  Early  in  June,  1861,  General  Simon  Bolivar 
Buckner,  Inspector  General  of  the  Kentucky  Militia,  re- 
ceived an  invitation  from  General  George  B.  McClellan, 
Commander  of  the  United  States  troops  in  States  north  of 
the  Ohio,  to  meet  him  at  Cincinnati,  and  discuss  this  sub- 
ject. Buckner  telegraphed  his  old  friend,  Sam  Gill,  a 
Union  man,  to  join  him,  and  together  they  crossed  the 
Ohio,  and  repaired  to  the  appointed  place,  where,  says 
Gill,  ^  "we  soon  entered  into  a  free  and  unreserved  ex- 
pression of  opinion  in  regard  to  many  matters  connected 
with  the  present  political  difficulties."  After  some  dis- 
cussion, General  McClellan  agreed  to  a  definite  policy  with 
regard  to  Kentucky,  an  agreement  which  General  Buckner 
regarded  as  binding  upon  the  Federal  Government.  The 
following  is  Buckner's  official  report  of  the  interview.^ 

1  Details  of  vote  in  election  at  which  Beriah  Magoffin  was  chosen  governor, 
August  I,  1859,  Collins,  I,  p.  8i. 

2  Gill  to  Buckner,  Louisville,  July  25,  1861  (MS.). 

3  I  am  indebted  to  General  Buckner  himself  for  the  text  of  this  letter,  which, 
he  thinks  has  not  been  before  published. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  5^1 

"Gen.  Buckner  to  Gov.  Magoffin. 
"Headquarters,  Ky.  St.  Guard. 

"Louisville,  June  loth,  1861. 

"Sir:  On  the  8th  inst.  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  I  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  Maj.  Gen.  G.  B.  A4cClellan,  Com- 
mander of  the  U.  S.  troops  in  the  States  north  of  the  Ohio 
river,  to  the  follov^ing  effect. 

"The  authorities  of  the  State  of  Kentucky  are  to  protect 
the  U.  S.  property  within  the  limits  of  the  State,  to  enforce 
the  laws  of  the  U.  S.  in  accordance  with  the  interpretations 
of  the  U.  S.  Courts,  as  far  as  the  law  may  be  applicable 
to  Kentucky,  and  to  enforce  with  all  the  power  of  the  State 
our  obligations  of  neutrality  as  against  the  Southern  States, 
as  long  as  the  position  we  have  assumed  shall  be  respected 
by  the  United  States. 

"Gen.  McClellan  stipulates  that  the  territory  of  Ken- 
tucky shall  be  respected  on  the  part  of  the  U.  States,  even 
though  the  Southern  States  should  occupy  it;  but  in  the 
latter  case  he  will  call  upon  the  authorities  of  Kentucky 
to  remove  the  Southern  forces  from  our  territory.  Should 
Kentucky  fail  to  accomplish  this  object  in  a  reasonable 
time.  Gen.  McClellan  claims  the  same  right  of  occupancy 
given  to  the  Southern  forces.  I  have  stipulated  in  that  case 
to  advise  him  of  the  inability  of  Kentucky  to  comply  with 
her  obhgations  and  to  invite  him  to  dislodge  the  Southern 
forces.  He  stipulates  that  if  he  is  successful  in  doing  so  he 
will  withdraw  his  forces  from  the  territory  of  the  State,  as 
soon  as  the  Southern  forces  shall  have  been  removed. 

"This  he  assures  me  is  the  policy  which  he  will  adopt 
towards  Kentucky. 

"Should  the  administration  hereafter  adopt  a  different 
policy  he  is  to  give  me  timely  notice  of  the  fact.    Should  the 


532        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

State  of  Kentucky  hereafter  assume  a  different  attitude 
he  is  in  Hke  manner  to  be  advised  of  the  fact. 

"The  well-known  character  of  Gen.  McClellan  is  a 
sufficient  guaranty  for  the  fulfillment  of  every  stipulation 
on  his  part. 

"I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"Your  Obt.  Svt., 

"S.   B.   BUCKNER, 

"Inspector  General. 

"To  His  Exc.  B.  Magoffin. 
"Frankfort,  Ky."  ^ 

General  Buckner's  view  of  the  nature  of  this  under- 
standing is  clearly  expressed  in  this  report,  and,  from  a 
letter,  written  by  McClellan  three  days  after  the  interview,^ 
it  is  evident  that  he,  also,  regarded  it  as  official  and  binding. 
The  letter  is  a  formal  demand  upon  the  Governor  of  Ken- 
tucky for  a  fulfillment  of  the  terms  of  that  understanding, 
and  reads  thus: 

"Cincinnati,  June  ii,  1861. 
"Gov.  B.  Magoffin: 

"I  have  received  information  that  Tennessee  troops  are 
under  orders  to  occupy  Island  number  one,  six  miles  be- 
low Cairo.  In  accordance  with  my  understanding  with 
Gen.  Buckner,  I  call  upon  you  to  prevent  this  step.  Do 
you  regard  the  Islands  in  the  Mississippi  River  above  the 

1  Col.  Sam  Gill  has  left  a  written  account  of  this  agreement  and  conference, 
corresponding  exactly  with  the  above  account  from  the  pen  of  General  Buckner. 
It  was  printed  in  the  "Clarksville  Jeffersonian,"  of  September  13,  i86r,  files 
of  which  were  kindly  opened  to  my  inspection  by  W.  W.  Barksdale,  editor  of 
the  "Leaf  Chronicle"  of  Clarksville,  Tenn. 

2  For  this,  also,  I  am  indebted  to  General  Buckner. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  533 

Tennessee  line,  as  within  your  jurisdiction,  and  if  so,  what 
ones  ? 

*'  Respectfully, 

"G.    B.   McClellan. 
"Adj.  Gen.  U.  S.  A." 

In  reply,  Magoffin  informed  McClellan  that  he  had  sent 
General  Buckner  to  Paducah  with,  "orders  to  carry  out 
his  understanding  with  you."  ^ 

These  letters  show  conclusively  that  the  agreement  at 
Cincinnati  was  regarded  by  General  McClellan,  as  well  as 
by  General  Buckner,  as  binding  upon  both  parties.  It 
was  certainly,  so  far  as  could  be  done  by  a  Federal  com- 
mander in  the  field,  a  recognition  of  Kentucky  neutrality. 

Meanwhile,  a  Confederate  flag,  floating  proudly  in  the 
breeze  at  Columbus,  Kentucky,  was  captured  and  hauled 
down  by  some  Federal  troops  from  Cairo;  ^  as  a  result  of 
which  insignificant  incident  General  Buckner  started  for 
Cairo,  to  have  another  discussion  with  General  McClellan. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Judge  Bigger,  Colonel  Bullock 
and  George  Barrett. 

After  presenting  his  friends  to  the  Federal  commander, 
General  Buckner  requested  General  McClellan  to  state 
again  the  substance  of  the  agreement,  recently  entered 
into  between  them  at  Cincinnati. 

McClellan,  at  once  seeing  the  meaning  of  the  request, 
declared,  as  a  preliminary,  that,  "the  expedition  the  day 
before  was  not  made  with  the  view  of  visiting  Columbus, 
but  to  reconnoitre  some  Tennessee  troops  who,  they  had 

1  Magoffin  to  McClellan,  Frankfort,  June  11,  1861  (MS.).  Also  Magoffin 
to  Buckner,  Frankfort,  June  ii,  1861  (MS.);  for  the  governor's  notice  to  Buck- 
ner concerning  McClellan's  demand. 

2  E.  J.  Bullock  to  General  Buckner,  Columbus,  Ky.,  June  29,  1861  (MS.). 


534        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

learned,  had  quartered  on  one  of  the  islands  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  that  they  had  positive  orders  not  to  land  else- 
where on  the  Kentucky  shore."  ^  He  then  restated  the 
agreement  made  at  Cincinnati,  adding  that,  "the  troops 
under  his  command  were  volunteers,  and  that  when  he  was 
not  with  them  they  might  disobey  his  commands,  as  was 
the  case  the  day  before  .  .  .  that  if  the  troops  were  regu- 
lars he  could  control  them,  but  that  volunteers  were  not  so 
easily  managed.  .  .  ."  ^  According  to  E.  J.  Bullock's  ac- 
count of  the  conversation,  he  further  declared,  "that  Ken- 
tucky was  to  be  left  to  take  charge  of  her  own  citizens,  and 
positively  stated  that  if  any  application  was  made  to  him 
for  assistance  from  any  of  the  citizens  of  Kentucky,  he 
would  refer  them  to  the  judicial  and  military  authorities  of 
Kentucky,  and  extend  no  aid  himself.   .   .   ." 

The  news  of  this  magnanimous  attitude,  on  the  part  of 
the  Federal  commander,  quickly  spread  through  Kentucky, 
and  doubtless  had  the  effect  of  turning  a  few  uncertain 
votes  into  the  ranks  of  the  Kentucky  Unionists.  Although, 
as  the  result  of  the  special  election  for  choosing  members  of 
Congress  (which  occurred  only  a  week  after  this  inter- 
view ^),  clearly  shows,  the  Union  sentiment  in  Kentucky 
was  already  overwhelmingly  strong.     The  definite  ques- 

1  Geo.  Barrett  to  General  Buckner,  Paducah,  Ky.,  July  2,  1861  (MS.). 

2  Besides  the  written  account  of  this  interview  by  Geo.  Barrett,  which  has 
just  been  quoted,  I  have  before  me  written  accounts  by  J.  M.  Bigger  and  E.  J. 
Bullock,  the  two  other  witnesses  to  the  interview.  Their  accounts  exactly 
correspond  with  that  given  above.  J.  M.  Bigger's  account,  however,  de- 
clares: ".  .  .  It  is  due  to  Major  General  McClellan  to  say  that  I  did  not  under- 
stand him  to  pledge  his  Government  to  this  line  of  policy,  but  to  state  his  own 
line  of  policy  as  the  Commander  of  the  United  States  forces  if  left  untrammelled 
by  instructions  from  his  Government." 

3  Election  of  June  20,  1861.  President  Lincoln  had  called  a  special  meeting 
of  Congress  for  July  4,  1861,  and  this  made  it  necessary  for  Kentucky  to  hold 
a  special  election.    Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  p.  88. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  535 

tion  before  the  people  in  that  election  was  "Union  or  dis- 
union"; and  the  vote  presents  a  total  Union  majority 
of  fifty-four  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty. ^  The 
friends  of  the  Union  carried  every  Congressional  district 
except  one,  a  fact  which  clearly  indicated  that  the  period 
of  greatest  peril  had  passed  for  Kentucky,  and  that, 
after  the  regular  elections  of  August,  the  State  govern- 
ment would  come  into  the  hands  of  men  who  loved  the 
Union,  and  who  would  keep  Kentucky  secure  in  her  place 
therein. 

In  the  meantime,  the  fact  that  General  McClellan  had 
definitely  accepted  Kentucky's  neutral  position  had  led 
Governor  Magofiin  to  believe  that  an  official  acknowl- 
edgment of  it  might  be  secured  from  President  Lincoln 
himself.  He  accordingly  dispatched  General  Buckner  to 
Washington,  with  orders  to  explain  to  Lincoln  the  plan 
by  which  Kentucky  hoped  to  check  the  rising  conflict  be- 
tween the  seceded  States  and  the  Federal  Government, 
and,  if  possible,  to  secure  his  approval  of  that  plan.  On 
July  9th,  accompanied  by  John  J.  Crittenden,  Buckner 
met  the  President,  who,  he  says,-  "wrote  and  handed  me 
the  following  paper.  He  accounted  for  the  absence  of  his 
signature  by  saying  that  he  did  not  intend  to  write  a  'proc- 
lamation,' but  to  give  me  a  paper,  on  which  I  could  base 
my  statements  of  his  policy,  and  which  would  be  my  evi- 
dence hereafter,  if  any  difference  should  arise  relative  to 
that  policy,  and  he  appealed  to  Mr.  Crittenden,  who  was 
present,  to  identify  the  paper  in  any  way  that  he  thought 

^  Vote  by  districts,  with  names  of  candidates,  etc.,  Collins,  I,  p.  92.     Fuller 
details.  Speed's  "Union  Cause  in  Kentucky,"  pp.  88-89. 
^Clarksville  "  Jeffersonian,"  Sept.  13,  1861. 


536       KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

proper.  This  was  done  by  the  latter  gentleman's  subjoin- 
ing his  initials." 

The  original  manuscript  is  unfortunately  lost/  but  the 
copy  here  presented  is  reproduced  from  a  photograph  of 
the  text,  as  printed  in  the  "  JefFersonian "  of  Clarksville, 
Tennessee,  September  13,  1861,  where  General  Buckner 
himself  inserted  it. 

In  giving  this  document  to  the  public,  General  Buckner 
made  this  statement  of  his  interpretation  of  its  meaning:- 

"I  learned,  when  in  Washington,  from  some  of  the 
friends  of  the  President,  that  he  was  exceedingly  tender- 
footed  on  the  meaning  of  certain  terms.  He  was  not  will- 
ing to  'respect'  the  neutral  position  of  Kentucky,  for  that 
would  be  to  acknowledge  her  right  to  assume  it;  but  he 
was  entirely  willing  to  'observe'  it."  During  the  con- 
versation, he  says,  "The  President  succeeded  in  impress- 
ing upon  me  the  belief,  that,  'as  long  as  there  are  roads 
around  Kentucky,'  to  reach  the  rebellion,  it  was  his  pur- 
pose to  leave  her  unmolested,  not  yielding  her  right  to  the 
position  she  occupied,  but  observing  it  as  a  matter  of 
policy." 

To  what  extent  this  document,  given  out  by  Lincoln  for 
the  express  purpose  of  strengthening  the  Union  cause  in 
Kentucky,  affected  the  elections  of  August,  1861,  no  one 
may  now  declare  with  certainty.  There  can  be  little  doubt, 
however,  that  it  had  its  effect,  when  taken  in  conjunction 
with  a  foolish  speech  of  Walker,  the  Confederate  Secretary 
of  War,  who  openly  declared  that  the  Confederate  States 

^  "1  later  gave  the  manuscript  to  a  friend  for  safe-keeping.  Soon  afterward 
he  was  called  away  to  Arkansas,  and  I  was  never  afterward  able  to  recover  the 
document."    Buckner  interview  of  June,  1909. 

2  "Clarksville  Jeffersonian,"  September  13,  i86i. 


8i:r>ii  vvij.KiA,  vol.  > 


Tin:  M\i'KSVIMJ,  JKPFdtSO.MiN 

-     I  .  a.  V\XO^,  i:<li(or. 

'.il'iislieil'filesday  aod  Hhj  EreniDgs. 
«  •  iiiiNuf  J!iubKcrl|>(lun9»dl||Advaiic« 

. ^ m£ii£^ 


■'■     ■jMB'jIiJ'Oili 


A  good  OooJki^i 
\')y  at  lhi*i5^.#7 


ixn$>^i'.oner.     Ap- 
^4iJDie  25,  lc61. 


gisUture,  bfcve  j.aiscl 

iCeoiucky.  We  icjt 
very  lata  id  tho  evt- 
unless  the  Frderala  a 


Gen.  S.  B.  Buck 
commander  of  the  f 
Kentucky,  has  been 
in  this  cit^'.  h  Is  i. 
received  a  Bri^.iair. 
Confederate  servioo, 
CaflSp  Boone  will  cor 


Cf![^|r.'''Bj|^ii<»r  s.  I.el(er. 

.TfiltTOfiufplion  jvith  the  subject  pf  the 
ceutra^y  bf-JKctotuckj,  it  waaiit^ed  some 
montlis  agOj'upbn  the  autborify  of  Gen.S- 
B,  Bucknenwho  was  at  that  time  Inspector 
GeneralDr  the  State  troops,  that  the  Fed- 
eral authorities  had  agreed  to  pgrdiit  Ken- 
tucky to  eccupy  a  neutral  ngji^ot^  in.  the 
present  c6nfiicti  a^  ^i$^^^i^^s&^  not  to 
invadfe  her  te^^^Rp^  i*.^  ifew  weeks  sulse- 
qucqf  iQI^^^'ani^nce  of  this  statement, 
Gw'*SW?len%n,  then  in  command  of  the 
yitdera}  forced  in  Western  Virginia,  ao- 
nouBccd.  itron^h  a  tc!..<:raph  dispatch,  lbit|  jn^^i  f^Jr^nk 
he  never  t:;t 
wiih  Gfo.   ii. 


ROOKR  W.  IIanso 
gentlcuian  has  btM 
onolcy  of  th«  Sfj^'^K* 
Camp  Boone,  ^  1^*  il 
and  ift  )(/haY^^tff  )»is- 
■f,f"H".-M 

proefq^iiiAfft  dfrncU, 

CuttfWi^rata  ^tMU^,  i 
cloaitd  ttoiif  (U  C* 

1<  It  f»p«rt*'- 


il^cr.   and  ilnc«    that   (iffitlAA^IlTO 


The  document  given  to  General   Simon    Bolivar   Buckner   by    President 
Lincoln,  stating  his  attitude  toward  Kentucky  neutrality 

{Photograph  of  page  of  Clarksville  Je^ersonian) 


H*»\«'    U   AS* 

An^  In  (ht> 

1  filiiMiM  Ken 
hc«  you  wcve 
aer&l  McClel 
hat  KMilucky 


.      ..  .        ....        .  ...      I     ri'M  'I  r«'<l    tim^ 


W'  »i    ^  («(«%M«^ 


r-viiii     II.'-.       .■.,..-       _      ,-■  f,         f       , 

H   VtMUM  nil  Ihtt  liittiVn  ul'  Iht*  I'li^fd"  •'^{♦itiM 

wvHo  ft  "iifnolntnatlon,    hut   to  giVo  run  n]"^  ^ 
|Nn{>ev,   Ml   whiuU  t   could   b»80   rtiy  Kfute. 
m««is  oF  Inn  policy,  nud   wliioh  would  W 
my    evklenoe    hornifior,   if  nny   (lilTnr»nce 
should  arise  reltttivft  to  tb»t  policy  ;  ftoJ  be 
:»Pponlci\  to  Mr   Orittondon,  who   va«  ptc 


pr>nK<MIN(4,  ^^P     «<* 

ware  funiibd  rti  tocii 
ftitlon  npon  ibe  uf; 
onnnfin  turricd  n}» 
zcrm  of  <Ho    town  h 

II j  not  a  w<>r<l    of  ft.^!»u 

ent,  to  identify  Iho  pnpcr  in  any  wuy  thatLg^jjo^  bad  been  ad 
he  thought  proper.     This  wan  done  by  the!      ijinoo   I   have*  u 
hfttK^niuckvllatUT  gontloman'8  aubjoining  Kia  loUWa.  J?lacJ^.Ih;ito  beeo 
r  lie   VnUeaf-i'to   Tollowing  li  ITTe   pftpor  >)»n^  '^^\^^^.r^fr^L.a..r. 

cv*tPinHn<rof  t)y^PfySfdfnt  Iiiii'^nl"  •  ' |  men!  are  setliDg  n 

.order,  U  bad        ^^  .^  ^^  ^^^^^^  ^^  ^  ^^^^^.^^^  ^  ,„pp,,„  ^^  ,o-    of  occupying  it,  an 

surrection  exiBting  within   the  United  States.— 
I  wish  Jo  do  this  with  the  least  t>08»t«le  distotft' 
nnce  or  nnnoyawce   to  wi^l  disposed  people  any- 
where.    So  far  I  have  not  sent  a  a  armed  force    ^-^  K,,j,,cky  pn 
into  Kentucky;  nor  have  I  any  present  purpose    ^^^^  ^^^  troops  of 
to  do  BO.    I  sincerely  deeire  ihaHi&  necessity    ^^  „;,hrl,ftwn  fiiai\ 
lor  it  may 'be  presented;  but  I  mean  tosaysotlx-, 
ing-wbich  sbalV  be^eafte^  embarraa  mfr  id  tbe 
performance  of  what  may  seem  to  bo  by  duty. 

July  10,  1861. 
[Signed,]        J.  «J- c 

This  memorandum  was  handed  to  mo  by  Vrm' 
dent  A.  Lincoln,  in  the  Ewcuuvij  gUamber. 
Washington,  on  the  10th  July.  1861  xa  the  pre- 
sence  of  Hon.  J.  J-  Crittenden,  who,  at  the  In- 
duce of  the  President,  .  itnes.ed  it  by  marking 
it  with  his  initials.  ^^  ^  B^JCKSl^tL 


rcfs  upon  the 
.roup  of  avo'd 
•.re,  ho  had  in^ 
had  removed 
ije«r  put  there 
og  the  city  of 

r  General  Mc- 
en,  frank  and 
,  it  fs  due  to 
that  I  did  not 
•rnment  to  this 
I  Hue  of  policy 
Mates  forces  if 
lOmhiaGoTeru- 


r  tliatl  hhould 
iword  of  Major 
'lied  to  nio  kflcr  j 
«  converfiiiioii.  I 

v.. 


of  occupying  it,  an 
for  seizing  other 
course  of  proceeilir 
make:  but  I  am  pi 
ao-ree  to  withdraw 


be  wuhdiawn  eiaii 
ranteo  '%\\\c\\  I  wi 
♦he  Confederate  (j 
erals  sbull  not  bo 

py  *"y  p^i"^ "'  '' 

J  havo  the  huuo 
vant,  rcspiiuUully, 

Tb«    t\-l*!f)»i    '« 


•  I  f  I''  ' 

Though  tLe  raper  i.  r.M  reneraUy  O^.L^,  4k 


vAit  sr. 


l.»    C-K'd      ta  »«t- 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  537 

did  not  want  Kentucky  as  an  ally,  but  as  a  battleground.' 
But  no  mere  incidents  of  politics  can  serve  to  explain 
the  Union  majorities  which  that  election  shows.  The  only 
adequate  explanation  is  the  fact  that  the  heart  of  Ken- 
tucky was  with  the  Union.  The  vote  was  but  a  repetition 
of  all  that  had  preceded  it,  since  the  question  of  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  Union  had  become  the  dominant  question 
of  the  day,  and  resulted  in  an  overwhelming  victory  for  the 
Union  cause.  Seventy-six  Unionists  were  elected  to  seats 
in  the  lower  House,  as  against  twenty-four  States'  rights 
men;  and  the  new  State  Senate  was  given  a  Unionist  ma- 
jority of  sixteen,"  which  would  doubtless  have  been  even 
greater  but  for  the  fact  that  one-half  of  the  seats  were  not 
involved  in  the  election.^ 

All  anxiety  as  to  the  loyalty  of  Kentucky  was  thus  dis- 
pelled, while,  just  before  the  elections,  news  of  the  battle  of 
Bull  Run  (fought  July  21,  1861)  had  made  it  evident  that 
the  time  for  mediation  had  passed,  and  that  the  position  of 
neutrality  must  be  abandoned,  as  soon  as  the  new  Legis- 
lature should  convene. 

So  far  neither  belligerent  had  attempted  any  explicit 
violation  of  Kentucky  neutrality.  Recruiting  stations  had 
been  established  just  beyond  the  borders,  by  both  parties, 
and  were  drawing  numbers  of  eager  young  volunteers  into 
their  ranks;  but  the  soil  of  the  Pioneer  Commonwealth, 
was  as  yet  unoccupied  by  the  forces  of  either  the  Union  or 

1  Buckner  interview,  June,  1909.  "A  remark,  attributed  to  Howell  Cobb, 
of  Georgia,  that  the  Southern  men  would  only  have,  'to  go  home,  raise  cotton, 
and  make  money,'  leaving  the  war  to  the  border  States,"  naturally  also  worked 
powerfully  toward  strengthening  the  Union  sentiment  in  Kentucky.  Shaler, 
p.  249. 

2  Details  of  the  election  of  August  5,  1861,  Collins,  I,  p.  92. 

3  The  Senate  was  elected  every  four  years,  one-half  its  membership  being 
elected  each  second  year. 


538        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

the  Confederacy.^  But  close  upon  the  August  elections 
came  the  news  that  Brigadier  General  William  Nelson 
had  established,  in  Gerrard  County,  a  Union  camp,  called 
Camp  Dick  Robinson,-  into  which  he  was  gathering,  pre- 
sumably with  the  President's  authority.  Federal  sympa- 
thizers "from  northeastern,  central,  and  central  southern 
Kentucky." 

This  was  felt  by  Governor  Magoffin  to  be  a  distinct 
violation  of  Kentucky's  neutral  position,  which  both 
General  McClellan  and  the  President  had  agreed  to  ob- 
serve. He  therefore  sent  a  commission  to  Washington,^ 
with  instructions  to  protest  against  this  invasion  of  Ken- 
tucky neutrality,  and  to  urge  the  removal  of  Camp  Dick 
Robinson. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  reply  is  of  unusual  interest.^ 

"Washington,  D.  C,  August  24,   1861. 
"To  His  Excellency  B.  Magoffin, 

"Governor  of  State  of  Kentucky. 

"Sir: — Your  letter  of  the  19th  inst.,  in  which  you,  'urge 
the  rejnoval  from  the  limits  of  Ke7'itucky  of  the  military  force 
now  organized,  and  in  camp  within  said  State/  is  received. 

"  I  may  not  possess  full  and  precisely  accurate  knowledge 
upon  this  subject;  but  I  believe  it  is  true  that  there  is  a 

1  On  July  15,  1861,  a  Confederate  recruiting  station  had  been  established 
at  Camp  Boone,  eight  miles  from  Clarksville,  Tenn.,  and  several  regiments  of 
Kentucky  volunteers  had  been  there  enlisted  for  the  Confederacy  (Collins,  I, 
p.  92).  At  about  the  same  time  Federal  recruiting  stations  had  been  established 
at  Camp  Clay,  just  opposite  Newport,  Ky.,  and  at  Camp  Joe  Holt,  opposite 
Louisville,  where  Kentucky  volunteers  for  Federal  service  were  being  enrolled 
(Ibid.);  but  these  camps  could  not  fairly  be  claimed  to  have  violated  Kentucky 
neutrality.     See  also  Ed.  Porter  Thompson's  "First  Kentucky  Brigade,"  p.  50. 

2  Details  of  establishment  of  this  Federal  camp,  Collins,  I,  p.  92. 

3  Collins,  I,  p.  92,  for  names,  etc. 

•*  Text  furnished  by  General  Buckner.  The  itajics  indicate  the  passage  un- 
derscored in  the  MS. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION 


539 


military  force  in  camp  within  Kentucky,  acting  by  au- 
thority of  the  United  States,  which  force  is  not  very  large, 
and  is  not  now  being  augmented. 

"I  also  believe  this  force  consists  exclusively  of  Ken- 
tuckians,  having  their  camp  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
their  own  homes,  and  not  assailing,  or  menacing,  any  of 
the  good  people  of  Kentucky. 

"In  all  I  have  done  in  the  premises,  I  have  acted  upon 
the  urgent  solicitation  of  many  Kentuckians,  and  in  accord- 
ance with  what  I  believed,  and  still  believe,  to  be  the  wish 
of  a  majority  of  all  the  Union-loving  people  of  Kentucky. 

"While  I  have  conversed  with  many  eminent  men  of 
Kentucky,  including  a  large  majority  of  her  members  of 
Congress,  I  do  not  remember  that  any  one  of  them,  or 
any  other  person,  except  your  Excellency  and  the  bearers 
of  your  Excellency's  letter,  has  urged  me  to  remove  the 
military  force  from  Kentucky,  or  to  disband  it.  One  other 
very  worthy  citizen  of  Kentucky  did  solicit  me  to  have 
the  augmenting  of  the  force  suspended  for  a  time. 

"Taking  all  the  reasons  within  my  reach  to  form  a 
judgment,  I  do  not  believe  it  is  the  popular  wish  of  Ken- 
tucky that  this  force  shall  be  removed  beyond  her  limits; 
and  with  this  impression,  I  must  respectfully  decline  to  so 
remove  it. 

"  I  most  cordially  sympathize  with  your  Excellency,  in 
the  v/ish  to  preserve  the  peace  of  my  own  native  State, 
Kentucky;  but  it  is  with  regret  I  search,  and  can  not  find, 
in  your  not  very  short  letter,  any  declaration,  or  intima- 
tion, that  you  entertain  any  desire  for  the  preservation  of 
the  Federal  Union. 

"Your  obedient  Servant, 

"A.  Lincoln." 


540        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

This  reply  was  by  no  means  reassuring,  and  that  which 
President  Davis  gave  to  a  similar  commission,^  sent  to  ask 
a  pledge  of  continued  respect  for  Kentucky's  neutral  posi- 
tion, was  even  a  bit  menacing.  "The  Confederacy," 
wrote  Davis,  "will  continue  to  respect  the  neutrality  of 
Kentucky,  so  long  as  the  people  of  Kentucky  will  maintain 
it  themselves.  But  neutrality  to  be  entitled  to  respect,  must 
be  strictly  maintained  between  both  parties."^ 

This  clearly  meant  that  President  Davis  designed  to  re- 
spect Kentucky's  neutral  position  only  so  long  as  she 
forced  the  United  States  to  respect  it,  and  this  fact  was 
made  still  more  evident,  about  a  week  later  (September  3, 
1 861),  when  Confederate  troops  from  Tennessee  passed 
over  the  borders  and  deliberately  entrenched  themselves 
at  Hickman  and  Columbus.^  That  this  was  done  as  a 
hint  to  Kentucky  that  the  Confederacy  regarded  Camp 
Dick  Robinson  as  a  proof  that  she  favored  the  Union,  can- 
not be  positively  stated;  but,  it  was  plainly  not  the  act  of  a 
power  disposed  to  respect  Kentucky's  neutrality. 

The  question  as  to  which  of  these  movements  first  vio- 
lated neutrality  was  then,  as  now,  difficult  to  answer.  Un- 
doubtedly the  Federal  station.  Camp  Dick  Robinson,  was 
first  established,  but  it  was  a  station  commanded  by  a 
Kentuckian,  and  occupied  exclusively  by  Kentucky  volun- 
teers, while  the  invading  Confederate  forces,  although  en- 

1  Geo.  W.  Johnson  was  sent,  on  the  same  day  (August  19,  1861),  to  Rich- 
mond, to  get  assurance  from  Jefferson  Davis  that  the  Confederate  Government 
would  continue  to  respect  the  neutrality  of  Kentucky.  Magoffin's  letter  to 
President  Davis  is  given  in  the  "War  Records,"  Series  I,  Vol.  IV,  p.  378. 

2  Davis  to  Magoffin.    "War  Records,"  Series  I,  Vol.  IV,  p.  396. 

3  Major  General  Leonidas  Polk,  "The  Fighting  Bishop  of  Tennessee,"  was 
in  command  of  this  invading  army.  At  about  the  same  time.  General  Zollicoffer 
entered  the  southeastern  corner  of  the  State  and  established  Confederate  lines 
near  Cumberland  Gap.    Collins,  I,  p.  93;  Shaler,  p.  250. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION  541 

tering  Kentucky  some  time  later,  were  "alien  troops."  It 
seems  therefore  only  fair  to  say,  as  the  Kentucky  Legis- 
lature promptly  said,  that  the  Confederates  had  violated 
the  neutrality  of  Kentucky,  and  that  prompt  restitution 
from  her  was  a  just  and  reasonable  demand. 

Under  these  conditions,  the  new  Kentucky  Legislature, 
which  assembled  on  September  2,  was  watched  with 
anxious  interest,  by  the  neighboring  States,  and  especially 
by  Tennessee,  whose  interests  were  deeply  involved  with 
those  of  Kentucky.  The  "Clarksville  Chronicle"  ^  thus 
sums  up  what  it  considers  to  be  the  position  of  the  latter: 

"The  position  of  the  Kentucky  Legislature  is  a  most 
embarrassing  one.  If  it  declare  for  neutrality,  a  war  with 
Lincoln  must  be  the  consequence,  because  that  neutrality 
cannot  be  forced  without  driving  out  his  troops.  If  it 
declare  for  Lincoln,  the  Confederate  States  will,  at  once, 
make  Kentucky  a  battle-ground;  and  if  the  Legislature 
attempt  the  inefficient  policy  of  'holding  with  the  hare 
whilst  running  with  the  hounds,'  it  will  leave  the  matter 
just  where  it  is,  the  State  invaded  by  both  belligerents, 
and  fast  becoming  the  theatre  of  a  desolating  civil  war. 
From  this  there  is  no  escape,  and  Kentucky  must  take  her 
stand  on  the  one  side  or  the  other.  Neutrality  is  an  ex- 
ploded humbug,  there  is  no  longer  a  chance  to  avert  the 
war  which  it  was  intended  to  stave  off.  All  that  remains 
for  the  people  to  do  is  to  decide  whether  they  will  fight  for 
the  South  and  liberty,  or  for  the  North  and  despotism." 

These  words  show  surprising  lack  of  insight  into  the 
real  significance  of  the  recent  August  elections  in  Ken- 
tucky. In  the  vote,  cast  at  those  elections,  her  people  had 
already  decided  this  question,  by  giving  the  government  of 

1  Issue  of  September  13,  1861. 


542        KENTUCKY  IX  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

their  State  into  the  hands  of  an  ardent  Union  majority. 
And,  even  while  the  Tennessee  editor  was  preparing  the 
editorial  just  quoted,  their  representatives  were  carrying 
out  their  instructions. 

On  September  7,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  had  been  raised 
over  the  capitol  buildings,  and  the  Governor  had  informed 
the  Legislature  that  a  protest  had  been  sent  to  General 
Polk,  commander  of  the  Confederate  forces  now  encamped 
within  the  State,  denouncing  his  unnecessary  violation  of 
Kentucky's  neutral  territory,  and  demanding  the  with- 
drawal of  his  troops.  General  Polk  had  courteously  re- 
plied, that  the  Confederate  troops  would  be  withdrawn, 
provided  the  State  authorities  would  see  to  it  that  the 
Federal  troops,  encamped  within  the  State,  should  be 
simultaneously  banished;  and  that  the  Confederate  troops 
would  remain  outside  Kentucky  territory,  if  the  Federal 
troops  would  consent  to  do  the  same.^  This  was  a  just 
proposal,  if  we  consider  Camp  Dick  Robinson  an  establish- 
ment in  violation  of  neutral  rights,  and  if  we  consider  that 
Kentucky  still  occupied  a  neutral  position;  but  the  ma- 
jority of  the  new  Kentucky  Legislature  looked  at  the  ques- 
tion in  a  manner,  quite  different  from  this.  They  con- 
sidered themselves  definitely  instructed,  by  the  vote  which 
had  given  them  control  of  the  State,  to  act  with  the  Union, 
and  had,  therefore,  on  September  11,  two  days  before 
the  appearance  of  the  article  above  quoted,  passed  a  joint 
resolution,  instructing  the  governor  to  inform  those  con- 
cerned, "  that  Kentucky  expects  the  Confederate  or  Tennes- 
see troops  to  be  withdrawn  from  her  soil,  unconditionally.^ 

1  Ed.  Porter  Thompson's  "First  Kentucky  Brigade,"  p.  283. 

2  "Journal  of  Kentucky  Senate,"  September  11,  1861,  for  text  and  vote  of 
21  to  8;  "Journal  of  House,"  Ibid.,  for  House  vote  of  71  to  26. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION 


543 


In  the  House,  just  after  the  vote  had  been  taken,  Mr. 
King  moved  the  additional  resolution  :  "That  the  Gov- 
ernor be  requested  to  demand  from  those  in  authority  the 
immediate  withdrawal  of  the  Federal  troops  from  the 
Southwestern  part  of  the  State.  .  .  .";  ^  but  this  was 
voted  down  by  a  majority  of  sixty-eight  to  twenty-nine.^ 

The  joint  resolution  concerning  the  Confederate  troops, 
having  been  presented  to  Governor  Magoffin,  it  was 
promptly  vetoed,  his  message  •''  declaring,  "unless  ...  it 
is  the  purpose  of  the  General  Assembly  to  abandon  entirely 
all  pretense  of  neutrality,  and  to  commit  Kentucky  to  ac- 
tive co-operation  with  the  United  States  Government  .  .  . 
I  cannot  conceive  why  notice  shall  be  given  to  one  party, 
and  refused  to  the  other.   .   .   ." 

The  response  of  the  General  Assembly,  however,  was 
prompt  and  decisive.  As  soon  as  the  veto  message  had 
been  read,  the  resolution  was  reenacted,"*  "the  objections 
of  the  Governor  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding." 

The  meaning  of  this  vote  is  obvious.  To  demand,  by 
legislative  action,  the  withdrawal  of  the  Confederate  forces, 
while  declining,  by  an  almost  equal  majority,  to  make  a 
similar  demand  of  the  Federal  troops,  was  to  assert  an 
unmistakable  sympathy  with  the  Federal  cause:  and,  as 
if  to  prevent  all  doubt  of  this  fact,  the  House  committee 
on  Federal  Relations  reported  to  the  House  the  following 
"  Preamble  and  Resolutions,"  •'  which  mark  the  point  at 

1  Full  text,  "Journal  of  House,"  September  ii,  1861,  p.  83. 

2  Names,  etc.,  "Journal  of  House,"  September  11,  1861,  p.  84. 

3  Text  of  veto  message,  "Journal  of  House,"  September  13,  1861,  p.  loi; 
"  Journal  of  Senate,"  Ibid.,  p.  99. 

i  "Journal  of  House,"  September  13,  1861,  pp.  103-104,  for  vote  68  to  26: 
Ibid.,  "  Journal  of  Senate,"  p.  100,  by  25  to  9. 

5  September  18,  1861.    Text,  "  Journal  of  House,"  p.  153. 


544        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

which  Kentucky  officially  abandoned  neutrality,  and  de- 
clared her  adherence  to  the  Union  of  States. 

"Whereas,  Kentucky  has  been  invaded  by  the  forces 
of  the  so-called  Confederate  States,  and  the  commanders 
of  the  forces  so  invading  the  State  have  insolently  pre- 
scribed the  conditions  upon  which  they  will  withdraw,  thus 
insulting  the  dignity  of  the  State  by  demanding  terms  to 
which  Kentucky  cannot  listen  without  dishonor;  there- 
fore, 

"(i)  Be  it  resolved  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Kentucky,  that  the  invaders  must  be 
expelled;  inasmuch  as  there  are  now  in  Kentucky,  Federal 
troops  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  preserving  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  State,  and  of  defending  and  protecting  the 
people  of  Kentucky,  in  the  peaceful  enjoyment  of  their 
lives  and  property.     It  is — 

"  (2)  Further  Resolved,  that  General  Robert  Anderson, 
a  native  Kentuckian,  who  has  been  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  department  of  Cumberland,  be  requested  to 
take  instant  command,  with  authority  and  power  from  this 
Commonwealth  to  call  out  a  volunteer  force  in  Ken- 
tucky for  the  purpose  of  repelling  the  invaders  from  our 
soil. 

"(3)  Resolved  that,  in  using  the  means  which  duty  and 
honor  require  to  expel  the  invaders  from  the  soil  of  Ken- 
tucky, no  citizen  shall  be  molested  on  account  of  his  po- 
litical opinions;  that  no  citizen's  property  shall  be  taken  or 
confiscated  because  of  such  opinions,  nor  shall  any  slave 
be  set  free  by  any  military  commander,  and  that  all  peace- 
able citizens  and  their  families  are  entitled  to,  and  shall 
receive,  the  fullest  protection  of  the  government  in  the  en- 
joyment of  their  lives,  their  liberties,  and  their  property. 


LOYAL  TO  THE  UNION 


545 


"(4)  Resolved,  that  his  Excellency,  the  Governor  of 
the  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky,  be  requested  to  give  all 
the  aid  in  his  power  to  accomplish  the  end  desired  by  these 
resolutions  and,  that  he  call  out  so  much  of  the  military 
force  of  the  State  under  his  command  as  may  be  necessary 
therefor,  and  that  he  place  the  same  under  the  command 
of  General  Thomas  L.  Crittenden. 

"(5)  Resolved,  that  the  patriotism  of  every  Kentuckian 
is  involved,  and  is  confidently  relied  upon  to  give  active 
aid  in  the  defense  of  the  Commonwealth." 

These  resolutions,  having  passed  the  House  by  an  over- 
whelming majority,^  were  sent  to  the  Senate,  where  they 
were  adopted  by  a  vote  of  twenty-six  to  nine.^ 

It  yet  remained  for  the  governor  to  pass  upon  them, 
and  Magoffin,  true  to  his  Confederate  principles,  refused 
his  assent,  giving  his  reasons  in  a  veto  message  of  force 
and  dignity.^  His  veto,  however,  was  promptly  over- 
ridden; and,  by  a  vote  of  sixty-nine  to  twenty-one  in  the 
House,^  and  of  twenty-four  to  ten  in  the  Senate,^  the 
resolutions  were  reenacted,  "the  objections  of  the  governor 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding." 

At  this  point  closes  the  history  of  Kentucky's  neutrality, 
and  at  this  point  begins  the  history  of  her  part  in  the 

1  The  vote  was  taken  upon  each  of  the  five  resolutions  separately.  As  this 
is  the  vote  which  marks  the  definite  abandonment  of  the  neutral  position,  I 
insert  the  details,  from  the  "Journal  of  the  House,"  September,  1861,  pp.  154. 

ist  Resolution  carried  in  House 73  to  23 

2d  "  "         "         "         69  to  27 

3d  "  "         "         "         93  to    3 

4th  "  "         "         "         72  to  24 

5th  "  "         "         "         73  to  23 

2  "Journal  of  Senate,"  September,  i86r,  p.  131,  for  vote. 

3  Text  of  veto  message,  "  Journal  of  Senate,"  September,  1S61,  p.  144. 
*  "Journal  of  House,"  September  20,  1861,  pp.  178-179. 

5  "  Journal  of  Senate,"  September  20,  1861,  p.  146. 
Kentucky — 35 


546        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

war  for  the  Union.  Amid  perplexities,  temptations  and 
dangers,  greater,  perhaps,  than  those  that  threatened  any 
other  State,  she  had  striven  for  Union  and  peace;  and, 
when  peace  was  seen  to  be  unattainable,  she  had  declared 
for  Union  and  war. 


A  CRITICAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF 
KENTUCKY  HISTORY 

A.  The  Primary  Sources  consist  of  State  documents  and  other  j)ublic 
and  private  records;  together  with  a  number  of  accounts  of  important 
events,  written  by  the  actors  themselves,  or  by  others  under  the  personal 
supervision  and  criticism  of  the  actors.    In  this  class  must  be  included: 

I.  "Journal  of  Christopher  Gist."  The  first  published  description 
of  the  Kentucky  district,  as  distinguished  from  other  portions  of  the 
great  West,  is  Christopher  Gist's  "Journal"  of  an  expedition  through 
Kentucky  in  1751,  pubhshed  in  Pownall's  "Topographical  Description 
of  the  Middle  Colonies  of  North  America"  (London,  J.  Almon,  1776), 
Appendix  VI. 

The  expedition  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  locating  lands  for  the 
Ohio  Company,  and  the  topographical  descriptions  are,  therefore,  very 
carefully  prepared. 

The  map  annexed  to  this  volume  is  the  well  known  map  of  Lewis 
Evans,  first  published  in  1755.  Full  details  concerning  Pownall's  work 
and  the  Evans  Map  will  be  found  in  Winsor's  "Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America,"  V,  pp.  83-85. 

II.  Dr.  Thomas  Walker,  "Journal  of  an  Exploration  Through  Ken- 
tucky in  the  Spring  of  the  Year  1750,"  with  a  preface  by  William  Cabell 
Rives.    Small  quarto,  69  pages,  Boston,  Little,  Brown  &  Company,  1888. 

This  printed  copy  lacks  the  pages  of  the  "Journal"  from  the  sixth  to 
the  sixteenth  of  March,  and  from  the  eleventh  to  the  nineteenth  of  April, 
1750,  but  they  appear  in  the  manuscript  copy  of  Colonel  Durrett's  Col- 
lection, Louisville,  Kentucky,  and  also  in  "Filson  Club  Publication," 
No.  13,  Louisville,  Ky.,  1898.  Walker's  explorations  were  for  the  pur- 
pose of  locating  lands  for  the  "Loyal  Company,"  and  his  journal  is, 
therefore,  of  a  character  similar  to  that  of  Christopher  Gist. 

III.  Filson's  "Kentucke."  The  first  attempt  to  preserve  the  early 
history  of  Kentucky  in  book  form  was  made  by  John  Filson.  His  work 
is  entitled  "The  Discovery,  Settlement,  and  Present  State  of  Kentucke, 
and  an  Essay  Toward  the  Topographical  and  Natural  History  of  That 
Important  Country."  Octavo,  118  pages,  Wilmington,  Delaware. 
Printed  by  James  Adams,  1784.    It  is,  to  the  Kentucky  historian,  what 

547 


548        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Captain  John  Smith's  "True  Relation"  is  to  the  historian  of  Virginia. 
It  contains  a  certificate,  signed  by  Daniel  Boone,  Levi  Todd,  and  James 
Harrod,  pronouncing  it  "an  exceedingly  good  performance,  containing 
as  accurate  a  description  of  our  country  as  we  think  can  possibly  be 
given."  It  was  written,  as  the  author  declares,  "solely  to  inform  the 
world  of  the  happy  climate  and  plentiful  soil  of  this  favored  region." 
The  narrative  is  as  accurate  as  was  possible  at  that  early  day;  but,  in 
speaking  of  the  first  visitors  to  Kentucky,  Filson  and  his  pioneer  friends 
Boone,  Todd,  and  Harrod,  are  deceived,  and  claim  the  honor  of  dis- 
covery for  James  M'Bride  who  visited  the  district  in  1754,  whereas  it 
had  been  often  visited  before  that  date,  and  the  real  discoverer  was  no 
less  a  personage  than  La  Salle  who,  during  his  expedition  of  1669,  passed 
along  the  borders  of  Kentucky,  from  the  Big  Sandy  to  the  Rapids  of  the 
Ohio. 

The  most  valuable  parts  of  the  work,  however,  are  the  map  which 
accompanies  the  volume,  and  the  appendix  which  contains  "  the  auto- 
biography of  Colonel  Daniel  Boone,"  as  he  himself  dictated  it  to  the 
author.  The  style  of  this  "  autobiography  "  is  wholly  that  of  Filson,  but 
the  facts  presented  are  undoubtedly  the  real  reminiscences  of  the  great 
pioneer,  and  form  a  story  of  singular,  almost  unique,  interest. 

Concerning  the  map  there  was  formerly  great  uncertainty,  as  no 
existing  copy  of  the  book  was  known  to  contain  a  map,  and  dealers  be- 
gan to  declare  that  no  such  map  had  appeared.  The  question  was  defi- 
nitely settled,  however,  in  1884,  when  Colonel  R.  T.  Durrett  published  a 
fac-simile  of  the  map  in  his  monograph  upon  the  "Life  and  Writings  of 
John  Filson"  ("Filson  Club  Publications,"  No.  i). 

The  first  edition  of  Filson  is  now  exceedingly  rare,  and  commands  a 
very  high  price.  Copies  may  be  seen  in  the  Durrett  Library  at  Louis- 
ville, Ky.,  and  at  the  library  of  Harvard  University. 

Reprints  and  translations  are,  however,  numerous,  and  tlieir  circula- 
tion is  largely  responsible  for  the  world-wide  fame  of  the  simple  pioneer, 
Daniel  Boone.    They  are: 

1.  M.  Parraud's  French  translation,  octavo,  254  pages,  Paris,  France, 
1785.  This  edition  is  also  rare.  A  well  preserv^ed  copy  may  be  seen 
in  the  Astor  Library,  New  York  City. 

2.  Two  German  translations,  one  by  Ludwig  Heinrich  Bronner,  octavo, 
254  pages,  Frankfort,  1785;  the  other  by  Chr.  Weigel  und  Schneider, 
octavo,  124  pages,  Leipzig,  1790. 

3.  Three  reprints,  made  in  England  in  the  years  1792,  179,3,  ^^^  i797» 
in  connection  with  editions  of  Gilbert  Imlay's  "Topographical  De- 
scription of  the  Western  Territory  of  North  America." 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       549 

IV.  "The  Discovery,  Purchase,  and  Settlement  of  the  Country 
OF  Kentucky  in  North  America."  By  Alexander  Fitzroy.  Octavo, 
15  pages.  Printed  by  H.  Goldncy,  No.  15,  Pater-Noster  Row,  London' 
1786. 

This  book,  which  almost  equals  in  age  the  more  famous  work  of  John 
Filson,  is  also  exceedingly  rare,  but  is  of  little  value  to  the  historian. 
Its  author  was  probably  a  Kentucky  land  speculator,  and  the  book  was 
evidently  compiled  from  Filson's  "Kentuckc." 

V.  "Thoughts  on  Emigration,  to  Which  Are  Added  Miscellaneous 
Observations  Relating  to  the  United  States  of  North  America  and  a 
Short  Account  of  the  State  of  Kentucky."  By  Harry  Toulmin.  Octavo, 
124  pages.    London,  1792,  with  map. 

Of  very  little  practical  value  to  the  Kentucky  historian  of  the  present 
day. 

VI.  "A  Topographical  Description  of  the  Western  Territory  of 
North  America."  By  Gilbert  Imlay.  Octavo,  248  pages.  Printed  by 
J.  Dibrett,  London,  1792. 

Imlay  was  a  captain  in  the  American  army  during  the  Revolution, 
and  later  "Commissioner  for  laying  out  lands  on  the  Back  Settlements." 
This  work  made  him  familiar  with  the  American  frontier,  its  climate,  its 
population,  its  Indian  tribes,  etc.,  all  of  which  he  here  discusses  in  a 
series  of  letters  to  a  friend  in  England. 

A  second  edition  (octavo,  455  pages),  containing  also  the  text  of  Filson's 
"Kentucke,"  appeared  from  the  same  press  in  1793. 

In  the  same  year  a  third  edition  (2  vols.,  i2mo,  260  and  204  pages) 
was  printed  in  New  York  by  Samuel  Campbell,  which  contained  both 
the  Filson  History  and  "a  delineation  of  the  Laws,  and  Government  of 
the  State  of  Kentucky." 

A  fourth  edition  (octavo,  626  pages),  appeared  in  London  in  1797 
from  the  press  of  J.  Dibrett,  and  contains,  besides  Filson's  "Kentucke," 
Hutchin's  "Topographical  Description  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Mary- 
land, and  North  Carolina,"  together  with  other  valuable  early  papers. 

VII.  "Acts  Passed  at  the  First  Session  of  the  General  Assembly 
FOR  THE  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky,"  held  at  Lexington,  Monday, 
June  4,  1792.    Printed  by  John  Bradford.     Lexington,  1792. 

VIII.  "  The  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798  and  1799."  Original  texts 
(Durrett's  MSS.)  as  issued  by  the  Kentucky  Legislature.  These  valu- 
able documents  were  reproduced,  the  first  in  fac-simile,  in  the  "Southern 
Bivouac,"  B.  F.  Avery  and  Sons,  March,  April  and  May,  1886.  The  ar- 
ticle in  which  they  there  appeared  was  written  by  Col.  R.  T.  Durrctt. 


550        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

It  proved  conclusively  that  Thomas  Jefferson  was  the  real  author  of 
these  famous  Resolutions,  and  pointed  out  the  changes  which  they 
underwent  before  passing  the  Kentucky  Legislature. 

IX.  "An  Account  of  the  Remarkable  Occurrences  in  His  Life  and 
Tra\'ELS."  By  Col.  James  Smith.  Octavo,  88  pages.  Printed  by 
John  Bradford.     Lexington,  1799.    Durrett  Collection. 

X.  "Lavi^s  of  Kentucky."    By  Harry  Toulmin.    Frankfort,  1802. 

XI.  On  May  15,  1884,  Richard  H.  Collins,  William  Chenault,  John 
Mason  Brown,  Basil  W.  Duke,  George  M.  Davie,  James  S.  Pirtle, 
Thomas  W.  Bullitt,  Alexander  P.  Humphrey,  Thomas  Speed,  and  Reuben 
T.  Durrett  organized,  in  Louisville,  Kentucky,  the  Filson  Club,  for  the 
purpose  of  "collecting  and  preserving  the  History  of  Kentucky,  and 
especially  those  perishing  scraps  of  history  and  biography  which  have 
never  been  published."  During  the  twenty-five  years  of  its  existence, 
this  club  has  made  many  valuable  additions  to  the  written  history  of  the 
State,  and  has  somewhat  supplied  the  lack,  long  felt  by  students  of 
Kentucky  history,  of  published  collections  of  State  documents. 

In  each  of  the  twenty-three  publications  which  it  has  made  (publica- 
tions upon  special  topics  of  State  History  and  Biography),  have  appeared 
elaborate  extracts  from  original  sources  in  the  possession  of  the  club,  and 
often  full  texts  of  important  documents  have  been  given  in  the  ap- 
pendices. 

XII.  In  the  Appendix  of  Mann  Butler's  "History  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Kentucky"  (1834)  appear  in  full  a  number  of  important  documents: 

1.  "Journal"  of  Colonel  Croghan  (1765). 

2.  Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  (1768). 

3.  Order  of  Virginia  Council  to  General  George  Rogers  Clark  for 
500  pounds  of  gunpowder  for  defence  of  the  Kentucky  frontier,  and 
other  important  documents  relating  to  history  of  the  State  during 
the  period  of  the  Revolution. 

The  second  edition,  1836,  contains  a  still  more  extended  and  in- 
teresting collection  of  documents. 

XIII.  In  the  Appendix  of  Mr.  William  Hayden  English's  work,  entitled 
"The  Conquest  of  the  Country  Northwest  of  the  River  Ohio,  1778-83" 
(The  Bowen-Merrill  Co.,  Indianapolis,  1896,  2  vols.,  1186  pages),  appear 
full  texts  of  the  most  important  documents  relating  to  the  life  of  George 
Rogers  Clark,  including: 

I.  Clark's  "Memoir,"  his  last  account  of  his  campaigns,  probably 
written  at  the  request  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  James  Madison. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       551 

2.  Clark's  letter  to  his  friend  and  patron,  George  Mason  of  Virginia, 
giving  the  details  of  his  campaigns  in  the  Northwest  Territory. 

3.  Two  letters  from  Major  John  Bowman,  one  of  Clark's  chief  officers, 
who  served  and  perished  in  the  Northwest  Campaign.  The  first  is 
written  to  George  Brinker  of  Frederick  County,  Virginia,  and  is 
here  published  for  the  first  time.  The  other  was  written  to  Colonel 
John  Kite  of  Frederick  County,  Virginia. 

4.  Major  Bowman's  "Journal,"  giving  an  account  of  the  proceedings 
of  George  Rogers  Clark  from  January  27th,  to  March  20th,  1779. 

5.  "Diary  of  George  Rogers  Clark  from  December  25th,  1776,  to 
November  22d,  1777." 

6.  The  author  also  gives,  in  the  text  of  hLs  narrative,  a  number  of 
important  documents  (relating  to  this  period),  which  are  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Indiana  Historical  Society,  of  which  he  was  President 
at  the  time  of  the  preparation  of  this  work. 

XIV.  "Political  Transactions  in  and  Concerning  Kentucky,  from 
the  First  Settlement  Thereof  Until  it  Became  an  Independent  State  in 
June,  1792."  By  William  Littell,  Esq.  i2mo.,  147  pages.  Printed  by 
William  Hunter,  Printer  to  the  Commonwealth,  Frankfort,  Ky.,  1806. 

This  little  volume  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  and  valuable  of  the 
earlier  works  upon  Kentucky  History,  and  is  exceedingly  rare,  the  only 
copy  known  to  the  author,  being  that  in  Colonel  Durrett's  Library  at 
Louisville,  Kentucky.  Its  scope  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  title  page 
but,  in  addition  to  the  narrative  itself,  its  author  has  preserved,  in  "an 
appendix,"  a  number  of  rare  and  valuable  documents  relating  to  the 
narrative  itself,  and  throwing  much  light  upon  the  conflict  for  inde- 
pendent Statehood. 

The  last  thirty  or  forty  pages  of  the  "narrative"  are  taken  up  with  a 
refutation  of  the  "pretended  Spanish  Conspiracy,"  and  contain  many 
sentences  of  burning  sarcasm  and  fierce  invective  against  Humphrey 
Marshall,  and  "the  Caledonian,  John  Wood,  or  his  man,  Joseph  M. 
Street,"  the  editors  of  the  "Western  World,"  through  the  columns  of 
which  the  accusations  against  Brown,  Wilkinson,  Sebastian,  Innis,  and 
Wallace  were  made.  Littell  is  a  strong  debater  and  a  forcible  writer, 
but,  like  Marshall  himself,  he  writes  with  a  personal  animus  which 
often  leads  one  to  question  the  accuracy  of  his  statements  concerning  his 
opponents. 

XV.  "Memoirs  of  My  Own  Times."      By  General  James  Wilkinson. 
3  vols.    Printed  by  Abraham  Small,  Philadelphia,  1816. 

These  volumes,  perhaps  unintentionally,  throw  light  upon  the  Spanish 


552        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

conspiracy  questions,  and  upon  Wilkinson's  connection  with  Burr's 
mysterious  project.  They  also  preserve  numerous  documents  of  in- 
terest, especially  in  connection  with  the  latter  question.  It  has  been 
justly  remarked  that  General  Wilkinson  succeeded  in  writing  a  better 
life  than  he  succeeded  in  living. 

XVI.  "The  Statutes  at  Large:  Being  a  Collection  of  All  the 
Laws  of  Virginia,  1619-1792."  By  William  Waller  Hening.  13  vols. 
Richmond,  1819. 

This  remarkable  publication  is  of  primary  importance  to  the  historian 
of  Kentucky,  as  only  through  it  can  the  early  laws  for  the  government  of 
Kentucky,  and  the  conditions  prevailing  there  during  the  long  years 
of  dependence  upon  Virginia  be  ascertained.  It  is  of  especial  value  in 
tracing  the  history  of  the  struggle  for  independent  Statehood,  as  well  as 
for  fixing  dates  which  are  often  erroneously  given  in  the  somewhat 
illiterate  journals  of  early  days.  In  it  appears,  in  official  form,  the  whole 
story  of  Kentucky  under  Virginia  Government. 

XVII.  "The  Statute  Law  of  Kentucky."  By  Wilham  Littell  and 
other  editors.     5  vols.     Frankfort,  1809,  1810,  181 1,  1814,  1819. 

In  addition  to  the  Statute  Law,  these  rare  and  valuable  volumes,  now 
almost  unobtainable,  preserve  a  vast  body  of  documents,  charters,  or- 
dinances, royal  proclamations,  etc.,  many  of  which  can  now  be  found 
in  no  other  place.  The  appendix  to  vol.  II,  for  example,  contains  all 
the  Acts  of  Parliament  and  of  Virginia,  of  a  general  nature,  which  re- 
mained in  force  in  Kentucky  after  her  admission  as  an  independent 
member  of  the  Federal  Union.  The  appendix  to  vol.  Ill,  likewise,  con- 
tains all  the  acts  of  Virginia  for  the  establishment  and  regulation  of 
towns,  academies,  ferries,  and  inspectors  in  the  District  of  Kentucky, 
and  also  the  text  of  the  act  granting  land  to  Richard  Henderson  and 
Company.  A  complete  set  of  these  volumes  may  be  seen  in  the  library 
of  Colonel  R.  T.  Durrett  of  Louisville,  Kentucky.  I  know  of  no  other 
complete  set. 

XVIII.  "Reports  of  Cases  at  Common  Law  and  in  Chancery  Decided 
BY  THE  Court  of  Appeals  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky." 
Published  under  the  patronage  of  the  State,  by  William  Littell.  6  vols. 
Frankfort,  1823.    Durrett  Collection. 

XIX.  "The  Pioneer  in  the  Kentucky  Emigrant."  By  John  Magill. 
Octavo,  84  pages.    Printed  by  J.  B.  Marshall,  Frankfort,  1832. 

A  brief  topographical  and  historical  description  of  the  State  of  Ken- 
tucky. 

XX.  Franklin's  Works,  edited  by  Jared  Sparks,  and  published  by  Hil- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       553 

Hard  Gray  and  Company,  Boston,  1849.  The  set  consists  of  fourteen 
volumes,  and  contains  a  vast  collection  of  valuable  documents  relating 
to  the  early  history  of  America.  The  larger  part  of  the  material  relating 
to  Kentucky  will  be  found  in  vol.  IV. 

XXI.  The  Durrett  MSS.  A  collection  of  manuscript  material,  largely 
unpublished,  relating  chiefly  to  the  early  history  of  Kentucky.  It  is  the 
chief  source  of  the  publications  of  the  Filson  Club,  and  has,  by  the  gen- 
erosity of  its  owner,  been  of  great  service  to  numerous  investigators  in 
the  field  of  pioneer  history.  The  only  collection  at  all  comparable  to 
it  is  the  well-known  Draper  Collection.  Among  the  more  important 
documents  of  the  Collection  are: 

1.  James  McAfee's  "Journal  of  an  Exploration  Through  Kentucky 
in  1773."    Quarto  MSS.,  41  pages. 

2.  Robert  McAfee's  "Journal  of  an  Expedition  Through  Kentucky 
in  1773."    Quarto  MSS.,  18  pages. 

3.  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Robert  B.  McAfee,"  written  by  himself. 

4.  "The  History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  First  Settlement  on 
Salt  River  and  Establishment  of  the  New  Providence  Church."  By 
Robert  B.  McAfee. 

5.  "The  General  and  Natural  History  of  Kentucky."  By  Robert  B. 
McAfee.     MSS.,  63  pages. 

6.  Colonel  Richard  Henderson's  "Journal  of  an  Expedition  Through 
Kentucky  and  a  Residence  Therein  in  1775."  Quarto  MSS., 
44  pages.  This  "Journal,"  in  a  slightly  different  form,  is  preserved 
among  the  Draper  MSS.  (Kentucky  MSS.,  I.) 

7.  George  Rogers  Clark  to  George  Mason.  A  letter  giving  Clark's 
own  story  of  his  Campaign.  MSS.,  no  pages.  It  is  dated  "Louis- 
ville, Falls  of  Ohio,  November  19,  1779."  It  was  first  published 
in  1869,  by  Robert  Clarke  and  Company,  of  Cincinnati,  as  one  of 
the  "Ohio  Valley  Historical  Series,"  with  an  introduction  by  the 
Honorable  Henry  Pirtle  of  Louisville,  and  has  been  since  frequently 
republished. 

8.  Clark's  "Memoir,"  MSS.,  306  pages.  Written  at  Louisville  in  the 
year  1791.  Three  MS.  copies  of  this  important  document  arc 
known  to  exist.  One  the  property  of  the  late  W.  H.  English,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Indiana  Historical  Society;  one  in  the  Draper  Collection 
of  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society,  which,  however,  is  incomplete, 
owing  to  the  loss  of  a  number  of  leaves;  and  the  copy  here  described. 
It  is  an  invaluable  document  for  any  one  writing  upon  the  Illinois 
Campaign.    A  good  reprint,  made  after  a  comparison  of  the  three 


554        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

manuscripts,  appears  in  English's  "Conquest  of  the  Country  North- 
west of  the  River  Ohio,"  I,  pp.  45 7-561- 

9.  William  Fleming's  "Journal  of  a  Tour  Through  Kentucky,  and  a 
residence  there  in  1779-80."     Folio  MSS.,  47  pages. 

10.  An  unsigned  journal  of  1783.     Folio  MSS.,  22  pages. 

11.  Reverend  James  Smith's  "Three  Journals  of  Tours  Through 
Kentucky  and  Residence  There  in  1785,  1795,  and  1797."  Folio 
MSS.,  117  pages. 

12.  General  Butler's  "Journal,  1785-86,"  being  a  description  of  a 
tour  through  Kentucky  in  company  with  James  Monroe.     MSS., 

287  pages. 

13.  "Autobiography  and  Diary  of  Daniel  Trabue."  Unpublished 
MS.  One  of  the  most  perfect  and  elaborate  of  the  many  pioneer 
journals  of  the  period.  Its  character  will  appear  through  the  fre- 
quent citations  and  extracts  which  appear  in  Chapter  II  of  the 
present  volume. 

14.  "Notes  on  Kentucky."  By  John  Bradford.  Quarto  MSS., 
506  pages.  The  same  may  be  found  in  the  files  of  the  "Kentucky 
Gazette"  of  which  Bradford  was  the  editor.  They  were  written 
between  the  years  1826  and  1829,  and  present  the  early  history  of 
the  State  from  the  point  of  view  of  a  remarkably  clever  and  able 
newspaper  man. 

15.  "Journal  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Delegates  or  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  Colony  of  Transylvania."  The  details  of  this 
Assembly  are  given  in  the  tc.vt  of  the  present  volume.  The  manu- 
script has  been  reproduced  in  part  in  Collins,  II,  p.  501. 

16.  "Kentucky's  Historical  and  Biographical  Sketches."  MSS., 
2  vols.    By  William  H.  Perrin. 

17.  "Papers  and  Autobiography  of  Isaac  Shelby." 

18.  "The  History  of  Boyle  and  Mercer  Counties."  By  Marie  T. 
Davis.     Quarto  MSS.,  185  pages. 

19.  "The  History  of  the  Ohio  Valley."     By  Mann  Butler.     MSS., 

288  pages.     Published  in  the  "Western  Journal  and  Citizen,"  St. 
Louis.     Vols.  IX  to  XIV. 

XXII.  The  Draper  Manuscripts,  now  the  property  of  the  Wisconsin 
Historical  Society.  The  largest  and  one  of  the  most  important  collec- 
tions of  manuscripts  west  of  the  AUeghanies.  It  contains,  among  other 
things  relating  to  Kentucky  history,  the  papers  of  George  Rogers  Clark, 
and  a  vast  mass  of  material  relating  to  Daniel  Boone,  Simon  Kenton, 
the  Wars  of  the  West,  the  pioneer  days,  etc.    Copies  of  the  most  impor- 


I 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       555 

tant  of  these  Kentucky  MSS.  have  been  made  under  the  direction  and 
supervision  of  Colonel  R.  T.  Durrctt,  and  the  late  John  Mason  IJrown, 
and  are  novi'  preserved  in  the  Durrett  Collection  at  Louisville. 
XXIII.  Family  Archives. 

1.  The  Breckinridge  MSS.  A  collection  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand 
manuscripts,  bequeathed  to  the  Library  of  Congress,  by  the  late 
Colonel  W.  C.  P.  Breckinridge  of  Lexington,  Kentucky.  This  col- 
lection begins  with  the  year  1752,  and  extends  to  the  year  1900. 
There  is  a  gap  from  1799  to  1805,  but,  with  this  exception,  almost 
every  year  of  this  long  period  is  represented  by  letters  and  docu- 
ments, relating  chiefly  to  the  Breckinridge  family,  but  relating  also 
to  the  many  public  questions  with  which  successive  generations  of 
this   famous  Kentucky  family  have  been  associated. 

The  collection  has  not  yet  been  catalogued,  and  is  not  yet  open 
to  the  public. 

For  the  privilege  of  examining  the  collection,  and  of  reproduc- 
ing one  of  the  letters,  the  author  is  indebted  to  Mr.  Desha  Breck- 
inridge of  Lexington,  Kentucky,  and  to  Dean  Breckinridge  of  the 
University  of  Chicago. 

2.  The  Brown  MSS.  A  collection  of  letters  belonging  to  the  heirs  of 
the  late  John  Mason  Brown.  Less  extensive,  and  of  less  general  in- 
terest than  the  Breckinridge  MSS. 

For  the  privilege  of  examining  this  collection,  the  author  is  indebted 
to  the  Misses  Brown  of  Lexington,  Kentucky,  daughters  of  the  late 
John  Mason  Brown. 
B.  The  Secondary  Sources  are  newspapers,  and  systematic  accounts  of 
single  events,  or  of  continued  periods,  written  by  men  who  obtained  their 
information  chiefly  at  second-hand,  from  the  various  available  primary 
sources.    These,  for  convenience,  are  divided  into, 
I.  Newspapers. 
II.  General  Histories  of  the  State. 

III.  Histories  of  Special  Topics. 

IV.  Miscellaneous. 

I.   NEWSPAPERS 

One  of  the  most  interesting  sources  of  Kentucky  History  is  the  extensive 
collection  of  local  newspapers.  I  have  spent  many  months  in  the  exam- 
ination of  these  collections  in  various  places,  but  mention  here  only  those 
of  special  interest,  although  frequent  reference  to  others  will  be  made  in 
the  footnotes,  which  accompany  the  text. 

I.  The  "Kentucky  Gazette"— spelled  Kcntucke  in  the  first,  and  half 


556        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  the  second  volumes — was  established  at  Lexington  in  1787,  by 
the  brothers  John  and  Fielding  Bradford,  and  the  first  issue  was 
on  August  nth  of  that  year.  It  has  been  published  continuously 
ever  since,  and  there  is  in  the  Public  Library  at  Lexington,  Ken- 
tucky, an  almost  complete  collection  of  the  numbers  from  the  very 
first  issue.  This  paper  served  as  the  official  press  of  the  conven- 
tions which  secured  the  separation  from  Virginia,  and  was  for  years 
the  only  source  of  news  open  to  the  citizens  of  the  western  country. 
Its  pages  are  a  running  commentary  upon  the  history  of  Kentucky, 
as  it  was  making,  and  give  perhaps  a  clearer  and  truer  idea  than 
any  other  source,  of  the  development  of  the  State,  besides  preserv- 
ing numbers  of  important  documents  which  would  otherwise  have 
been  lost. 

2.  The  "Palladium,"  a  literary  and  political  weekly.  It  was  issued 
at  Frankfort  from  August  9th,  1798,  to  April  20th,  1809,  by  Hunter 
and  Beaumont.  An  almost  complete  file,  bound  in  four  volumes, 
is  among  the  treasures  of  the  Durrett  Collection. 

3.  "The  Lexington  Reporter,"  a  weekly.  A  very  extensive  collection 
of  this  paper  is  preserved  in  the  Lexington  Public  Library,  bound 
in  seventeen  volumes,  and  covering  the  entire  period  from  1808-18. 

4.  "The  Mirror,"  bound  in  one  volume.  Durrett  Collection.  The 
first  and  second  numbers,  September  i6th  and  September  23d, 
1797,  are  missing,  but  the  remaining  numbers,  running  from  Septem- 
ber 30th,  1797,  to  June  1 6th,  1798,  show  a  firm,  free  and  temperate 
attitude  toward  such  questions  as  interested  or  disturbed  the  little 
communities  of  the  West  in  those  early  days. 

5.  "The  American  Republic,"  Frankfort,  1810-12. 

6.  "The  Argus  of  Western  America,"  Frankfort,  1824-30. 

"The  Commonwealth,"  1838-39. 

"The  Enquirer,"  Richmond,  Kentucky,  1804-1806. 

"The  Kentucky  Reporter,"  Lexington:  a  remarkably  full  set  pre- 
served in  the  Lexington  Public  Library,  covering  the  period  from 
January  6th,  1818,  to  April  4th,  1832. 

10.  "The  Western  Monitor,"  a  weekly  published  at  Lexington. 
Bound  in  two  volumes,  1818-19.    Durrett  Collection. 

11.  "The  Patriot"  and  "The  Spirit  of  '76,"  Frankfort,  1826.  Dur- 
rett Collection.  These  two  rival  papers  were  established  by  the 
contending  parties  in  the  Old  and  the  New  Court  controversy, 
"The  Patriot"  representing  the  latter,  and  "The  Spirit  of  '76" 
the  former  party. 

"The  Spirit  of  '76"  is  preserved  in  two  forms. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       557 

a.  The  newspapers,  comprised  in  some  69  numbers,  the  only  copy 
now  known  being  in  the  Durrett  Collection. 

b.  An  octavo  volume,  printed  by  J.  H.  Holeman,  containing  352 
pages,  and  also  exceedingly  rare.  A  copy  in  the  Durrett  Collec- 
tion. 

12.  "The  Maysville  Eagle."  Printed  and  published  by  Lewis  Collins. 
The  Durrett  Collection  contains  four  bound  volumes  of  this  ably 
edited  newspaper,  covering  the  period,  June  9,  1824,  to  June  15, 
1858. 

IL  GENERAL  HISTORIES  OF  KENTUCKY 

I.  Marshall. 

"The  History  of  Kentucky,  including  an  account  of  the  Discovery, 
Settlement,  Progressive  Improvements,  Political  and  ■Military  Events, 
and  Present  State  of  the  Country."  By  Humphrey  Marshall.  Octavo. 
Frankfort,  Ky. 

This  is  the  first  of  the  systematic  histories  of  Kentucky.  The  first 
edition  was  published  by  Henry  Gore,  Frankfort,  Kentucky.  Octavo, 
407  pages.  Volume  I,  covering  the  history  of  the  Kentucky  region 
down  to  the  year  1791,  appeared  in  1812. 

The  second  volume  of  this  edition  never  appeared,  but,  in  1824,  a 
second  edition  in  two  volumes,  octavo,  474  and  524  pages,  was  pub- 
lished at  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  by  George  S.  Robinson.  This  second 
edition  presents  the  history  of  Kentucky  from  Findlay's  visit,  in  1767, 
to  the  year  1812,  and  is  remarkable  for  the  large  number  of  important 
documents  embodied  in  the  text,^  as  well  as  for  the  vigorous  style  in 
which  the  narrative  is  presented. 

The  author  entered  the  State  about  1780,  and  spent  some  sixty  years 
in  active  political  service.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Danville  conven- 
tion of  1787,  served  many  years  in  the  State  Legislature,  and  was 
United  States  Senator  in  1 795-1801.  His  work  is,  therefore,  mainly 
an  account  of  events  in  which  he  had  taken  an  active  part,  and  his 
intense  personal  interest  in  these  events,  which  are  often  described  so 
minutely  as  to  be  wearisome,  is  shown  by  the  bitter,  and  often  ground- 
less, accusations  which  he  makes  against  his  political  enemies. 

This  work  is  the  basis  of  most  of  the  subsequent  histories  of  the 

1  The  first  volume  of  this  edition  contains  a  reprint  of  "The  Ancient  Annals 
of  Kentucky,"  by  Constantine  Samuel  Rafinesque, — a  quaint  little  semi- 
scientific  account  of  "the  revolutions  of  nature  and  nations,  in  that  central  part 
of  North  America,  now  known  under  the  name  of  Kentucky."  It  first  appeared 
in  Frankfort,  Ky.,  in  1824,  octavo,  39  pages. 


558        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

State,  and,  although  open  to  criticism  upon  the  ground  of  partiality 
and  even  injustice,  in  specific  cases,  it  cannot  be  said  to  lack  general 
accuracy  and  the  historic  sense. 

IMarshall's  temper  was  vindictive,  and  many  a  family  in  Kentucky 
still  smarts  under  the  lash  which  he  laid  upon  some  prominent  and 
cherished  ancestor,  while  others  complain  that  some  great-grand- 
father, who  should  bulk  large  in  the  political  history  of  the  State,  has 
lost  his  rightful  place,  by  virtue  of  the  fact  that  Humphrey  Marshall 
saw  fit  to  pass  over  his  name  in  contemptuous  silence. 
2    Butler. 

"The  History  of  Kentucky,  from  its  Exploration  and  Settlement 
by  the  Whites,  to  the  Close  of  the  Northwestern  Campaign,  in  1813." 
By  Mann  Butler. 

This  excellent  work  was  first  published  by  Wilcox,  Dickerman  & 
Company,  Louisville,  in  1S34.  i2mo.,  396  pages.  It  contained 
these  words  at  the  close  of  the  preface:  "Several  articles  referred  to  as 
in  the  appendix  have  been  unavoidably  excluded  by  the  size  of  the 
volume.  They  shall  appear  in  another  volume  should  the  public  call 
for  its  production." 

The  work  was  vi'cU  received  and,  in  1836,  the  second  edition  was 
published  from  the  press  of  J.  A.  James  &  Company,  Cincinnati, 
Ohio.  Octavo,  551  pages.  It  contained  a  number  of  additions  and 
corrections,  besides  the  "articles"   referred  to  in  the  first  edition. 

The  author  had  settled  in  Kentucky  in  1806,  and  was  an  attentive 
observer  of  its  history  for  over  thirty  years.  A  large  part  of  his  work  is, 
therefore,  concerned  with  events  which  occurred  before  his  eyes. 
He  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  most  of  the  leading  men  of  the  State 
during  this  period,  and  in  addition  had  access  to  a  large  body  of  pri- 
vate and  public  documents.  Among  the  most  important  of  these  were 
the  papers  of  George  Rogers  Clark,  including  his  correspondence 
with  Patrick  Henry  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  McAfee  papers,  the 
Shelby,  Innis  and  Floyd  papers,  and  the  Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  then 
in  possession  of  the  Honorable  Richard  M.  Johnson.  He  gives  the 
list  of  the  earliest  printed  accounts  of  the  history  of  the  western  coun- 
Xxy,  including  the  work  of  Lewis  Hennepin,  which  records  La  Salle's 
descent  of  the  Ohio,  the  "History  of  the  Five  Nations,"  by  Cad- 
wallader  Coldcn,  Esq.,  the  Journal  of  Major  Washington's  IMission 
up  the  Allegheny,  the  Journal  of  Colonel  Croghan's  descent  of  the 
Ohio,  Boone's  "Narrative,"  and  Marshall's  "History  of  Kentucky." 
Of  the  latter  he  writes: 

"This  work  has  formed  the  substratum  of  the  author's  authority  for 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       559 

the  current  of  ordinary  events:  not  without  considerable,  and  as  it  is 
believed,  important  additions." 

Butler  however,  shows  a  much  better  appreciation  of  the  relative 
importance  of  the  events  which  he  is  describing,  than  is  shown  by 
Marshall,  and  his  work  is  on  the  whole  the  more  satisfactory  of  the 
two. 
,  Collifis. 

"Historical  Sketches  of  Kentucky,  Embracing  Its  Histor}'',  An- 
tiquities and  Natural  Curiosities,  Geographical,  Statistical  and  Geo- 
logical Descriptions;  with  Anecdotes  of  Pioneer  Life  and  More  than 
One  Hundred  Biographical  Sketches  of  Distinguished  Pioneers, 
Soldiers,  Statesmen,  Jurists,  Lawyers,  Divines,  etc."  By  Lewis  Col- 
lins. Published  by  Lewis  Collins,  Maysville,  Kentucky;  and  J.  A. 
&  W.  P.  James,  Cincinnati,  1847.    Octavo,  560  pages. 

This  is  by  far  the  most  elaborate  and  ambitious  work  yet  noticed. 
It  is  the  "Gazetteer  of  Kentucky  History."  It  was  the  first  illustrated 
History  of  Kentucky,  and  is  a  perfect  mine  of  historic  lore,  but  only 
this,  as  it  is  in  no  way  a  continuous  narrative.  The  material  was  col- 
lected mainly  by  H.  P.  Peers  of  Maysville,  and  was  at  first  intended 
as  "simply  a  Small  Gazetteer  of  the  State:"  but,  upon  the  death  of 
Mr.  Peers,  his  unfinished  and  partially  arranged  work  came  into  the 
possession  of  Collins,  who  decided  to  re-arrange  and  publish  it,  with 
the  sole  design,  as  he  says,  "to  preserve,  in  a  durable  form,  those  rich 
fragments  of  local  and  personal  history,  many  of  which  exist  at  present 
only  in  the  ephemeral  form  of  oral  tradition,  or  are  treasured  up 
among  the  recollections  of  the  aged  actors  in  the  stirring  scenes,  the 
memory  of  which  is  thus  perpetuated." 

The  first  eighty  pages,  in  addition  to  "A  Chronological  Table  of 
Important  Events  in  the  History  of  Kentucky,"  contain  an  excellent 
"Outline  History  of  Kentucky"  up  to  1844,  written  by  John  A. 
McClung  of  Washington.  Then  comes,  "  A  Sketch  of  the  Court  of 
Appeals";  next,  historical  sketches  of  the  Baptist,  the  Christian,  the 
Cumberland  Presbyterian,  the  Episcopal,  the  Methodist  Episcopal, 
the  Presbyterian,  and  the  Roman  Catholic  Churches  in  Kentucky; 
then  a  chapter  of  "Miscellaneous  Statistics";  then  one  on  the  Geo- 
logical Formation  of  the  State,  and  an  account  of  "Early  Manners 
and  Customs."  The  rest  of  the  book  is  given  up  to  the  history'  of  each 
county  in  the  State,  with  an  appendix  upon  "Science  and  Literature 
in  Kentucky."  It  is  a  compilation  of  the  highest  value,  and  contains 
practically  all  the  material  concerning  the  history  of  the  State  which 
was  then  available. 


560        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Second  Edition,  1874. 

Richard  H.  Collins,  the  eldest  son  of  the  author,  prepared  a  greatly 
enlarged  edition  of  his  father's  work,  which  was  published  at  Cov- 
ington in  1874.  Collins  &  Company,  2  vols.  Octavo,  707  and  804 
pages. 

This  edition  contains  much  material  not  included  in  the  original 
volume. 

Third  Edition,  1877. 

Another  edition,  i  vol.,  large  octavo,  912  pages,  was  printed  by  the 
.  author  at  Louisville,  Kentucky,  in  1877. 

Fourth  Edition,  1882. 

In  1882  a  fourth  edition  in  2  vols.,  683  and  804  pages,  was  pub- 
lished at  Covington,  by  Collins  &  Company.  In  this  final  edition, 
which  is  provided  with  a  very  complete  index,  there  appears  first  a  list 
of  "Revolutionary  Soldiers  in  Kentucky."  Then  follows  a  "Table  of 
Important  Events  in  the  History  of  Kentucky,"  bearing  the  title 
"Annals  of  Kentucky"  and  reciting,  in  the  manner  of  a  daily  journal, 
the  more  important,  and  sometimes  also  the  less  important,  events  in 
the  history  of  the  district,  and  of  the  State,  between  1539  and  1874. 
The  235  pages  which  are  devoted  to  these  annals  are  invaluable  to 
the  historian  of  Kentucky,  as  they  furnish  an  outline  such  as  could 
not  be  prepared  without  years  of  research.  Then  follows  McClung's 
"Outline  History,"  also  extended  by  a  sketch  of  the  important  events 
from  1844  to  the  end  of  the  Civil  War,  written  by  General  George  B. 
Hodge  of  Newport,  Kentucky. 

There  follows  about  fifty  pages  of  miscellaneous  statistics,  most  of 
which  are  of  great  value.  Then  comes  a  series  of  chapters  on  the 
history  of  the  various  religious  denominations  in  Kentucky — Baptist, 
Christian,  Cumberland  Presbyterian,  Episcopal,  Methodist  Episcopal, 
Presbyterian  and  Roman  Catholic,  all  extended  so  as  to  cover  the  out- 
line of  the  topics  to  the  date  of  the  publication. 

Then  follow  a  series  of  short  chapters  upon  the  following  topics: 
"The  Court  of  Appeals,"  "Public  Education,"  "First  Things  in 
Kentucky,"  "Free-Masonry,"  "Odd-fellowship,"  "Internal  Improve- 
ments," "Kentucky  Poets  and  Poetry"  (a  series  of  brief  biographical 
sketches  with  selections  from  the  works  of  the  poets),  and  a  similar 
chapter  upon  the  "Artists  of  Kentucky." 

A  table  of  distances  and  a  list  of  post  offices  in  Kentucky  are  then 
inserted  and  finally,  a  chapter  upon  the  "Historians  of  Kentucky" 
which  gives  a  brief  bibliography  of  Kentucky  history,  embracing 
Filson,   Littell,  Humphrey  Marshall,   Mann   Butler,   Lewis  Collins, 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       561 

William  B.  Allen  and  himself,  with  "other  works  upon  the  history 
of  Kentucky,"  in  which  subsidiary  list  he  rif^ditly  places  Toulmin, 
Imlay,  McAfee,  Metcalfe,  McClung,  Morehead,  J.  J.  Hall,  and 
John  Bradford.  The  first  volume  closes  with  a  very  exhaustive 
index. 

Volume  II  deals  exclusively  with  the  "Histories  of  Counties  of  the 
Commonwealth,"  and  of  course  repeats  much  that  appears  also  in 
the  first  volume.    It  also  contains  a  very  complete  index. 

On  the  whole  these  two  volumes  constitute  a  Gazetteer  of  Ken- 
tucky History  which  is  surpassed  by  that  of  no  other  State,  and 
contain  about  all  the  raw  material  necessary  for  the  compilation 
of  a  very  minute  history  of  Kentucky,  through  the  Civil  War  Pe- 
riod. 

4.  Arthur  and  Carpenter. 

"The  History  of  Kentucky."  By  T.  S.  Arthur  and  W.  H.  Carpen- 
ter. i2mo.,  316  pages.  Lippincott,  Grambo  &  Company,  Philadel- 
phia, 1852. 

This  little  volume  belongs  to  a  series  known  as  the  "Cabinet  His- 
tories of  the  States."  It  is  a  bit  of  "hack  work,"  having  little  interest 
or  value. 

5.  Allen. 

"A  History  of  Kentucky,  Embracing  Gleanings,  Reminiscences, 
Antiquities,  Natural  Curiosities,  Statistics,  and  Biographical  Sketches." 
By  William  B.  Allen.  Octavo,  449  pages.  Bradley  &  Gilbert,  Louis- 
ville, Kentucky,  1872. 

It  is  a  compilation  of  no  particular  merit  or  interest. 

6.  Shaler. 

"Kentucky,"  in  the  American  Commonwealth  Series.  By  N.  S. 
Shaler.  Small  octavo,  433  pages.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Company, 
Boston,  1885. 

This  is  the  most  readable  and  reliable  narrative  history  of  Kentucky: 
but  it  is  scarcely  more  than  a  sketch,  covering  the  entire  field  from  the 
earliest  settlements  to  the  date  of  publication.  The  author  frankly 
admits  that  he  has  made  no  attempt  to  investigate  his  subject  from  the 
sources,  and  draws  most  of  his  material  directly  from  Collins,  Marshall 
and  Butler. 

Of  the  Civil  War  period,  however,  he  writes  as  an  eye  witness,  and 
his  narrative  represents  the  point  of  view  of  a  distinct  Unionist.  Some 
of  his  generalizations  concerning  the  effect  of  geological  formations 
upon  the  institution  of  slavery  are  particularly  interesting,  as  the  writer 
was  a  professional  geologist. 

Kentucky — 36 


562        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

7.  Smith. 

"The  History  of  Kentucky."  By  Z.  F.  Smith.  Large  octavo,  illus- 
trated, 825  pages.  Louisville  Courier-Journal  Job  Printing  Company, 
1886. 

This  work,  which  is  very  elaborate,  and  which  covers  the  history 
of  the  State  up  to  1886,  was  published  by  subscription.  It  shows  un- 
mistakable signs  of  hasty  preparation,  and  an  insufficient  study  of 
the  subject,  the  material  being  presented  in  a  very  crude  and  un- 
digested form.  It  is,  however,  vastly  superior  to  the  Battle-Perrin- 
Kniflin  compilation,  the  only  work  with  which  it  can  be  fairly  com- 
pared. 

A  second  edition,  "Centennial,"  1892,  916  pages. 

A  third  edition,  1895,  848  pages. 

A  School  Edition,  1889.     Small  octavo,  240  pages. 

That  the  author  is  capable  of  historical  work  of  a  much  higher 
order,  is  shown  by  his  excellent  monograph  of  the  Battle  of  New 
Orleans,  to  be  discussed  later,  under  the  head  of  Filson  Club  Publi- 
cations. 

8.  Battle. 

"Kentucky,  a  History  of  the  State."  By  J.  H.  Battle,  W.  H.  Perrin, 
and  G.  C.  Kniffin.  Quarto,  illustrated,  868  pages.  F.  A.  Battey 
&  Company,  Louisville  and  Chicago,  1885. 

A  rather  forbidding  compilation,  intended  as  a  popular  history  of 
the  State.  It  is  of  little  interest  except  for  the  period  just  before  the 
Civil  War. 

It  has  gone  through  five  editions,  the  fifth  having  appeared  in  1887. 

9.  Histories  0}  Kentucky,  designed  for  young  readers. 

a.  "School  History  of  Kentucky."  By  Z.  F.  Smith.  Prepared 
from  the  author's  larger  work,  for  use  in  Kentucky  schools. 
Small  octavo,  240  pages.  The  Courier- Journal  Job  Printing 
Company,  Louisville,  1889. 

b.  "Kentucky."  By  Emma  Conelly.  Story  of  the  States  Series, 
Boston,  1891. 

c.  "Kentucky."  By  Elizabeth  Shelby  Kinkead.  Octavo,  288  pages. 
American  Book  Company,  New  York,  Cincinnati,  Boston,  1896. 
Well  written  and  suitable  as  a  text-book  for  those  wishing  a  brief 
and  interesting  account  of  the  general  facts  of  Kentucky  history. 
The  appendix  contains  the  new  Constitution  of  the  State. 

d.  "A  Young  People's  History  of  Kentucky  for  Schools  and  Gen- 
eral Reading."  By  Ed.  Porter  Thompson.  Octavo,  344  pages. 
A.  R.  Fleming  Publishing  Company,  St.  Louis,  1897. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       563 

III.  SPECIAL  TOPICS  IN  KENTUCKY  HISTORY 

It  is  obviously  impossible  to  give,  within  a  reasonable  compass,  any- 
thing like  an  exhaustive  list  of  the  publications  touching  upon  special 
topics  of  Kentucky  history:  but  the  following  is  a  list  of  the  most  valuable 
of  this  character,  arranged,  for  convenience  of  reference,  under  five  heads: 

A.  The  Filson  Club  Publications. 

B.  Biographical  and  Genealogical. 

C.  Ecclesiastical  and  Religious. 

D.  County  and  Town  Histories. 

E.  Military  Affairs. 

A.  The  publications  of  the  Filson  Club  are  as  follows: 

1.  "The  Life  and  Writings  of  John  Filson,  the  first  historian  of  Ken- 
tucky."   By  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  LL.  D.,  132  pages,  1884. 

2.  "The  Wilderness  Road."    By  Captain  Thomas  Speed,  85  pages,  1886. 

3.  "The  Pioneer  Press  of  Kentucky."  By  William  Henry  Perrin, 
154  pages,  1888. 

4.  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Judge  Caleb  Wallace."  By  William  Whit- 
sitt,  D.D.,  LL.  D.,  154  pages,  1888. 

5.  "An  Historical  Sketch  of  St.  Paul's  Church,  Louisville,  Kentucky." 
By  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  LL.  D.,  75  pages,  1889. 

6.  "The  Political  Beginnings  of  Kentucky."  By  Colonel  John  Mason 
Brown,  263  pages,  1889. 

7.  "The  Centenary  of  Kentucky."  By  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  LL.  D., 
200  pages,  1892. 

8.  "The  Centenary  of  Louisville."  By  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  LL.  D., 
200  pages,  1893. 

9.  "The  Political  Club."    By  Captain  Thomas  Speed,  180  pages,  1894. 

10.  "The  Life  and  Writings  of  Constantine  Samuel  Rafinesque."  By 
Richard  Ellsworth  Call,  M.  A.,  M.  Sc,  M.  D.,  239  pages,  1895. 

11.  "The  History  of  Transylvania  University,  the  First  Seat  of  Higher 
Education  West  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains."  By  Robert  Peter, 
M.  D.,  and  Miss  Johanna  Peter,  202  pages,  1896. 

12.  "The  Siege  of  Bryant's  Station,  August  the  15th,  1782,  and  the 
Memorial  Proceedings  on  the  i8th  of  August,  1896,  in  Honor  of  its 
Heroic  IMothers  and  Daughters."  Edited  by  Reuben  T.  Durrett, 
LL.  D.,  277  pages,  1897. 

13.  "The  First  Explorations  of  Kentucky."  The  Journals  of  Doctor 
Thomas  Walker,  1750,  and  of  Colonel  Christopher  Gist,  1751.  Edited 
by  Colonel  J.  Stoddard  Johnston,  256  pages,  1898. 

14.  "The  Clay  Family."     Part  First.     "The  Mother  of  Henrj'  Clay." 


564        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

By  Zachary  F.  Smith.    Part  Second:  "The  Genealogy  of  the  Clays." 
By  Mrs.  Mary  Rogers  Clay,  276  pages,  1899. 

15.  '"The  Battle  of  Tippecanoe."  Part  First:  "The  Battle  and  the 
Battle-ground."  Part  Second:  "Comment  of  the  Press."  Part 
Three;  "Roll  of  the  Army  Commanded  by  General  Harrison."  By 
Captain  Alfred  Pirtle,  158  pages,  1900. 

16.  "Boonesborough,  a  Pioneer  Town  of  Kentucky;  Its  Origin,  Progress, 
Decline  and  Final  Extinction."  By  George  W.  Ranck,  286  pages, 
1901. 

17.  "The  Old  Masters  of  the  Blue  Grass."  By  General  Samuel  W. 
Price,  181  pages,  1902. 

18.  "The  Battle  of  the  Thames."  By  Colonel  Bennett  H.  Young, 
288  pages,  1903. 

19.  "The  Battle  of  New  Orleans."  By  Zachary  F.  Smith,  224  pages, 
1904. 

20.  "The  History  of  the  Medical  Department  of  Transylvania  Uni- 
versity." By  Doctor  Robert  Peter,  deceased.  Prepared  for  publica- 
tion by  his  daughter.  Miss  Johanna  Peter,  205  pages,  1905. 

21.  "Lopez's  E.xpeditions  to  Cuba."    By  A.  C.  Quisenberry,  172  pages. 

22.  "The  Quest  of  a  Lost  Race."  By  Thomas  E.  Pickett,  M.D.,  LL.  D., 
229  pages,  1907. 

23.  "Traditions  of  the  Earliest  Visits  of  Foreigners  to  North  America." 
By  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  176  pages,  1908. 

The  volumes  of  this  notable  series  are  by  no  means  of  uniform  merit: 
but  all  are  based  upon  a  thorough  and  conscientious  study  of  the  sources, 
both  primary  and  secondary,  and  all  are  of  value  to  the  student  of  Ken- 
tucky history. 

The  most  valuable  and  interesting  number  is  the  sixth,  the  "Political 
Beginnings  of  Kentucky,"  by  the  late  John  Mason  Brown,  a  writer  of  un- 
usual keenness  of  vision.  It  was  written  in  the  interest  of  an  ancestor, 
John  Brown,  Kentucky's  first  representative  in  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate, whose  name  has  long  been  connected  with  the  Spanish  intrigues 
of  early  days;  but  it  presents  an  admirable  sketch  of  the  formation  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  its  long  conflict  for  independent  statehood,  and  rests 
upon  careful  and  scholarly  research.  I  freely  acknowledge  my  large  in- 
debtedness to  it  in  the  treatment  of  these  topics. 

Of  scarcely  less  value,  and  of  more  general  interest,  are  numbers 
eighteen  and  nineteen.  Colonel  Young's  "Battle  of  the  Thames,"  the 
first  of  these,  while  representing  less  minute  investigation  than  the 
volume  just  described,  gives  a  very  detailed  and  spirited  account  of  that 
important  engagement,  in  which  Kentucky  troops  showed  to  the  best 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       565 

advantage.  The  second,  Smith's  "Battle  of  New  Orleans,"  is  an  ex- 
cellent and  scholarly  presentation  of  the  details  of  one  of  our  greatest 
national  engagements.  It  traces  clearly  the  part  played  by  the  Ken- 
tucky troops,  and  thoroughly  refutes  the  charge  of  inglorious  flight  made 
against  them  in  General  Jackson's  ofiicial  report.  To  each  of  these 
volumes  I  am  indebted  for  much  of  the  material  presented  in  correspond- 
ing chapters  of  the  present  work. 

I  wish  also  to  acknowledge  a  similar  indebtedness  to  the  .seventh  and 
eighth  volumes  of  the  series,  which  embody  the  mature  opinions  of 
Colonel  Reuben  T.  Durrett,  President  of  the  Filson  Club,  and  real 
father  of  the  organization. 

B.  Biographical  and  Genealogical 
a.  Boone. 

1.  "Mountain  Muse,  or  Adventures  of  Daniel  Boone."  By  Daniel 
Bryan.     Harrisonburg,  1813. 

2.  "Life  and  Adventures  of  Colonel  Daniel  Boone,  the  first  White 
Settler  of  the  State  of  Kentucky,  comprising  an  account  of  his  first 
excursion  to  Kentucky  in  1769,  then  a  wild  wilderness,  inhabited 
by  no  other  human  beings  but  savages;  his  removal  here  with  his 
family  in  1773,  and  of  his  various  encounters  with  the  Indians, 
from  the  year  1769  to  1782.  Written  by  Himself.  To  which  is 
added  a  narration  of  the  most  important  incidents  of  his  life  from 
the  latter  period,  until  the  period  of  his  death,  June  27,  182 1,  at  the 
advanced  age  of  ninety  years;  comprising  an  account  of  his  many 
hair-breadth  escapes,  while  in  pursuit  of  the  wild  beasts  of  the 
forest,  his  favorite  amusement  until  the  day  of  his  death."  Printed 
by  H.  Trumbull.     Providence,  1824. 

Annexed  is  a  Eulogy  of  Colonel  Boone,  and  his  choice  of  life,  by 
Lord  Byron. 

The  only  copy  of  this  work,  of  which  I  have  any  knowledge,  was 
recently  upon  exhibition  in  the  Louisiana  Collection  of  the  Con- 
gressional Library.  It  seems  probable  that  it  is  the  work  of  John 
Filson. 

3.  "Biographical  Memoir  of  Daniel  Boone."  By  Timothy  Flint. 
Octavo,  252  pages.    Published  by  George  Conclin,  Cincinnati,  1844. 

4.  "Life  of  Daniel  Boone."  By  John  M.  Peck.  (In  Spark's  "Ameri- 
can Biography.")     Boston,  1845. 

5.  "Daniel  Boone  and  the  Hunters  of  Kentucky."  By  W.  H.  Bogart. 
464  pages.  Miller,  Orton,  and  Mulligan,  New  York  and  Auburn, 
1856. 


566        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

6.  "Life  of  Daniel  Boone."  By  Cecil  B.  Hartley.  Octavo,  361  pages. 
Porter  &  Coates,  Philadelphia,  1865. 

Romantic  and  not  always  reliable. 

7.  "Daniel  Boone."  By  George  Canning  Hill.  Octavo,  262  pages. 
J.  B.  Lippincott  &  Company,  Philadelphia,  1865. 

8.  "Life  of  Daniel  Boone."  By  John  S.  C.  Abbott.  331  pages. 
Dodd,  Mead  &  Company,  New  York,  1872. 

Romantic  and  not  always  reliable. 

9.  "Life  and  Times  of  Colonel  Daniel  Boone."  By  Edward  S.  Ellis. 
Octavo,  269  pages.    Porter  &  Coates,  Philadelphia. 

ID.  "Facts  and  Incidents  Not  Heretofore  Published  About  Daniel 
Boone."  By  John  P.  Hale.  18  pages.  Lewis  Baker  &  Company, 
Charleston,  West  Virginia.     (Not  dated.) 

11.  "Daniel  Boone:  Contribution  Toward  a  Bibliography  of  Writings 
Concerning  Daniel  Boone."  By  William  Harvey  Miner.  32  pages. 
Published  by  the  Dobdin  Club,  New  York,  1901. 

12.  "Daniel  Boone."  By  Reuben  Gold  Thwaites.  i2mo.,  257  pages. 
D.  Appleton  &  Company,  New  York,  1902. 

13.  "Daniel  Boone  and  the  Wilderness  Road."  By  H.  Addington 
Bruce.     Illustrated.     New  York,  The  Macmillan  Company,  1908. 

14.  "Daniel  Boone:  Backwoodsman."  By  C.  H.  Forbes.  J.  B. 
Lippincott  &  Company,  1908. 

b.  Burr. 

1.  "The  Trial  of  Colonel  Aaron  Burr  on  an  Indictment  for  Treason, 
Before  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States,  Held  in  Richmond 
(Virginia),  May  Term,  1807."  Including  arguments  and  decisions 
taken  in  shorthand  by  T.  Carpenter.  Three  vols.  Washington 
City,  Westcott  &  Company,  1807. 

2.  "Reports  of  the  Trials  of  Colonel  Aaron  Burr,  Late  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  for  Treason  and  for  a  Misdemeanor,  in  Pre- 
paring the  Means  of  a  Military  Expedition  Against  Mexico,  a 
Territory  of  the  King  of  Spain,  with  Whom  the  United  States  Were 
at  Peace."  Taken  in  shorthand  by  David  Robertson.  Two 
vols.  Hopkins  &  Earle,  Fry  &  Kammerer,  Printers,  Philadelphia, 
1808. 

3.  "Two  Principal  Arguments  of  William  Wirt,  Esquire,  on  the  Trial 
of  Aaron  Burr  for  High  Treason,  and  on  the  Motion  to  Commit 
Aaron  Burr  and  Others  for  Trial  in  Kentucky."  From  the  press 
of  Samuel  Pleasants,  Jr.,  Richmond,  1808. 

4.  "The  Life  of  Aaron  Burr."  By  Samuel  L.  Knapp.  New  York, 
Wiley  &  Sons,  No.  161  Broadway,  1835. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       567 

5.  "Memoirs  of  Aaron  Burr  with  Miscellaneous  Selections  from  his 
Correspondence."  By  Mathcw  L.  Davis.  Two  vols.  Harper 
&  Brothers,  No.  82  CliflF  Street,  New  York,  1836. 

6.  "Life  and  Times  of  Aaron  Burr."  By  James  Parton.  Two  vols. 
New  York,  Boston,  Philadelphia,  Chicago,  London,  1864. 

7.  "The  Aaron  Burr  Conspiracy."  By  W.  F.  MacCaleb.  Dodd, 
Mead  &  Company,  1903. 

c.  "The  Life  of  Herman  Blennerhassett."     By  William   H.   SafTord. 
Chillicothe,  1850. 

d.  Henry  Clay. 

1.  "Biography  of  Henry  Clay."  By  George  D.  Prentice.  304 
pages.  Hartford,  1831.  Extends  only  to  end  of  John  Quincy 
Adams'  Administration. 

2.  "Life  and  Public  Services  of  Henry  Clay."  By  Epes  Sargent. 
New  York,  1842. 

New  and  enlarged  edition,  New  York,  1848.  The  last  edition 
brings  the  Memoir  down  to  the  spring  of  1848. 

3.  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry  Clay."  Compiled  and  edited  by 
Daniel  Mallory.     Two  vols.     New  York,  1843. 

4.  "Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay."  By  Calvin  Colton.  Two  vols. 
New  York,  Second  Edition,  1846. 

The  author  enjoyed  free  access  to  Mr.  Clay's  papers,  and 
intimacy  with  Mr.  Clay  himself. 

5.  "Private  Correspondence  of  Henry  Clay."  Edited  by  Calvin 
Colton.  One  edition  bears  the  imprint  of  H.  W.  Derby,  Cincin- 
nati, 1856;  and  another,  that  of  Frederick  Parker,  Boston,  1856. 

6.  "The  Last  Seven  Years  of  the  Life  of  Henry  Clay."  By  Calvin 
Colton.     New  York,  1856. 

7.  "Works  of  Henry  Clay."  Edited  by  Calvin  Colton.  6  vols. 
New  York,  1855. 

The  first  three  volumes  contain  the  history  of  his  life,  the 
fourth  contains  his  letters,  and  the  other  two  his  speeches.  New 
Edition,  New  York,  1863. 

8.  "Life  and  Speeches  of  Henry  Clay."    Anon.    2  vols.     Greeley 

&  McElrath,  New  York,  1843. 

The  "Memoir,"  extending  over  198  pages  of  vol.  I,  sketches 
Clay's  career  down  to  the  opening  of  1842. 

9.  "Monument  to  the  Memory  of  Henry  Clay."  By  A.  H.  Carrier. 
Published  by  subscription,  by  Duane  Rulison,  Philadelphia,  and 
W.  A.  Clarke,  Cincinnati.    One  vol.,  516  pages. 

10.  "Life  of  Henry   Clay."     In   "Young  American's  Librar}'." 


568        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

Published  by  Lee    &   Shepard,   Boston,  and   Lee,   Shepard   & 
Dillingham,  New  York,  1875.     One  vol.,  240  pages. 

11.  "Speeches  of  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  in  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States."  By  Richard  Chambers.  Pubhshed  by 
Shepard  &  Stearns,  Cincinnati,  1842.     One  vol.,  504  pages. 

12.  "Letters  of  the  United  Provinces  of  South  America,  Addressed 
to  the  Honorable  Henry  Clay,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States."  By  Don  Vicente  Pazos.  Trans- 
lated from  the  Spanish,  by  Piatt  H.  Crosby.  Printed  by  J.  Sey- 
mour, New  York,  and  J.  Miller,  London,  1819.  One  vol.,  257 
pages. 

13.  "Henry  Clay."  American  Statesmen  Series.  By  Carl  Schurz. 
Two  vols.     Boston,  1887. 

The    best   discussion   of   Clay's   relationship   to    the   political 
history  of  his  generation. 

14.  "Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay."  By  Samuel  Mosheim 
Schmucker.  One  vol.,  432  pages.  Published  by  G.  G.  Evans, 
439  Chestnut  St.,  Philadelphia,   i860. 

15.  "Works  of  Henry  Clay,"  comprising  the  Life,  Correspondence 
and  Speeches.  Edited  by  Calvin  Colton,  with  an  Introduction 
by  Thomas  B.  Reed,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  a  history  of  the  Tariff  Legislation  from  1812  to  1896,  by 
William  McKinley,  President  of  the  United  States. 

This  is  the  most  recent  and  most  attractive  edition  of  Mr. 

Clay's  Works.     It  is  complete  in  7  vols.,  and  was  published  at 

New  York,  Henry  Clay  Publishing  Company,  1897. 

e.  "Autobiography    of    Amos    Kendall."      Edited    by    his    son-in-law, 

William  Stickncy.     700  pages.    Boston,  Lee  &  Shepard.    New  York, 

Lee,  Shepard  &  Dillingham,  1872. 

This  volume,  of  especial  interest  to  all  students  of  the  Jacksonian 
Epoch,  contains  much  valuable  material  bearing  specifically  on  Ken- 
tucky. 
/.  "The  Life  and  Services  of  Matthew  Lyon."     By  Plinny  H.  White. 

Octavo,  26  pages.     Burlington,  1858. 
g.   "Life  of  John  J.  Crittenden."     By  Mrs.  Chapman  Coleman.     Two 

vols.     Philadelphia,  1871. 
]i.  "Biographical  Sketches  of  General  Nathaniel  Massie,  General  Dun- 
can McArthur,  Captain  William  Wells,  and   Simon  Kenton."     By 
John  McDonald.     Octavo,  267  pages.     E.  Morgan  &  Son,  Cincin- 
nati, 1828. 
i.  "The  Biographical  Encyclopedia  of  Kentucky."    Quarto,  792  pages, 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       569 

illustrated.        J.    M.    Armstrong    &    Company,    Cincinnati,     Ohio, 
1878. 

j.  "Biographical  Cyclopaedia  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Kentucky." 
Quarto,  631  pages.  John  M.  Gresham  Comp)any,  Chicago  and  Phila- 
delphia, 1896. 

k.  "George  Robertson's  Scrap-book."  A.  W.  Klder,  Printer  and  Pul>- 
lisher,  Lexington,  1855. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  political  history,  this  is  perhaps  the  most 
valuable  of  the  purely  personal  collections  which  have  come  down 
to  us  from  the  early  days  of  Kentucky.  It  is,  in  the  main,  a  collection 
of  speeches,  but  it  contains  a  large  and  most  interesting  collection  of 
material  relating  to  the  leading  public  questions  of  the  day.  It  is 
almost  invaluable  for  the  study  of  the  conflict  between  the  Old  and 
the  New  Court  parties. 

/.  "Writings  and  Speeches  of  Thomas  F.  Marshall."  By  W.  L.  Barrc. 
Cincinnati,  1858. 

m.  "Pioneer  Life  in  Kentucky."  A  series  of  reminiscential  letters  from 
Daniel  Drake,  M.D.,  of  Cincinnati,  to  his  children.  Edited,  with 
Notes  and  a  Biographical  Sketch,  by  his  son,  Charles  D.  Drake. 
Octavo,  263  pages.     Robert  Clarke   &  Company,  Cincinnati,  1870. 

n.  "The  Taylor  Family  in  Kentucky."  By  Richard  H.  Collins.  "The 
Age."  Louisville,  May  3,  1879. 

0.  "The  Life  of  Cassius  Marcellus  Clay.  Memoirs,  Writings,  and 
Speeches,  Showing  His  Conduct  in  the  Overthrow  of  American 
Slaver}',  the  Salvation  of  the  Union,  and  the  Restoration  of  the  Au- 
tonomy of  the  States.  Written  and  compiled  by  himself."  J.  Fletcher 
Brennan  &  Company,  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  1886.  Sold  by  subscrip- 
tion only. 

Only  the  first  volume  of  this  extraordinar}-  book  appeared;  but  it  is 
of  thrilling  interest,  and  of  unique  value  for  the  study  of  the  Anti- 
Slavery  Movement  of  the  West. 

p.  "Ben  Hardin,  His  Times  and  Contemporaries,"  with  selections 
from  his  speeches.     By  L.  P.  Little.     Louisville,  1887. 

q.  "Historic  Families  of  Kentucky."  By  Thomas  INIarshall  Green. 
Octavo,    304    pages.        Robert    Clarke     &    Company,     Cincinnati, 


Ecclesiastical  and  Religious. 

I.  "The  Kentucky  Revival,  or  a  Short  History  of  the  Late  Extraordinary 
Outpouring  of  the  Spirit  of  God."  By  Richard  McNemar.  Octavo, 
129  pages.     John  W.  Brown,  Cincinnati,  1808. 


570        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

2.  "History  of  the  Cumberland  Presbyterians."  By  Reverend  Thomas 
Cleland.     Lexington,  1823. 

3.  "An  Outline  of  the  History  of  the  Church  in  the  State  of  Kentucky, 
During  a  Period  of  Forty  Years,  Containing  the  Memoirs  of  Rev- 
erend David  Rice,  and  Sketches  of  the  Origin  and  Present  State  of 
Particular  Churches,  and  of  the  Lives  and  Labours  of  a  Number  of 
Men  Who  Were  Eminent  and  Useful  in  Their  Day."  Octavo,  420 
pages.  Collected  and  arranged  by  Robert  H.  Bishop,  Professor  of 
History  in  Transylvania  University,  Lexington.  Printed  and  pub- 
lished by  Thomas  T.  Skillman,  1824. 

4.  "A  History  of  Ten  Baptist  Churches."  By  John  Taylor.  Octavo, 
300  pages.     Printed  by  J.  H.  Holeman,  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  1826. 

5.  "History  of  Clear  Creek  Church,  and  Campbellism  Exposed."  By 
John  Taylor.  Octavo,  60  pages.  A.  G.  Hodges,  Frankfort,  Ken- 
tucky, 1830. 

-6.  "Sketches  of  the  Early  Catholic  Missions  in  Kentucky;  from  Their 
Commencement  in  1787  to  the  Jubilee  of  1826-27."  By  M.  J.  Spald- 
ing.   Octavo,  308  pages.    Louisville  and  Baltimore,  1844. 

7.  "History  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  Kentucky."  By  Robert  David- 
son.    Octavo,  371  pages.     Nevv^  York,  Pittsburg  and  Lexington,  1847. 

8.  "History  of  Kentucky  Baptists."  A  Series  of  Articles  in  "Christian 
Repository,"  1856-58.    By  S.  H.  Ford. 

9.  "Historical  Sketches  of  Christ  Church."  By  James  Craik.  Octavo, 
137  pages.     John  P.  Morton  &  Company,  Louisville,  1862. 

10.  "TheHistory  of  Methodism  in  Kentucky."  By  Reverend  A.  H.  Red- 
ford.  3  vols.,  octavo,  479,  554  and  512  pages.  Southern  Methodist 
Publishing  Company,  Nashville,  Tennessee,  1868. 

11.  "Western  Cavaliers,  Embracing  the  History  of  the  Methodist  Epis- 
copal Church  in  Kentucky."  By  A.  H.  Redford.  Octavo,  552  pages. 
Southern  Methodist  Publishing  Company,  Nashville,  Tennessee,  1876. 

12.  "The  Centenary  of  Catholicity  in  Kentucky."  By  Ben.  J.  Webb. 
Octavo,  594  pages.     Charles  A.  Rogers,  Louisville,  1884. 

13.  "A  History  of  Kentucky  Baptists."  By  H.  H.  Spencer.  2  vols., 
octavo,  767  and  671  pages.     J.  R.  Raumes,  Cincinnati,  1885. 

14.  Memorial  volume,  containing  the  papers  and  addresses  that  vi^ere 
delivered  at  the  jubilee  of  the  General  Association  of  Baptists  in  Ken- 
tucky. Octavo,  150  pages.  John  P.  Morton  &  Company,  Louis- 
ville, 1888. 

15.  "The  Presbyterian  Church  in  Louisville."  By  Reverend  Edw^ard  L. 
Warren.  Quarto,  36  pages.  American  Biographical  Publishing  Com- 
pany, Chicago  and  New  York,  1896. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       571 

16.  Addresses  Delivered  at  the  Jubilee  of  the  Louisville  Conference  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South,  Held  at  Hopkinsville,  Ken- 
tucky, September  24-28,  1896.  Published  by  request  of  the  Confer- 
ence, and  for  the  benefit  of  the  Preachers'  Aid  Society.  Edited  by 
R.  W.  Browder,  Nashville,  Tennessee.  Publishing  House  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  South,  Barbee  &  Smith,  Agents,  1897. 

D.  County  and  Town  Histories. 

1.  "The  History  of  Grant  County,  State  of  Kentucky."  By  Robert  \L. 
Elliston.  Octavo,  37  pages.  Published  by  E.  H.  Eyer.  Williams- 
town.    No  date. 

2.  "Sketches  of  Louisville  and  Its  Environs."  By  H.  McMurtric. 
Octavo,  255  pages.    Shadrach  Penn,  Louisville,  Kentucky,  1819. 

3.  The  Louisville  Director}'  for  the  year  1832,  to  w-hich  are  annexed  lists 
of  the  Municipal,  County,  and  State  Officers;  with  a  list  of  Various 
Societies  and  their  Officers.  Also  an  Advertisement.  Published  by 
Richard  W.  Otis,  Louisville,  1832. 

4.  Sketch  of  Louisville  in  the  Directory  of  1832.    By  Mann  Butler. 

5.  An  address  in  commemoration  of  the  first  settlement  in  Kentucky, 
delivered  at  Boonesborough,  May  25th,  1840.  By  Governor  James  T. 
Morehead.  Octavo,  181  pages.  A.  G.  Hodges,  Frankfort,  Kentucky, 
1840. 

6.  "The  History  of  Louisville  from  Its  Earliest  Settlement  Till  the  Year 
1852."  By  Ben.  Casseday.  Octavo,  255  pages.  Louisville,  Kentucky, 
1852. 

7.  "  Louisville,  Her  Commercial,  Manufacturing  and  Social  Advantages." 
By  Richard  Deering.  Octavo,  99  pages.  Hanna  &  Company, 
Louisville,  1859. 

8.  "History  of  Campbell  County."    By  Mary  K.  Jones.     Newport,  186 1. 

9.  "History  of  Lexington,  Kentucky."  By  George  W.  Ranck.  Octavo, 
428  pages.    Robert  Clarke  &  Company,  Cincinnati,  1872. 

ID.  "Louisville  Past  and  Present."  By  M.  Joblin  &  Company. 
Large  octavo,  357  pages.     John  P.  Morton  &  Company,  Louisville, 

1875- 

11.  "Early  History  of  Jessamine  County,  Kentucky."  By  Samuel  M. 
Duncan.      Nicholasville,  Kentucky,  1876. 

12.  "A  Sketch  of  Paris,  Bourbon  County,  Kentucky."  By  C.  R.  Keller. 
Octavo,  46  pages.     C.  R.  Keller,  Paris,  Kentucky,  1876. 

13.  "The  History  of  Russellville,  Logan  County,  Kentucky."  By  Alex- 
ander C.  Finley.    The  Herald  Enterprise  Company,  1878,  1879,  1890. 

14.  "Historical  Address  at  the  Centennial  Celebration  of  the  Settlement 


572        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

of  Lexington,  Kentucky."    By  George  W.  Ranck.    Octavo,  ii  pages. 
Transylvania  Printing  Company,  Lexington,  Kentucky,  1879. 

15.  "First  Settlement  at  Lexington,  Kentucky."  By  Richard  H.  Col- 
lins.   "The  Age,"  Louisville,  April  19th,  1879. 

16.  "Historical  Sketch  of  Montgomery  County,  Kentucky."  By  Richard 
Reed.     Octavo,  69  pages.     Mount  Sterling  Democrat  Job  Room,  1882. 

17.  "Histor)'  of  Fayette  County,  Kentucky."  By  Wm.  H.  Perrin. 
Quarto,  905  pages.     O.  S.  Baskin  &  Company,  Chicago,  1882. 

18.  "History  of  the  Ohio  Falls  Cities  and  Their  Counties."  By  Henry  A. 
Ford  and  Kate  Ford.  2  vols.,  large  octavo,  611  and  572  pages.  Wil- 
liams &  Company,  Cleveland,  1882. 

19.  "History  of  Bourbon,  Scott,  Harrison  and  Nicholas  Counties,  Ken- 
tucky." By  William  Henry  Perrin.  Quarto,  815  pages.  O.  L.  Baskin 
&  Company,  Chicago,  1882. 

20.  "Address  Delivered  at  the  Centennial  Celebration  of  the  Settlement 
of  Breckinridge  County,  Kentucky."  By  W.  C.  P.  Breckinridge. 
Octavo,  40  pages.     Frankfort  Yeoman  Print,  1882. 

21.  "Oration  at  the  Centennial  of  the  Battle  of  the  Blue  Licks."  By 
John  Mason  Brown.     Frankfort,  1882. 

22.  "The  Early  History  of  Madison  County."  By  William  Chenault. 
Durrett  MSS. 

23.  "Siege  of  Bryan's  Station."  By  Richard  H.  Collins.  Louisville 
"Courier-Journal,"  August  20th,  1882. 

24.  "The  Battle  of  the  Blue  Licks."  By  R.  T.  Durrett,  Louisville 
"Commercial,"  August  19th,  1882. 

25.  "Memoirs  of  Old  Maysville,  Kentucky."  "O.  B.'s"  Reminiscences. 
Octavo,  75  pages.  New^  Republican  Print,  Maysville,  Kentucky, 
1883. 

26.  "History  of  Daviess  County,  Kentucky."    Octavo,  Chicago,  1883. 

27.  "County  of  Christian,  Kentucky.  Historical  and  Biographical." 
By  William  Henry  Perrin.  Large  octavo,  656  pages.  F.  A.  Battey 
Publishing  Company,  Chicago  and  Louisville,  1884. 

28.  "Counties  of  Christian  and  Trigg,  Kentucky.  Historical  and 
Biographical."  By  William  Henry  Perrin.  Large  octavo,  319  pages. 
F.  A.  Battey  Publishing  Company,  Chicago  and  Louisville,  1884. 

29.  "Counties  of  Todd  and  Christian,  Kentucky.  Historical  and  Bio- 
graphical "  By  J.  A.  Battle  and  William  H.  Perrin.  Large  octavo, 
327  pages.  F.  A.  Battey  and  Company,  Chicago  and  Louisville, 
1884. 

30.  "History  of  Union  County,  Kentucky."  Anon.  Octavo,  896  pages. 
Courier  Company,  Printers,  Evansville,  Indiana,  1886. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       573 

31.  "The  City  of  Louisville  and  a  Glimpse  of  Kentucky."  Anon. 
Quarto,  156  pages.     Louisville  Board  of  Trade,  1887. 

32.  "History  of  Henderson  County,  Kentucky."  By  Edmund  L. 
Starling.    Octavo,  840  pages.     Henderson,  Kentucky,  1887. 

SS-  "Chronicles  of  Cynthiana  and  Other  Chronicles."  By  Lucinda 
Boyd.  Octavo,  262  pages.  Robert  Clarke  &  Company,  Cincinnati, 
1894. 

34.  "The  History  of  the  City  of  Winchester  and  the  County  of  Clark, 
in  Kentucky,"  with  biographical  sketches  of  their  prominent  citizens 
and  families.  By  Lucinda  Boyd.  Folio  MS.,  610  pages.  Durrett 
MSS. 

35.  "Memorial  History  of  Louisville,  from  Its  First  Settlement  to  the 
Year  1896."  By  J.  Stoddard  Johnston.  2  vols.,  quarto,  659  and 
678  pages.  American  Biographical  Publishing  Company,  Chicago 
and  New  York,  1896. 

E.  Military  Affairs. 

1.  "A  Treatise  on  the  Mode  and  Manner  of  Indian  War,  Their  Tactics, 
Discipline,  and  Encampments.  The  various  methods  they  practice 
in  order  to  obtain  the  advantage,  by  ambush,  surprise,  surroundings, 
etc.  Ways  and  means  proposed  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  obtain- 
ing the  advantage.  A  chart,  or  plan  of  marching  and  encamping,  laid 
down  whereby  we  may  undoubtedly  surround  them  if  we  have  men 
sufficient.  Also,  a  brief  account  of  twenty-three  campaigns  carried  on 
against  the  Indians  with  the  events,  since  the  year  1755;  Governor 
Harrison's  included.  Likewise  some  extracts  selected  from  his  journal 
while  in  captivity  with  the  Indians,  relative  to  the  wars:  which  was 
published  many  years  ago,  but  few  of  them  now  to  be  found."  By 
Colonel  James  Smith.     Printed  by  Joel  R.  Lyle,  Paris,  Ky.,  181 2. 

Smith's  journal,  or  narrative  also  appears,  in  a  more  extended  form, 
in  Metcalf's  "Indian  Wars  in  the  West,"  p.  163. 

2.  "A  History  of  the  Late  War  (1812),  in  the  Western  Countr>'."  By 
Robert  B.  McAfee.  Octavo,  534  pages.  Worseley  &  Smith,  Lex- 
ington, Kentucky,  1816. 

Very  rare  and  of  considerable  historical  value. 

3.  "A  Complete  History  of  the  Late  American  War  with  Great  Britain 
and  Her  Allies."  By  Reverend  M.  Smith.  i2mo.,  288  pages.  F. 
Bradford,  Lexington,  Kentucky,  1816. 

4.  "Indian  Wars  in  the  West."  By  Samuel  L.  xNletcalf.  Octavo,  270 
pages.    Wm.  G.  Hunt,  Lexington,  Kentucky,  1821. 

A  collection  of  some  of  the  most  interesting  narratives  of  Indian 


574        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

warfare  in  the  West.    It  contains  accounts  of  Daniel  Boone,  and  of 
the  expeditions  of  Harmar,  Scott,  Wilkinson,  St.  Clair,  and  Wayne. 

5.  "Narrative  of  the  Suffering  and  Defeat  of  the  Northwestern  Army 
under  General  Winchester:  Massacre  of  the  Prisoners:  Sixteen  Months' 
Imprisonment  of  the  Writer  and  Others  with  the  Indians  and  Brit- 
ish." By  William  Atherton.  Octavo,  152  pages.  Frankfort,  Ken- 
tucky, 1842. 

6.  "A  Journal  Containing  an  Accurate  and  Interesting  Account  of  the 
Hardships,  Sufferings,  Battles,  Defeat  and  Captivity  of  those  Heroic 
Kentucky  Volunteers  and  Regulars,  Commanded  by  General  Win- 
chester in  the  Year  1812-13.  Also  two  narratives,  by  men  that  were 
wounded  in  the  battles  on  the  River  Raisin,  and  taken  captive  by  the 
Indians."  By  Elias  Darnell.  i2mo.  99  pages.  Philadelphia,  Lip- 
pincott,  Grambo  &  Company  1854. 

7.  "Legends  of  the  War  of  Independence  and  of  the  Earlier  Settlements 
of  the  West."  By  E.  Marshall  Smith.  Octavo,  397  pages.  J.  F. 
Brennan,  Louisville,  Kentucky,  1855. 

8.  "The   Encarnagion  Prisoners."     By  a  prisoner.     Louisville,    1848. 

A  detailed  account  of  the  advance  of  the  First  Kentucky  cavalry  from 
Louisville  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  a  narrative  of  the  captivity  of  the 
American  prisoners,  taken  at  Encarnaf  ion  by  the  Mexicans,  during 
our  war  with  Mexico. 

9.  "Report  of  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  State  of  Kentucky,  Mexican 
War  Veterans."  Quarto,  177  pages.  John  D.  Woods,  Frankfort, 
Kentucky,  1889. 

10.  "Report  of  the  Adjutant-General  of  the  State  of  Kentucky.  Soldiers 
of  the  War  of  1812."  Quarto,  371  pages.  E.  Polk  Johnson,  Frank- 
fort, Kentucky,  189 1. 

11.  "The  Conquest  of  the  Country  Northwest  of  the  River  Ohio,  1778- 
83,  and  Life  of  General  George  Rogers  Clark."  By  William  Hay- 
den  English.  2  vols.  The  Bowen-Merrill  Company,  Indianapolis 
and  Kansas  City,  1896. 

These  volumes  contain  reprints  and  fac-similes  of  the  more  impor- 
tant of  the  George  Rogers  Clark  papers,  now  preserved  in  the  Draper 
Collection,  the  Durrett  Collection,  etc.  It  affords  a  rich  source  for 
the  student  of  the  George  Rogers  Clark  Campaign,  besides  presenting 
a  well  written  history  of  the  Conquest  of  the  Northwest. 

12.  "  George  Rogers  Clark's  Conquest  of  the  Northwest."  By  Consul 
Wil-shire  Butterfield.  Published  under  the  Auspices  of  The  Ohio 
State  Archaeological  and  Historical  Society,  Columbus,  Ohio.  Press 
of  F.  J.  Heer,  1904. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTORY       575 

IV.    IMlSCELLANEOUS. 

1.  "A  Letter  to  a  Friend  in  Virginia."  By  George  Nicholas.  Octavo, 
42  pages.     John  Bradford,  Lexington,  1798.     Durrctt  Collection. 

2.  "The  Report  of  the  Select  Committee  to  Whom  Was  Referred  the 
Information  Communicated  to  the  House  of  Representatives  Con- 
cerning Benjamin  Sebastian."  Octavo,  27  pages.  J.  M.  Street,  Frank- 
fort, Kentucky,  1806. 

3.  "Antiquities  of  Kentucky."  By  Reverend  John  P.  Cami)lx:ll.  Chil- 
licothe,  1815. 

4.  "Voyage  au  Kentoukey,  etc."  By  Pierre  S.  Mardchal.  Octavo, 
244  pages.     M.  Salier,  Paris,  182 1. 

5.  "A  Tour  in  Ohio  and  Kentucky."     By  F.  Cuming.     Pittsburg,  1823. 

6.  "Report  on  the  Conduct  of  the  Judges  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  and 
Response  of  Judges."     By  John  Rowan.     Frankfort,  1824. 

7.  "Trial  of  Isaac  B.  Desha  for  the  Murder  of  Francis  Baker."  Lex- 
ington, 1825. 

8.  "The  Virginia  and  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798  and  1799."  By 
Jonathan  Elliott.     Washington,  1832. 

9.  "Sketches  of  Western  Adventure."  By  John  A.  McClung.  Con- 
taining an  Account  of  the  Most  Interesting  Incidents  Connected  with 
the  Settlement  of  the  West  from  1755  to  1794.  Octavo,  360  pages. 
Maysville,  Kentucky,  L.  Collins,  1832. 

Another  edition  was  printed  at  Dayton,  Ohio,  by  L.  F.  Clafiin  & 
Company  in  1854.    Octavo,  315  pages. 

Still  another  edition  was  printed  at  Covington,  Kentucky,  by  Rich- 
ard H.  Collins  &  Company,  in  1872.  Octavo,  398  pages.  It  con- 
tains about  64  new  pages  entitled,  "Additional  Sketches  of  Western 
Adventure." 

10.  A  series  of  historical  articles  in  the  "Western  Messenger,"  Louisville, 
1835.    By  Mann  Butler. 

11.  "Sketches  of  History,  Life,  and  Manners  in  the  West."  By  James 
Hall,  Philadelphia,  1835. 

A  record  of  a  visit  to  the  western  country  made  in  the  year  1829. 

12.  "An  Appeal — from  the  Misrepresentations  of  James  Hall,  Respect- 
ing the  History  of  Kentucky  and  the  West."  By  Mann  Butler.  To 
which  is  annexed:  a  chronology  of  the  principal  events,  as  far  as  they 
could  be  then  ascertained,  in  the  history  of  the  western  countr}'-  of  the 
United  States,  from  the  earliest  Spanish  and  French  explorations  to 
1806.     32  pages.     Printed  by  Albert  G.  Hodges,  Frankfort,  1837. 

In  the  same  volume  is  bound  Mann  Butler's  "The  Valley  of  the 
Ohio,  Its  Conquest  and  Settlement  by  Americans." 


576        KENTUCKY  IN  THE  NATION'S  HISTORY 

13.  "An  Excursion  to  the  Mammoth  Cave  and  the  Barrens  of  Kentucky, 
with  Some  Notices  of  the  Early  Settlement  of  the  State."  By  Rev- 
erend R.  Davidson.  i2mo.,  148  pages.  Lexington,  Kentucky,  A.  T. 
Skillman  &  Son,  1840. 

14.  "The  Kentucky  State  Register,  for  the  Year  1847."  Containing 
the  names  and  residences  of  all  the  Judges  and  Clerks  of  Courts, 
Commonw^ealth  Attorneys,  Justices  of  the  Peace,  Sheriffs,  Coroners, 
Notaries  Public,  Commissioners  of  Tax,  Attorneys  at  haw,  Physicians 
and  Principal  Merchants;  also  a  National  Register  and  a  great  va- 
riety of  general  information.  Edited  by  Taliaferro  P.  Shaffner. 
236  pages.     Published  by  Morton  &  Griswold,  Louisville,  1847. 

15.  "A  New  Kentucky  State  Register,"  accurately  compiled  for  the 
year  1852.  Edited  by  Thomas  B.  Monroe,  Jr.  Published  by  Hull 
&  Brothers.     Louisville,  1852. 

16.  "Annals  of  the  West."    By  James  Albach,  Pittsburg,  1857. 

17.  "The  History  of  Freemasonry  in  Kentucky."  By  Robert  Morris. 
Octavo,  591  pages.     Louisville,  1859. 

18.  "A  Report  of  the  History  and  Mode  of  Management  of  the  Ken- 
tucky Penitentiary."  By  WiUiam  C.  Sneed,  M.D.  Octavo,  614  pages. 
John  B.  Major,  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  i860. 

19.  "The  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798  and  1799."  By  Reuben  T. 
Durrett.  Printed  in  the  "Southern  Bivouac,"  March,  April,  and  May, 
1886. 

An  exceedingly  able  discussion  of  the  origin  and  authorship  of  those 
famous  resolutions.  Fac-simile  of  the  original  text  of  the  Resolutions 
of  1798,  and  also  of  JefTerson's  letter  to  J.  Cabell  Breckinridge,  avow- 
ing their  authorship. 

20.  "The  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798."  An  historical  study.  By 
Ethelbert  Dudley  Warfield.  Octavo,  203  pages.  G.  P.  Putnam's 
Sons,  New  York,  1887. 

A  very  able  critical  study  of  the  origin  and  history  of  the  Resolu- 
tions. 

21.  "The  Constitutional  Aspect  of  Kentucky's  Struggle  for  Autonomy: 
1 784-1 792."  By  Ethelbert  Dudley  Warfield.  American  Historical 
Association  papers,  IV,  pp.  349-365,  New  York,  1890. 

22.  "History  and  Text  of  the  Three  Constitutions  of  Kentucky."  By 
Bennett  H.  Young.  Large  octavo,  129  pages.  Louisville  "Courier- 
Journal"  Job  Printing  Company,  1890. 

23.  "The  Spanish  Conspiracy.  A  review  of  Early  Spanish  Movements 
in  the  South  and  West."  By  Thomas  Marshall  Green.  Octavo,  406 
pages.    Cincinnati,  Robert  Clarke  &  Company,  1891. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  KENTUCKY  HISTOR\'       577 

This  volume  is  in  the  nature  of  a  reply  to  "The  Political  Beginnings 
of  Kentucky,"  by  John  Mason  Brown. 

24.  "Early  Banking  in  Kentucky."  An  address  delivered  before  the 
Kentucky  Bankers  Association  in  October,  1892.  By  R.  T.  Durrett. 
Printed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Association  for  1892,  35-45  j)ages. 
John  P.  Morton  &  Company,  Louisville,  1892. 

25.  "History  of  the  Bank  of  Kentucky."  By  General  Basil  W.  Duke. 
Octavo,  140  pages.     John  P.  Morton  &  Company,  Louisville,  1895. 

26.  "The  Anglo-Saxons  of  the  Kentucky  Mountains."  By  Ellen 
Churchill  Semple.  From  the  "Geographical  Journal"  for  June,  1901. 
36  pages.     Printed  by  William  Clowes  &  Sons,  London. 

27.  "Boone's  Wilderness  Road."  By  Archer  Butler  Hulbert.  Historic 
Highways  of  America  Series,  VI,  207  pages,  The  Arthur  H.  Clark 
Company,  Cleveland,  Ohio,  1903. 

28.  "The  Mountain  People  of  Kentucky.  An  account  of  present  con- 
ditions with  the  attitude  of  the  people  toward  improvement."  By 
William  H.  Haney.  196  pages.  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  Roessler  Brothers, 
printers  and  publishers,  1906. 

29.  "The  Union  Cause  in  Kentucky."  By  Captain  Thomas  Speed. 
G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York  and  London,  1907. 

An  interesting  discussion  of  Kentucky's  position  with  reference  to 
fundamental  questions  raised  by  the  Civil  War. 

The  volume  contains  a  "Foreword"  by  Mr.  Justice  Harlan,  of  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court. 


Kentucky — 37 


INDEX 


Abbott,  Governor  of  Vincennes,      90 
Abolition  before  1829,  409 

Abolitionist,  first,  in  Kentucky,       410 
Abolitionists  and  Fugitive  Slave 

Law,  475 

Adair,  General  John,       304,  305,  307 
borrows   city   arms   of   New 

Orleans,  359 

correspondence    with    Jack- 
son, 372 
second  in  command  of  Ken- 
tucky troops  at  New  Or- 
leans, 357 
Adams,  John,                    214,  263,  264 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  373 
candidate  for  president,  389 
elected  by  Clay,  392 
Florida  treaty,  413 
views  on  navigation  of  Mis- 
sissippi, in  negotiations  of 
Ghent,                             374,  375 
Address     of     Second     Assembly 

(text),  122-125 

Third  Assembly  (text),   126-128 
asking   admission   for    Ken- 
tucky, 146 
Agreement,    Buckner-McCIellan, 
concerning  Kentucky  neu- 
trality,                             530-534 
"Alabama  letters,"  Clay's,  419 
Alien  law,                                    217,  218 
Allen,  Colonel  of  Kentucky  volun- 
teers (1812),                    337>338 
death,  34° 
praised  by  Harrison,  355 
Amendment,   Dixon's,   to  Doug- 
las' Nebraska  bill  49° 


Amendment,      Douglas     adojits 

Dixon's,  493 

Ames,  Fisher,  194 

Amherstburg,  Fort,  336 

Anderson,  Major  Robert, 

assumes   command    at  Fort 

Moultrie,  504 

transfers    garrison    to  Fort 

Sumter,  505 

to  Floyd.  505 

declines    to    evacuate  Fort 

Sumter,  516 

Anti-Relief  party,  387 

supports  Clay  in  1824  391 

Arnaud,  Major,  367,  368 

Articles     of     Capitulation,  Vin- 
cennes (text),  95 

Asseml)Iy,  Kentucky, 

First  (dehberative),  118 

Second,  119,    121 

Third,  125 

Fourth,  130,  131 

Fifth,  136 

Sixth  (constitutional),  137 

Seventh,  139 

Eighth,  143 

Ninth,  144 

Tenth  (constitutional),  I45 

Assembly,  Virginia, 

receives  petition  asking  sepa- 
ration, 128 

Atchison,  David  R.,  485,  4^7 

Bank, 

Kentucky    Insurance    Com- 
pany as,  379 
of  Kentucky,  chartered,  380 


579 


58o 


INDEX 


Bank,  of  Kentucky, 

loans  funds  to  State,  519 

suspends,  May  4,  1820,        384 
Forty   Independent    ("Forty 

Thieves"),  chartered,       382 
failed,  383,  397 

of    Commonwealth,    char- 
tered, 385 
National,  bill  for  recharter,      400 
vetoed,                                      401 
branches     established      in 

Kentucky,  383 

controls  Kentucky  finances,  397 

Barrett,  George,  533 

Batts,  Captain  Thomas,  3 

Bayard,  James  A.,  373,  375 

Beatty,  Major  Erkuries,  147 

Beauregard,  General,  515 

demands  surrender  of  Fort 

Sumter  516 

Bell    and    Douglas    consolidated 

parties,  resolutions  of,  508 

Bell,  John,  498 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  485 

Bigger,  Judge,  533 

Birney,  James  G.,  417,  422 

Blair,  Judge, 

opinion  concerning  replevin 
law,  387 

Blennerhassett,  Herman, 

correspondence  and   confer- 
ences   with    Aaron    Burr, 

289-292 

provides  boats  for  Burr  292 

and  Jefferson's  agent,  308 

Blue  Licks,  battle  of,  109-111 

Boiling  Spring,  40,  41 

Boone,  Daniel,       19,  22,  23,  24,  25, 

26,  33,  36,  37 
sketch     of    early     life    and 

characteristics,  13-16 

first  glimpse  of  Kentucky,  18 

captured  by  Indians,  20 

winters  in  Kentucky,  21 


Boone,  Daniel,   unsuccessful  at- 
tempt to  settle  Kentucky, 

27,  28 
warns  settlers  to  retire  to  Vir- 
ginia, 29 
builds  Wilderness  Road,  35 
to  Henderson,  38,  39 
carries  Dunmore's  warning,  41 
as  committeeman,  47 
captured  at  Blue  Licks,  77,  78 
captivity  of,  79 
defends    conduct    at    Blue 

Licks,  81 

at  battle  of  Blue  Licks,     109,  no 
to  Governor  Harrison,  in 

Boone,  Squire,  21,  22,  24,  25 

Boonesborough,       35,  36,  39,  45,  49, 
80,  81,  85,  86 
Hamilton  plans  capture  of,      67 
attacked,  69 

siege  of,  82-84 

Border  Slave  States  Convention,     529 
Borland,  Major,  432,  433 

Bowman,    Joseph,  93,   96 

relieves  Logan's  Fort,  71 

captures  Cahokia,  89 

Boyd,  Linn,  499 

Breckinridge,  John,  227,  228 

presents     Kentucky     resolu- 
tions of  1798,  244 
defends     Kentucky     resolu- 
tions of  1798,                 245-247 
to  Jefferson,                      255,   256 
presents     Kentucky    resolu- 
tions of  1799,                  256—261 
Breckinridge,     John    C,     candi- 
date for  president,                  498 
defends  States  rights  before 
Kentucky  Legislature 
(1861),                                      514 
one  of  "Six  Arbiters,"               524 
Brown,  John,         133,  138,  140,  279, 
280,  307 
leader  of  Court  party,              135 


INDEX 


581 


Brown,  John,  first  Congressional 

delegate  of  Kentucky,  136 

to  McDowell,  137 

Seventh  Assembly,  i7,q 

conference   with    Knox   and 
Washington,  156 

Brown,  Samuel,  334 

Bryant's  Station,  siege  of,        107-109 
Buchanan,  James,  428,  445,  497 

president,  497 

message  of  Dec.  3,  i860,  500 

truce  with  southern  leaders,     506 
Buckner,    General    Simon    Boli- 
var, 520 
conference    with    McClellan 

at  Cincinnati,  530 

report  to  Magoffin,  531,  532 

conference    with    McClellan 

at  Cairo,  533 

conference  with  Lincoln,  535 

Buena  Vista,  battle  of,  438-443 

Kentucky  troops  in,  439-443 

Bullock,  Colonel, 

Cairo  interview,  533,  534 

Bull  Run,  battle  of,  537 

Burr,  Aaron,  296,  297 

vice-president,  264 

visits  Kentucky,  277 

duel  with  Hamilton,  277 

last  appearance  in  Senate,        278 
preliminary  intrigues  of,  279 

meets  Wilkinson  at  Pitts- 
burg, 280 
at  Fort  Massac,  281 
rumors  concerning,  282,  283 
persona!  appearance,  284-286 
at  St.  Louis,  287 
and  Eaton,  288,  289 
and  Blennerhassett,  289-292 
"  Western    World  "    charges 

against,  293-295 

trial  in  Kentucky,  299-307 

declaration     of     innocence, 

302,  303 


Burr,  Aaron,  Daveiss  indictment 

of  (text),  306,  307 

acquittal,  308 

Wilkinson's  betrayal  of,  309 

cipher    letter    to   Wilkinson 

(text),  309-3" 

trial  at  Richmond,  312,  313 

Butler,  Wm.  O.,  429,  432 

Byrd,  Colonel,  103 

Cahokia, 

Bowman's  capture  of,  89 

Cairo,  McClellan-Buckner  inter- 
view at,  533 
Bullock's   account   of   inter- 
view at,  534 
Caldwell,  Captain  Wm.,  106 
Calhoun,  John  C, 

compromise  of  1833,  403 

compromise  of  1850,  466 

California,  gold  discovered  in,        455 
growth  of  population,  457 

Wilmot  Proviso,  458 

Taylor  urges  admission  of,     461 
Clay's  speech  on  admission,    464 
Cameron,  Simon,  517 

Carolina,  South,  nullification,  401 

Kentucky  legislature  con- 
demns, 404 
Carondelet,  200,  201,  202,  204 
propositions  of,  204-206 
Cass,  Lewis,  45^ 
Cerro  Gordo,  443 
Chase,  Salmon  P.,  496 
Chesapeake,  affair  of,  315,  316 
Chillicothe,  Clark  captures,  104 
Cincinnati,   Buckner-McClellan 

conference  at,  530 

Clark  county  resolutions  220-222 

Clark,  George  Rogers,   56,  57,  58,  59, 

60,  62,  63,  64,  66,  67,  72,  86, 

87,    So,    89,    90,    91,    103,     III, 

112,  134,  171,  172,  196 
visits  Patrick  Henry,  73 


5B2 


INDEX 


Clark,  George  Rogers, 

marching  orders  (1778),  74 

his  powers  of  enlistment  for 

northwestern  campaign,  76 

starts  march  against   north- 
western posts,  85 
to  Governor  Patrick  Henry 

(text),  91-93 

reaches  Vincennes,  93 

proclamation    at    Vincennes 

(text),  94 

colonel,  96 

captures  Chillicothe,  104 

major-general    in   armies   of 
France,  170 

Clark,  Judge  James,  opinion  con- 
cerning replevin  law,  387 
Clay,  Cassias  M.,     417,  418,  432,  433 
at  Yale,  409 
first     abolitionist     in     Ken- 
tucky, 410 
begins  crusade    against   sla- 
very,                                         411 
to  Henry  Clay,                            420 
"True  American,"            425-427 
Clay,  General  Green,      344,  345,  409 
Clay,  Henry,         324,  330,  331,  376, 
405-  417.  418,  422,   423,   424, 
447>   451.  452,   458,   460,   463, 
464,  471,  477 
early  life,                            223,  224 
speech  against  alien  law,  224,  225 
counsel  for  Burr,                        300 
receives  Burr's  statement  of 

innocence,  302 

resolutions    concerning    em- 
bargo, 318 
duel   with   Humphrey   Mar- 
shall                                319-322 
early  national  career,                 325 
at  Ghent,                            373,  374 
first    nomination    for    presi- 
dent,                                        389 
quarrel  with  Jackson                390 


Clay,  Henry,  elects  John  Quincy 

Adams,  392 

secretary  of  state,  392 

United        States         senator 

(1831),  399 

nomination    for    president 

(1831),  400 

defeat  of  1832,  401 

compromise  of  1833,  403 

protest  against  surrender  of 

Texas,  412 

to     John     J.     Crittenden, 

Dec.  1843,  414 

in  campaign  of  1844,  415 

"Raleigh  letter,"  415 

nominated       for      president 

(1844),  416 

"x'Mabama  letters,"  418,  419 
to  Cassius  M.  Clay,  420,  421 
Lexington  speech  on  Mexi- 
can war,  445,  446 
resolutions  concerning  Mexi- 
can war,  446 
elected     to     United     States 

senate  (1849),  459 

plan  of  compromise  (1850),  462 
report     for     committee     of 

thirteen,  469 

defends  new  Fugitive  Slave 

Law,  476 

last    conversation    in     Ken- 
tucky, 478 
religious  views,  480 
resigns   from   United   States 

senate,  481 

medal  presented  to,  481 

Cohos    (Cahokia),  88 

Columbus,    confederate   invasion 

of,  540 

Committee  of  thirteen;  Clay's  re- 
port for,  469 
report  of,  embodies  doctrine 
of  non-intervention,     484,  485 
Compromise  of  1833,              403,  404 


INDEX 


S^ 


Compromise  of  1850,  Clay's  plan 

of,  462,  463 

Clay's  speech  on,  463-465 

Calhoun's  speech  on,  466 

Webster's  speech  on,  467 

Seward's  speech  on,  468 

passed,  472,  474 

Douglas'    interpretation 

of,  488,  489 

Confederate    troops    ordered    to 

leave  Kentucky,  542 

Confederation  of  Indians  against 

Kentucky,  105,   106 

move  against   Bryant's  sta- 
tion, 107 
Corn  Island,                                 86,  87 
Cornstalk,                        29,  3c,  31,  32 
Cornvvrallis,  surrender  of,  106 
Country  party,                  136,  138,  139 
Court  of  Appeals,  attempts  to  re- 
move judges  of,                      393 
old  and  new,                     393,  394 
Court  of  Inquiry,                               371 
Cowan,  Captain  John,                      147 
Crawford,  Wm.  H.,                           389 
Crittenden,  John  J.,      414,  417,  449, 

Soo>  5o3>   S04,  512,   514,   535 
proposed  compromise  meas- 
ures of,  501,  502 
advocates     mediating     neu- 
trality,                            521,  522 
one  of  "Six  Arbiters,"  524 
president    of    Border    Slave 
State  Convention,  530 

Danville,    military    conference 

at  (1784),  117 

Dartmouth  college  case,  386 

Daveiss,  Joseph  Hamilton,     296,  297 
afl&davit     concerning     Burr 

(text),  298,  299 

and  Burr  trial  at  Frankfort, 

301-307 

Davie,  Wm.,  264 


I'AOK 

Davis,  Garret,  522 

Davis,  Jefferson,  4(^3 

at  Buena  Vista,        436,  440,  441 

provisional  president  of  con- 
federacy, 5 1 4 

president,  540 

Dayton,  Wm.  L.,  497 

Defiance,  Fort,                         337,  345 

Delpeau,  169 

Democratic  clubs,  168 

resolutions  of,                    197,  igS 
Desha,  Major-General,   Joseph, 

351.  355 

Detroit  surrendered,  ^^^ 

Dinwiddie,  Robert,  8 

Dixon,  Archibald,  473 

announces     amendment     to 

Douglas'  Nebraska  bill,  490 
interview  with  Douglas,  491,  492 
to  H.  S.  Foote,  492 

one  of  "Six  Arbiters,"  524 

Dodge  Nebraska  bill,  486 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  473 

and  Dodge  Nebraska  bill,  486 
reports  Nebraska  bill,  488,  489 
interviews  Dixon,  491,  492 

adopts  Dixon's  amendment,  493 
substitute  bill,  493 

defends     Kansas-Nebraska 

bill,  494 

candidate   for   president,    in 
i860,  498 

Dunmore,  Lord,  29,  30,  32,  42 


Ellicott,  Andrew, 

208,  209 

Embargo,  Jefferson's, 

318 

lifted. 

323 

Enabling  Acts, 

First, 

129 

Second, 

131 

Third, 

141 

Fourth, 

143 

Erskine's  treaty, 

323 

repudiated. 

324 

584 


INDEX 


PAGE 

Erving,  Geo.  W.,  4i3 

Eustis,  Wm.,  secretary  of  war,  336 

Everett,  Edward,  49^ 

Ewing,  George  W.,  S^^ 

Fallen  Timbers,  battle  of,  179,  180 
Federal  troops,  Kentucky  re- 
fuses to  expel,  543 
Fillmore,  Millard,  president,  472,  497 
Filson,  John,  n 
Fincastle  County  divided,  60 
Floyd,  David,  312 
Floyd,  Davis,  301,  303 
Floyd,  Captain  John,  44 
"Forlorn  Hope,"  353 
Fort, 

Defiance,  i?^ 

Maiden,  336,  348 

Stanwix,  29 

Sumter,  51 5.  5^6 

"Forty  Niners,"  455>  456,  457 

Fremont,  John  C,  497 

French  agents  sent  by  Genet  to 

Kentucky,  169 
Frenchtown,    captured    by  Ken- 
tucky volunteers,  338 
massacre,  342 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  of  1793,  465 
nullified,  4^5 
and  abolitionists,  475 
of  1850,  475 
Clay  defends,  47 6 

Gaines,  John  P.,  432,  433 

Gallatin,  Albert,  373.  375 

Gardoqui,  and  John  Jay,  132,  140 
Garrard,  Governor  James,       241-243, 

265 
Garrison,  Wm.  Lloyd,  409 

Gayoso,  Colonel,  201,  202,  204,  209 
Genet,  Edmund  Charles,  169,  172,  175 
Ghent,  treaty  of, 

American  commission,  373 


Ghent,  question  of  navigation  of 

Mississippi  River,  374,  375 

Gibault,  Father,  9° 

Gignoux,  169 

Gill,  Samuel,  53° 

Girty,  Simon,  106 

Gist,  Christopher,  6,  7,  8,  9 

Greenville,  Fort,  treaty  of,  184 

Guadaloupe      Hidalgo,  treaty 

of,  452 

Hamilton,  Alexander, 

duel  with  Burr,  277 

Hamilton,  Colonel  Henry,       66,  67, 

71,  78,  82,  91 

surrenders  Vincennes,  94 

Hancock,  Stephen,  80-86 

Hardin,  Colonel  John,  153.   ^54 

courts-martial,  i55 

Scott  expedition,  157,    165 

Harlan,  James,  45 ^ 

Harmar,  General  J.,        152,  iS3.  ^54 

court-martial  of,  i55 

character  of,  156 

Harrison,  William  Henry, 

at  Tippecanoe,  329 

and  committee  of  Kentuck- 

ians,  334 

accepts     commission     from 

Kentucky,  335 

reaches  rapids  of  Maumee,     343 
at  Fort  Meigs,  345.  346 

at  Fort  Maiden,  348 

on  Thames,  35°.  35i 

report  of  battle  of  Thames, 

354,  355 
Harrod,  Captain  James,  40,  41,  43,  44 
Harrodsburg,  40,   41,  43.  57,  58, 

67,68 

Hawes,  Richard,  one  of  "Six  Ar- 
biters," 524 
Henderson,    Colonel    Richard,        34, 
35.  36,  37.  38.  39.  41,  42, 
44,  45.  48,  51.  54 


INDEX 


;85 


Henry,    Major-General  William, 

at  battle  of  Thames,  351 

Henry,  Patrick,  54,  58,  73,  91 

to     George     Rogers     Clark 

(text),  74-76, 

plans  fort  at  mouth  of  Ohio,     loi 
Herrod,  Andrew  Jackson,  440 

Hickman,    confederate    invasion 

of,  540 

Hill,  Isaac,  398 

Hogg,  James,  51,  52,  54 

Houston,  Sam,  413 

Hull,    General   William,    surren- 
ders Detroit,  S33,  334 

Innes,  James,  198,  199 

Innis,    Harry,         128,    1;^;^,    135, 

204,    206,   207 

Insurance  company,  Kentucky, 
first  banking  concern  in 
Kentucky,  379 

Irwin  (Geo.  W.  Erving),  412 

Jackson,  Andrew, 

his     censure     of     Kentucky 

troops  at  New  Orleans,         356 
letter  telling  of  poor  arms  of 

Kentuckians,  358 

official    report    of    battle    of 

New  Orleans  issued,  370 

approves   verdict  in  favor  of 

Kentucky  troops,  372 

candidate      for      president 

(1824),  389 

hatred  of  Henry  Clay,  390 

satirized,  393 

carries  Kentucky  (1828),  396 

president,  397 

adopts     Kentucky     relief 

idea,  397 

and  Kendall,  Hill  and  Blair,    398 
vetoes  Maysville  Turnpike 

bill,  399 

vetoes  National  Bank  bill,      401 


Jackson,   Andrew, 

signs  tariff  of  1832,  401 

message  of  Dec.  1832,  402 

removal  of  deposits,        404,  405 
appoints  successor,  406 

idea     concerning     claim     to 
Texas,  412 

Jacob,  R.  T.,  resolutions  propos- 
ing mediating  neutrality 
for  Kentucky,  513 

Jay,  John, 

his  25-year  plan,  132,  1^^ 

envoy  to  England,  187 

his  treaty  ratified,  191 

Kentucky  outcry  against,         193 
his  treaty  signed  by  Wash- 
ington, 194 
Jefferson  County,  126 
Jefferson,  Fort,  on  Ohio  River,       102 
Jefferson,    Thomas,           52,   73,    228, 
275,  296,  297 
to     George     Rogers     Clark 

(text),  76,  77 

to  J.  C.  Breckinridge  (fac- 
simile), 230 
resolutions  of  (text),  231-241 
to  Madison,  253,  254 
to  W.  C.  Nicholas,  254,  255 
president,  264,  270 
to  Governor  Garrard,  271 
his  proclamation  concerning 

Burr  issued,  311 

embargo  policy,  318 

end  of  term,  322 

Johnson,     James,    at    battle    of 

Thames,  351,  352 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,     346,  348,  349 

at  Battle  of  Thames,  352 

and  death  of  Tecumseh,  353 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  13,  29 

Jones,  Gabriel  John,      58,  60,  62,  64 

Kansas-Nfbp.aska  bill,   474,  495-  49^ 
Kaskaskia,  87,  88,  89,  90 


586 


INDEX 


PAGE 

Kaskasky  (Kaskaskia),  74 

Kendall,  Amos,  39^ 

Kenton,  Simon,  63,  64,  89,  90 

Kentucky, 

petitions  Virginia  for  protec- 
tion, 55 
resolutions     of     1798     (fac- 
simile),                                    244 
resolutions    of    1799    (text), 

258-261. 
Knox,   Colonel   James,  26,   27 

La  Angostura,  435 

La  Chaise,  169 

Lafont,  Jean  B.,  90 

Lambert,    General,   at  New   Or- 
leans, 362 
Land  Companies, 

Loyal  company,  4.    12 

Ohio  company,  4,  6,  8,  12 

Lane,  Joseph,  49^ 

La  Salle,  2 

Latour,  Major,  365 

Laussat,     Governor,     transfers 

Louisiana  to  America,      275,276 
Leclerc,  266 

Letcher,  R.  P.,  404 

Lewis,  Andrew,  30,  31 

Lewis,  Charles,  31 

Lewis,   John,  337,  338,  339,  340 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  498,  514,  515 

proclamation    calling    for 

troops  (1861),  516 

and  neutrality,  522,  523,  535 

statement  of,  given  to  Buck- 

ner,  536 

Logan,  Benjamin,       70,  71,  104,  116, 

117.    134 

Logan's  Fort,  41,  67,  69,  71 

"Long  Hunters,"  26,  27 

Louisiana  purchase,         274,  275,  276 

Lyon,  Matthew,  280 


McAi'EE,  Robert, 
McAfee,  Robert  B., 


43 
395 


PAGE 

McAfee,  Samuel,  43 

McBride,  James,  11 

McClellan,  General  George  B., 

Cincinnati    conference    with 
Buckner,  530 

Cairo  conference  with  Buck- 
ner, 533 

to  Magofifin  (text),  532,  533 

McClelland's  Fort,  63,  64 

McDowell,  Samuel,  137 

McGary,  Major,  no,  m 

McKee,  Colonel  Wm.  R.,       430,  434 
Madison,  James,       229,  331,  332,  335 

takes  the  oath,  322 

against  embargo,  323 

and   Virginia    resolutions   of 
1798,  252 

message  of  June  i,  1812,         330 

Magoffin,  Governor  Beriah,  499, 

520,  543 

message   of    Jan.    17,    1861, 

509.  510 
to  Secretary  Cameron,  517,  518 
appeal  to  banks,  519 

one  of  "Six  Arbiters,"  524 

proclamation    of    mediating 

neutrality,  526 

to  Geo.  B.  McClellan,  533 

and  Lincoln,  538,  539 

vetoes   resolutions  abandon- 
ing neutrality,  545 
Maiden,  Fort,                                      340 
Marshall,  Humphrey,     318,  319,  329 
duel  with  Henry  Clay,     319,  322 
at  Buena  Vista,      434,  436,  437, 
439,  442 
Marshall,  James  M.,  144 
Marshall,  John,  Kentucky  agent 

in  Virginia,  131,  213 

presided    at    Burr's   trial    at 

Richmond,  309 

Marshall,  Thos.  F.,  427,  429,  432 

Martin,  John,  70 

Mason,  George,  73 


INDEX 


587 


337. 
344, 


1850 


Matthews,  George, 

Mathurin, 

Maumee,  Rapids  of, 

Meigs,  Fort, 

Michaux, 

Minon,  General, 

Missouri  compromise, 

and     compromise    of 

compared, 
Atchison's  views  on, 
declared  superseded, 

Montgomery,  Captain  Joseph, 

Morales'     proclamation     closing 
Mississippi  River,         267, 

Morehead,  Chas.  S.,  to  Critten- 
den, J.  J., 

Morgan,   General,   in  battle  of 
New  Orleans,      365,  367, 

Mounds  in  Kentucky, 

Murray,  William,  speech  against 
resolutions  of  1798, 

Murray,  William  Vans,  263, 

Muter,   Judge  George,  125, 

^33, 


31 
169 

343 
345 
169 

433 


473 
485 

493 
86 

26S 

468 

369 

0 

245 
264 
128, 
137 


Napoleon,  266,  326,  327 

Naturalization  law,  216,  217 

Navigation  of  Mississippi  River, 

Wilkinson's  essay  on, 

in  negotiations  of  Ghent, 
Nebraska, 

Dodge  bill, 

Douglas  bill, 
Nelson,  General  William, 
Neutrality  of  Kentucky,  519,  520,  521 

Jacob's  resolutions  concern- 
ing, 

resolutions  proposing, 

house  declares  for, 

senate  declares  for, 

governor  declares  for, 

McClellan-Buckner    Cincin- 
nati interview  concerning, 

53«^532 


139 
141 

374 
485 


438 


513 

525 
525 
526 
526 


Neutrality  of  Kentucky,  Buckncr- 
Lincoln  interview  conccrn- 

'"g'  S3S 

Lincoln's  statement  conccrn- 

'ig.  536 

Jefferson  Davis'  views,  540 

General  Lconidas  Polk  con- 
cerning, 54a 
resolutions  abandoning,    544,  545 
New  Court  party,                      394,  395 
merged  into  Democratic,  ^96 
New  Orleans,  Kentucky  troops ^at, 
poor  arms  of,                              358 
Adair  secures  arms  for,            359 
on  east  bank,                             361 
a  letter  concerning  (text),  362-365 
on  west  bank,                     367,  368 
controversy  over,                       371 
Jackson's  censure  of,                37 1 
Jackson- Adair  controversy 
over,                                        372 
Nicholas,  Colonel  George,     202,  204, 
206,  207,  225,  227 
Nicholas,  S.  S.,  one  of  "Six  Ar- 
biters,"                                   524 
Nicholas,  W.  C,                               228 
Northwestern    posts   evacuated,     195 


Onio  route  to  Kentucky, 

148 

Old  Court  party,             393, 

394, 

395 

merged    into    National 

Re- 

publican  party, 

396 

Oldham,  Colonel, 

159 

"Omnibus  bill," 

469, 

470 

Ordinance    of    Secession,    South 

Carolina, 

504 

Oregon  organized. 

455 

Ormsby,  Colonel, 

430 

Owsley,  Governor  Wm., 

430 

Pakenham,  Lord  Edward,   357,  362 
Patterson,    Commodore,    censure 
of    Kentucky     troops     for 
conduct  at  New  Orleans,    356 


588 


INDEX 


PAGE 

Peace  conference,  512 

Peace  of  Paris,  1 13 

Peace  of  1783,  effect  of  Clark's 

conquest  on,  96 

Penniman,  Benj.  F.,  reminis- 
cences of  Henry  Clay 
(text),  478-480 

Perry's  victory,  347,  349 

Pinckney,  Chas.  C,  212,  213 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  198-200 

Polk,  President  James  K.,     416,  417, 

430.   445 
Polk,  General  Leonidas,  542 

Popular  sovereignty  in  compro- 
mise of  1850,  473 
Powell,  Lazarus  W.,  503 
Power,  Thomas,       201,  204,  206,  207 
Proclamation  closing  Mississippi 

River,  267,  268 

Proctor,  Colonel,  341,  342,  345, 

348,  350 

Proprietors  of  Transylvania,      47,  51 

Raisin  River,  massacre,       342,  343 
"Raleigh  letter,"  Clay's,  415 

Ray,  James,  escape  of,  68 

Relief  party,  Kentucky,  387 

elections  of  1820,  384 

elections  of  1824,  388 

turns  against  Clay,  392 

Jackson  adopts  ideas  of,         397 
Replevin  law,  12  months,  384 

two  years,  385 

Judge    Clark's    and    Judge 
Blair's   opinions   concern- 
ing. 387 
Repeal  of  Missouri  compromise, 

Atchison's  views  on,  485 

Republican  party,  origin  of,    496,  498 
Resolutions,  Kentucky,  of  1798: 

(facsimile  of  text),  244 

Wm.  Murray's  speech  against,  245 
John  Breckinridge  defends, 

245>  247 


Resolutions,  Kentucky,  of  1798: 

adopted,  247 

compared    with    Jefferson 

draft,  248-250 

response  of  co-States,       250,  251 
Kentucky,  of  1799: 
(text  of),  258-261 

Regarding  closing  of  Missis- 
sippi River  268-270 
Virginia,  of  1798,             252,  253 
Robinson,    Camp    Dick,    estab- 
lished, 538 
Magoffm-Lincoin          corre- 
spondence concerning,  538,  539 
Rowan,  John,                          301,  302 
Ruddle's  Station,  103 
Russell,  Jonathan,                   373,  375 

St.  Asaph's  Station,  40,  41 

St.  Clair,  General  Arthur,     150,  152, 
157,    160,    161 
St.  Vincents  (Vincennes),  88 

San  Ildefonso,  treaty  of,  266 

San  Jacinto,  413 

San  Lorenzo  el  Real,  treaty  of,  202,203 
Santa  Anna,  433,  435,  436,  437,  438 
Scott,  Governor  Charles,       157,  177, 

333,  334,  335 
Scott,  Winfield,  432,  433,  444,  445 

Sebastian,  Judge  Benjamin,    133,  141, 
201,  202,  203,  206,  292 
leader  of  Court  party,  135 

Sedition  Act,  218,  219 

Seminole  War,  390 

"Seventh     of    March     Speech," 

Webster's,  467 

Seward,  Wm.  H.,  468 

Shelby,  Isaac,     31,  173,  174,  194,  195, 

344,   346,   347,   348,   349,   355 

at  battle  of  Thames,        351,  354 

"Six  Arbiters,"  523,  524,  525 

Slavery,  in  Kentucky,  408 

question  raised  by  treaty  of 

Guadaloupe,  454 


INDEX 


589 


Slavery,  prohibited  in  California,    457 
Henry  Clay's  views  concern- 
ing, 458 
and    compromise    of     1850, 

462,  463 
Sovereignty  Convention  pro- 
posed for  Kentucky,  510 
Specie  Circular,  Jackson's,  406 
Speed,  James,  to  Governor  Gar- 
rard, 268 
Spencer,     Ambrose,     to     Henry 

Clay,  422 

Stewart,   John,  16,  19,  21,  22 

Stuart,  John,  13,  31 

Surplus,  distribution  of  National,  406 

Talleyrand,  213,  263,  266 

Taney,  Roger  B.,  404 

Taylor,  Zachary,     418,  429,  432, 

433.   434,   435,   437,   438, 

440,  441,  442,  443,  449 
to  Henr}^  Clay  (text),  443,  444 
nominated  for  president,  450 
elected,  452 

first  message,  461 

death  of,  47  2 

Tecumseh,      344,  348,  350,  352,  353 
Texas,  question  in  campaign  of 

1844,  411 

our  claim  to,  abandoned,         412 

and  Houston,  413 

admitted  to  Union,  427 

Thames  River,  349,  350 

battle  of,  351-355 

Thomas,  General  John,  357 

Thornton,  Colonel,  368,  369 

Todd,  John,  63,  97 

Trabue,  Daniel,  82-84 

Transylvania  Company,       34,  40,  41 

42,  44,  50,  52,  54,  56,  57,  60 

Treaty 

of  Camp  Charlotte,  32 

Fort  Greenville,  184 

French,  of  1799,  264 


Treaty 

of  San  Ildefonso,  266 
Wilkinson's  private  Spanish,    135 

of  1846,  428 

of  Wataga,  48 

Trimble,  Lieutenant  David,  345 

Triumvirate,  Clay,  Webster  and 

Calhoun,  460 

Trotter,  Colonel,  153 

"True  American,"  425-427 

Truman,  Major,  165 

Turnpike,  Maysville,  bill,  398 

Tyler,  President  John,  427 

Union  Sentiment  in  Kentucky  in 

1861,  529,  534,  535,  537 

Van  Bukjen,  President  Martin,  406 

agreement  with  Henry  Clay,  415 

"Globe  letter,"  416 

Vera  Cruz,  444 

Verplanck  bill,  404 

Vincennes,  87,  89,  90,  93,  95 

articles  of  capitulation  (text),  95 

Virginia, 

resolutions  of  1798,          252,  253 

Walker,  L.  P.,  to  Magoffin,  517 

Walker,  Dr.  Thomas,  4,  8,  9 

Wallace,  Caleb,  227 

Washington,  Fort,  153,  154 

Washington,   George,  8,  145 

Wataga,  treaty  of,  48 

Wayne,  Anthony,     166,  173,  177, 

178,  181,  182 

Wayne,  Fort,  335 

Webster,  Daniel,  460,  465 

"Seventh  of  March  Speech,"  467 

"  Western    World,"    accusations 

of,  against  Burr,  293-295 

Wilderness  Road,  35,  148 

Wilkinson,  James,    115,  116,  121,  125, 

130,   131,   132,   134,   139,   161, 

166,  196,  207,  208,  280,298,307 


590 


INDEX 


Wilkinson,  James, 

his  Spanish  trading  treaty,  135 
his  essay  on   Navigation  of 

Mississippi  River,  140,  141 

in  Scott  expedition,  158,  159 

at  battle  of  Fallen  Timbers,  181 
head  of  United  States  army,  279 
confers  with  Burr,  281,  287 

betrays  Burr,  309-311,  312 

Williams,  Colonel  John,  50 

Williams,  John  S.,  430 


PAGE 

Wilmot  Proviso,  460,  464 

Winchester,  General,  commander 

of  Western  army,  335 

reaches  Fort  Defiance,  337 

at  Frenchtown,  339 

River  Raisin,  341 

Wood,  General  Abraham,  3 

Wright,  J.  C.,  to  Henry  Clay,  419,  420 

Wythe,  George,  52,  73 


X.  Y.  Z.  dispatches, 


213,  214 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

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